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This was the first time that the enemies of Somaliland had carried out such a criminal act, the minister added.

The body of Martin will be flown to Switzerland on 1 January in the company of two of his children...

Reports from Sool Region region disputed between Puntland and Somaliland say Somaliland forces have camped near Laas Caanood, the HQ of Sool Region. The reason why the forces are camped near the disputed town is not yet known. Reports say this is due to reports received by Somaliland officials that Puntland forces are gaining ground in the region day by day and that the internal affairs minister of Puntland is planning to start collecting taxes in some parts of the region.

AWDAL REGION : Awdal region of north west Somalia which shares a border with Ethiopia is already showing signs of being indirectly affected by reports of increasing food insecurity in Ethiopia. A higher than normal number of herders, many from Shinile, (an Ethiopian area close to Somalia's border) are reported to have crossed over into the coastal areas of Awdal increasing pressure on Awdal's rangeland resources. The Awdal economy is also struggling with the effects of the Ethiopian government's attempt to curb illegal cross border trade. This has been reflected in an increase in both livestock and milk prices in Awdal's major town - Borama. The increase in the price of milk is expected to be even greater in Hargeisa as much of the milk consumed in this town comes from Jijiga (An Ethiopian region bordering Somalia) and the border area. The situation in Awdal has been made worse by delayed Hais/Deyr rains. The FSAU nutrition surveillance team is currently undertaking an assessment in the area with representatives from the FSAU technical team and UNICEF also participating. For further information on North West and Awdal.

** FSAU is providing Household Economy Analysis (HEA) training in Hargeisa, Somaliland \emdash aimed to enhance partner's use of vulnerability analysis for programme implementation. It is also hoped that the training will increase the use and application of FSAU information by working alongside FSAU partners based in the field. Training begins on December 14 and continues through to January 11 2003 when the final analysis and report writing will be undertaken. FSAU regrets that no more candidates can be taken for the training as the course was over subscribed, however, another course will be arranged later on in 2003. Over 50 participants from UN, local government, local and international NGOs are participating in the theory, and more than 30 of these will continue through into the field work and final analysis stages.

The training is being generously supported by many of these international organisations who are participating, including CARE, WFP, EU, DRC, USAID, IRC, SADO, ARDA, ICRC.

FOOD AID DISTRIBUTION

1 : Livestock Exports November 2002, Berbera

Camel	3,589	921	1,251	3,627
Cattle	2,092	1,843	4,503	5,519
Shoats	35,233	30,089	42,261	62,549
Total 40,194	32,023	48,015	71,695

Source ** : Berbera Port Authority
SANAG AND TOGDHEER

In the Sool plateau seasonal problems are commonly compounded by high water costs. Poor Deyr rains have resulted in many herders moving out to surrounding areas. Despite the recognised high dependence on key boreholes they continue to fall into disrepair. There appears to be a high expectation for outside interventions to solve this problem. However, without increased community responsibility/ participation for their upkeep and evidence of community management, an expanding livestock and human population will only increase pressures on the rangeland environment beyond its carrying capacity. If this remains un-addressed it is expected that we shall see this problem recurring in the forthcoming Jilaal season. The Haud of Togdheer pastoralists are experiencing a normal season apart from dry pockets in Tunyo and Aroori plains. Herd condition is reported to be good and migrations back and forth into Region V of Ethiopia are unrestricted although recently imposed regulations are affecting trade and have resulted in less employment opportunities and petty trade. Agro-pastoralists are reported to have had a poor crop and so switched to more fodder sales. During Ramadam, urban groups and IDPs were affected by less employment. In Burao, and elsewhere, this was compensated for by increased access to gifts and remittances. Both camel and milk prices increased due to low supply.
SOOL REGION

Deyr rainfall was mixed. In Sool plateau and lower Nugal valley (Taleh/Hudon) rainfall was patchy and insufficient. Despite the fact that berkads were replenished on the plateau, the rainfall didn't regenerate enough pasture for the season. This triggered extensive out migration of camel herds and 20-30% of the core households from rainfall deficit areas to upper Nugal Valley and Hawd plateau where the deyr rains were reported as good. Poor pastoralists on Sool plateau need to be monitored during the coming Jilaal months. In contrast the food security conditions of pastoral FEG's living in Hawd plateau and upper Nugal are reported as normal this month. Livestock prices remain high due to increased demand.
NORTH WEST AND AWDAL

Conditions are deteriorating with delayed Hais/ Deyr rains and normal problems with boreholes. The arrival of herders from Shinile district in Ethiopia will increase the pressure on rangeland resources. Zeila and Borama districts are reported to be in a critical condition with pastoralist purchasing power being weakened by declining terms of trade (mainly for labour/grain and effecting the poor more than others). In Lughaya and Bulhar tensions between pastoralists and settlers are mounting as livestock are moved to the highlands. Cross border trade has been adversely affected by the increasing Ethiopian government controls. The prices of sorghum, maize and wheat (partly because of increased demand during Ramadam) at the border have increased by between 5-20% compared to October and November this year. The availability of some local production helped ease these increases. Livestock movements and trade have not been effected but have increased. Increased construction employment (roads and building) and charcoal production have been expanded to cover increased expenditure and lost income. Where households have split with livestock movements out of the area, the elderly and children remaining are reported to be increasingly vulnerable according to observations from Sallahlay and coastal belt communities.

The Ministry of the Interior confirmed that several people had been arrested in connection with an attempt to loot a UN vehicle in Hargeisa last month with resultant injury to the driver. Investigations into the incident are still continuing. In another development, the police commissioner and his deputy were replaced.

This month, Ethiopia closed its border with 'Somaliland', severely affecting Somali businessmen who used to trade between the Arabian Gulf and Ethiopia via 'Somaliland'. There is no traffic of goods from either side except khat. There has been no official comment from either government.

Abdillahi Askar is the new representative of the 'Somaliland' office in Germany, while Omer Haji Mohamoud, has taken over the Addis Ababa office. Askar and Mohamoud were respectively previously in the Addis-Ababa and Djibouti offices. During the review period, the 'Somaliland' government and Danish Oil Company (Seminal Copenhagen Group) entered into an oil drilling agreement.
PROGRAMME ACTIVITY

HEALTH

Expanded Programme of Immunization (EPI) : A two-day review meeting on the third round of EPI was held in Hargeisa. It was attended by 40 participants of the agencies involved in the exercise. Topics reviewed included, social mobilisation, tally books and recording procedures, staff performance, supervisory roles and community understanding of the importance and the benefits of vaccines.

A five-day EPI acceleration campaign was carried out in Berbera town. It was the first round to be held in Berbera, as its hot weather previously prevented the campaign being held. An estimated 3,000 children aged below five years were vaccinated.

UNICEF, in collaboration with the Ministry of Health, conducted a seven-day training in Hargeisa on how to conduct an EPI-coverage survey. Sixteen interviewers and six supervisors were trained. An actual EPI coverage survey was then conducted in Hargeisa and Borama towns. The data is currently being analysed.
NUTRITION

In collaboration with the Ministry of Health and Labour, UNICEF conducted a five-day training on maternal and child nutrition for 23 community health workers (CHW) from the villages of Galbeed. During the training, the community health workers covered topics such as importance of good nutrition for child development, breastfeeding, complementary feeding, growth and development, feeding the sick child, nutritional requirements for pregnant/lactating mothers and adolescent girls, as well as basic communication skills. The purpose of the training was to upgrade the knowledge and skills of CHWs in maternal and child nutrition. After the training the CHWs will carry out nutrition promotion activities in their respective villages. Also the CHWs will be able to identify and take action to correct the major nutritional problems in their communities.

A five-day breastfeeding counselling training for 20 doctors, nurses and midwives from the health facilities in Hargeisa, Berbera and Borama was conducted in Hargeisa. The purpose of the training was to provide basic breastfeeding counselling techniques and skills to the front line staff working in the Mother and Child Health centres and the paedriatric and maternity wards of the regional hospitals. After the training the participants will be able to provide appropriate counselling on optimal breastfeeding for infants. Currently, many mothers do not practice exclusive breastfeeding due to lack of appropriate advice and counselling from the health staff.

The second round of Sanaag region malnutrition interventions was started. Four health centre-based mobile teams were established to cover thirty villages in Badhan, Erigavo, Dhahar and Eil Afwein districts. As with the first round, the teams were providing immunization services, nutritional screening, distribution of supplementary food, mobile clinics and distribution of micro-nutrient supplementation such as vitamin A and iron/folic acid. Some 3,000 children living in the drought affected Sool Plateau benefited from this activity.
WATER AND ENVIRONMENTAL SANITATION

Construction work has started on three wells in Odweine, two wells in Hamarta village of Awdal Region, as well as the rehabilitation of a rural well in Dararweyne village of Sanaag Region. UNICEF conducted a water management training in Burao and Hargeisa for water managers and engineoperators of rural and urban water systems of all regions in the zone. A workshop on privatisation and management of the Borama water supply was held in Borama.
EDUCATION

In collaboration with local authorities, UNICF selected 30 schools, 10 playgrounds and five resource centres for rehabilitation in 2003. Assessment missions have already been undertaken in these centres ahead of the rehabilitation.

EMERGENCY

Following a severe storm, which hit Lowyacado town and nearby areas last month, UNICEF responded to an appeal from the government for emergency relief assistance to the people of the area. Two hundred family relief kits were provided to the poorest and most affected families in Lowyacado, and nomads in the surrounding areas.

Julia Spry-Leverton, Communication Officer, UNICEF Somalia TEL: 254-623958/623950/623862/623959/350410 FAX: 254-2-520640/623965

LNA: President, your country has to face two major problems, the absence of recognition and the economy hampered by the ban on cattle exports enforced by your traditional buyers like Saudi Arabia... ellipsis as published

Kahin: The recognition, I think, we have received it in 1960. Unluckily we have joined with our brothers in the south. But that unification has failed after 10 years. And it was not signed. There was an agreement to be signed between Somaliland and Somalia in 1960 and to be ratified by the two parliaments. It was called the Act of Union. That Act of Union was never signed for that 30 years. So our union was a mainly illegal marriage, I can say. Now we are rebuilding our nation and we have regained our recognition of 1960. We have built our country without any help from the international community. We have made government, stability and peace. And full administration of the government. The ban of Saudi Arabia : it is not the first time that they make a ban. It is about the fourth time. Every time they say that there are some diseases among our animals. But there is no disease. We eat meat every day. We would have died if there would be any disease among our cattle. But now they have written in their newspapers that they are ready to lift the ban. We have contacts with an international company, SGS, based in Switzerland and we are preparing to get international certification with the help of this company. I hope we shall overcome in the next future the ban imposed by Saudi Arabia.

LNA: Would you say that this ban was not only based on a health problem but that there was an hidden agenda?

Kahin: I don't know, maybe, maybe. I don't know. But they say there is a Rift Valley Fever. RVF happened between Yemen and Saudi Arabia. It did not happen here. But they decided a ban on all the Horn of Africa, completely. Not only on Somaliland. Even the OIE (1) in Paris has made tests on our animals and it was certified that there is no disease. But we need an international certification accepted by the Saudis. So the company SGS will fill the gap I think.

LNA: About the refusal to recognize officially your country, the reason often given that borders in Africa should remained untouched for ever sounds like a pretext. Thus, in your opinion, what is the real reason that head of states who have seen what you have achieved, are so shy and do not accept that Somaliland exists and has the right to be recognized?

Kahin: I don't know. Three important countries know that Somaliland was a country that has obtained independence. These are France, Italy and the United Kingdom. We have been granted our independence from the UK. France was in Djibouti and French know that we have taken our independence. Italy was administrating the other part of Somalia. Italians know that we had a government. And we have international boundaries that we inherited from the colonial powers. We have an Anglo-Italian treaty fixing our boundary between us and Somalia, an Anglo-Ethiopian treaty, an Anglo-French agreement. All these treaties have demarcated the boundaries of Somaliland. So our case is a solid one.

LNA: Your case is similar to the one of Eritrea...

Kahin: No, no, we have even a better case. Eritrea did not take its independence in 1960, but we did.

LNA: Do you think that the countries you have quoted and some others are waiting because they don't want to be the first to recognize your country? They just wait that somebody else will take the step.

Kahin: That is what they say every time but it is a lame excuse, I think. I have told some Europeans who visited me : why are you so shy?

LNA: Then, the only solution for you is it just to wait that they become more aware that this situation cannot last?

Kahin: Yes. But as for every nation, the determination lies in the will of the people. And this people of Somaliland has proved by referendum, 97 per cent of it, that Somaliland wants to be alone and not be united anymore with Somalia. So nobody can change our will. And we shall be standing for ever to get our recognition.

LNA: I understand that. We just have talked about some European countries but what about your African brothers. Are some of them more sympathetic to you?

Kahin: We can mention Ethiopia, South Africa and some others. One day they will recognize us.

LNA: What is the state of your relations with your neighbour countries?

Kahin: Our neighbours are Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia with whom we have united once. Now we have good relations with Ethiopia and Djibouti?

LNA: Good relations?

Kahin: Yes.

LNA: You have no problem of trade?

Kahin: We trade, we make business.

LNA: Ethiopia has taken steps recently along the border to prevent some goods coming from Somaliland to enter. Is that true?

Kahin: Yes, Ethiopian authorities have taken some customs arrangements. I think that we will overcome this problem. I have sent our Minister of Commerce to Ethiopia and I hope it will be settled. It is temporary. A lot of goods have never gone through Ethiopian customs and they want to adjust this problem.

LNA: So this new step of the Ethiopian authorities should not affect too much your trade?

Kahin: It has an effect. But the problem will be settled. Our Minister has been in Ethiopia and our partners promised that they would solve the question.

LNA: Do you receive bilateral help from any country of the world?

Kahin: No, nothing from any country.

LNA: Do you then receive assistance from international organizations?

Kahin: Some of them, like NGOs are present. For instance, they take part in the maintenance of schools or in other minor projects. What they do is better than nothing. And they deal it to local NGOs mainly.

LNA: Does the European Union give a better share to you than to south Somalia?

Kahin: I don't think. They have rebuilt our bridges that were destroyed. That is the best help that we have received from any country. It came from the EU.

LNA: About the situation in the Horn of Africa. You are in peace. But it may happen that external tensions spill over to your country. Do you have the means to defend yourself since your budget is very modest?

Kahin: We shall try our best up to the maximum to defend our security although we do not have a big capacity.

LNA: You have an armed force?

Kahin: Yes, we have an army, police and military.

LNA: Is your country hit by the drought as it is happening in some other parts of the Horn?

Kahin: Yes, we have a lot of drought in the coastal areas. Cattle are dying and the people are starving. And still we did not have any help from the international community. Even from the World Food Program. We have asked the WFP to make a survey in the coastal areas where the drought is lasting for the last three years. Many times we had drought in our country and we did not receive any help from the international community.

LNA: Will you stand for the next presidential election?

Kahin: Yes I will stand.

LNA: Your Constitution being implemented, do you think the newly elected President of Somaliland, yourself or an other candidate, should take an initiative sending an envoy to all African countries to say : look what has happened. How can you refuse to recognize us?

Kahin: Even now, we have communications with many African countries. But we shall have an aggressive policy after the election to gain our recognition from different countries.

LNA: Before being recognized, Yasser Arafat had a representative in the United Nations. Do you have such a kind of representative?

Kahin: Yasser Arafat had "de facto" recognition. We do not even have "de facto" recognition. So we cannot go to the UN.

LNA: But when you have a delegation, like you have in Ethiopia or in some other countries, it is a "de facto" recognition. Is not it?

Kahin: Yes, some countries like Ethiopia have accepted a delegation and we have representatives in some places in Europe. Even in France we have an orary Consul. It is a Frenchman.

LNA: Thank you, President.

She added that ships loaded with food aid arrived on 29 November. EU had arranged 250 trucks for the inland transportation of the food aid from the port to the stores found in eastern part of the country.

From this shipment, 20,000 tonnes would go to DPPC's Disaster prevention and Preparedness Commission stock, since EU had borrowed from DPPC to distribute for the drought victims as part of the pledge it made.

According to sources, the use of Berbera port in Somalia for delivery into eastern and south-eastern Ethiopia is a viable option.

It was also the European Union which first used Berbera port in March 1999 for the shipment of 15,000 tonnes of wheat food aid to Ethiopia.

Using Berbera port involves a 250 km road link to the Ethiopia border at Togowuchale, followed by a 64 km section to Jijiga eastern Ethiopia .

With regular maintenance of the road, up to 30,000 tonnes of food aid per month can be routed through this corridor targeted for distribution within the Somali region of Ethiopia.

The port of Berbera has the capacity of handling an average unloading rate of more than 1,000 tonnes a day.

Another voter in Hargeysa, Amina Haji Hirsi, said she was unhappy because women's participation in Somaliland affairs is low. "It's only more men coming to power as local leaders, but it was a peaceful election and I like that," she said. According to the electoral commission only three political parties are allowed in Somaliland but six parties took part in the local polls. Radio Hargeysa meanwhile described the election as a sign of Somaliland's "political maturity." The rest of Somalia did not recognise the election.

Approximately about 1400 p.m. noon as published as the president and his entourage were resting in their guest houses, an army of terrorists sent by the warlord presiding over the neighbouring Puntland of Somalia, Col Abdullahi Yusuf, attacked the president and his delegation in their guest houses. The militia that attacked the Somaliland president and his delegation were met with fierce resistance from the local police and military stations. The alleged reason for these unprovoked attacks on Somaliland cities and Somaliland president was warlord Abdullahi Yusuf's absurd claim that Sool is part of his Puntland administration when, in fact, Sool is one of the six regions of Somaliland, historically and legally. The Somaliland Forum, which is an independent-international organization that represents the Somaliland diaspora, condemns and deplores these terrorist attacks on Somaliland by Abdullahi Yusuf's administration in the strongest possible terms...

This is not the first time he has played with fire; however, this time he has gone one step further and decided to provoke Somaliland into a war, which will further destabilize the war-stricken Horn of Africa and the entire African continent as a whole.

We would like to inform the international community that of Somaliland is a peace-loving country, which will strive for peaceful ends to any disputes and/or conflicts. Moreover, of Somaliland, as demonstrated by the achievements in the past 11 years, is a democratic country which is preparing for its first-ever local and national elections since it reclaimed its independence from Somalia in 1991. Hence, the last thing it wants or wishes for is a war. Nevertheless, we affirm that as an independent sovereign country with a clearly demarcated borders and, a democratically elected government, we will not and cannot tolerate any acts of external aggression that may undermine Somaliland's territorial integrity. Therefore, of Somaliland will do and take any action necessary to preserve its territorial integrity, including military ones...

At this present moment while his officials are waging war, destabilizing the region and causing mayhem, Abdullahi Yusuf's officials are taking part in the Somali reconciliation conference in Eldoret, Kenya, receiving VIP treatment from regional leaders. We urge the international community, IGAD Inter-Governmental Authority on Development and the African Union leaders to hold this warlord personally responsible for these terrorist attacks. We request from these bodies to send a loud and clear message to the warlords gathered in Eldoret and inform them in the strongest possible terms that Somaliland's territorial integrity must be respected and, that all destabilizing and provocative acts shall cease immediately. Such a message, alone, from these regional and world leaders to Col Abdullahi Yusuf, is the only hope of averting a war in an already war-famine stricken part of the world.

"The people of Somaliland must be ready to defend their nation," Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin said as thousands of people held demonstrations in major towns to condemn what they said was an invasion from Puntland.

Somaliland leaders said the attack was a renewed attempt to frustrate its bid for independence and block forthcoming local government elections. "The local government elections will be held as scheduled," the president said.

Before the attack the Somaliland president had travelled to the town of Las Anod to visit local leaders, marking the first official visit by a Somaliland President to the town since the region declared its independence in 1991.Leaders of Puntland said they were opposed to Kahin's presence on what they consider their territory. Leaders from Puntland, as well as other factions and a shaky transitional government based in the Somali capital Mogadishu, are holding peace talks in Kenya aimed at ending a decade of anarchy in the country.

The president this morning addressed a rally at Ceerigaabo grounds which was attended by scholars, religious leaders, elders, youths and the general public. The president thanked the people of Ceerigaabo for the warm welcome accorded to him. He discussed local and international issues related to Somaliland and measures taken by his government since he assumed office. Kahin commented about the forthcoming general elections and said the elections would bring recognition and benefits if it is conducted peacefully.

He urged the people to maintain peace and to elect leaders of their choice. The president who was commenting about the incident he faced in Laas Caanood together with his entourage, said a national decision will made on the matter and drastic measures will be taken by Somaliland regarding its borders with Somalia. Commenting on the Ceerigaabo-Burco road which has brought problems to motorists, the president said the road will be repaired soon. He said the section close to Ceerigaabo will be the first to be repaired because it is in a worse condition...

The mayor said in his speech that the bunch which attacked the guest house in Laas Caanood, where the president and his entourage were staying, were people opposed to the sovereignty of Somaliland and would be dealt with accordingly. The leader of Kulmiye party, Ahmad Muhammad Silanyo, who addressed the demonstrators at the square, said the people of Somaliland irrespective of their political parties will take part in the demonstrations. He said the attack on the president in Laas Caanood was aimed at disrupting the elections and creating discord. He said the attackers had failed to achieve that.

Silanyo hailed Somaliland forces which decimated the attackers within one hour... A similar demonstration was also held today in Berbera. A similar demonstration was held yesterday in Burco against the naked aggression by the Puntland regional administration. The demonstrators were addressed by officials and scholars from the regions.

The Somaliland president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, had travelled to the town of Las Anod to visit local leaders, marking the first official visit by a Somaliland President to the town since Somaliland declared its independence in 1991.

Leaders of Puntland, which borders Somaliland in the north of Somalia, said they were opposed to Kahin's presence on what they consider their territory. "We could not have fulfilled our operation if it did not have the support of our people," said the deputy interior minister of Puntland, Ahmed Aden, who was among the leaders of the attack. "We are fighting for the unity of Somalia," he told Reuters by telepe.

The identity of the casualties was unclear, although witnesses said one was a former governor of the town. Dahir and his entourage fled during the fighting, witnesses said.

Leaders from Puntland, as well as other factions and a shaky transitional government based in the Somali capital Mogadishu, are holding peace talks in Kenya aimed at ending a decade of anarchy in the country.

The United States fears the lack of strong central authority in Somalia, a lawless Horn of Africa state in the grip of rival warlords, could provide an ideal haven for militants.

Washington has set up sea patrols along with Britain, France and other countries to search for members of Osama bin Laden's al Qaeda network who they fear might try to flee there.

According to reports reaching us from radio calls in Laas Caanood area, gun shots were being heard outside the town. There is no accurate information about the number of casualties, but heavy damage on the town has been reported. Forces from both sides are said to be still confronting each other in the town.

Other reports say more clashes also broke out last night at Buuhoodle where forces of President Dahir Riyale Kahin of Somaliland clashed with Puntland militias loyal to Col Abdullahi Yusuf Puntland president , after ambushing President Dahir Riyale Kahin.

At least 17 people are believed to have been killed in the clashes between the two rival groups and over 30 others wounded. The clashes were provoked by the visit of the Somaliland president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, who visited Laas Caanood town as part of Somaliland presidential campaign trail. Laas Caanood is one of the voting stations for Somaliland presidential elections. The two sides have been disputing over the control of the locality.

Somaliland officials warned that the fighting would spread into Puntland, while Puntland leaders threatened to attack Somaliland, unless President Dahir Riyale Kahin calls off his visit to the region...

Reporter: The vice-president of Puntland regional state, Muhammad Abdi Hashi, stressed that they have today foiled a plan bent on dividing Somalia into two countries. Speaking to me in Eldoret venue of Somali peace talks, Muhammad Abdi Hashi said the fighting that took place in Laas Caanood town claimed by both Somaliland and Puntland was headed by the Somaliland president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, and blamed him for all the problems which occurred there.

The Puntland vice-president confirmed that, on their side, they had lost four people in the fighting and seven others wounded. He said they killed 20 people of those who attacked them and wounded 30 others. He said the military confrontations lasted for two hours, adding that Puntland's Darawish special forces were now in control of whole Sool Region. However, there is no independent confirmation to the report. Hashi said Riyale Kahin has crossed over to the Ethiopian side, through Du'mo village, as he had no other venue to escape, because he said our forces besieged him from all sides...

The first shooting started at about 10:00 am local time (0700 GMT) in Las Anod district, 120 km northwest of Garoweh town, the capital of Puntland when the delegation of President Riyaleh came under fire as his convoy of trucks consisting of 30 vehicles has reached the town.

At least four people were wounded including one of the bodyguards of President Riyaleh as the bodyguards themselves have returned fire. The fighting seemed to have subsided for a while and relative calmness returned, but at about 14:00 hours local time (1100 GMT), serious fighting has resumed between the forces of the two regional governments of Somaliland and Puntland as forces loyal to Colonel Abdullahi Yussuf Ahmed, the president of Puntland have attacked where the delegation of his opponent, Riyaleh, has been received. According to eyewitnesses, the two sides have exchanged heavy gunfire right in the middle of the town where at least four people were killed and more than a dozen others were wounded from both sides.

Among the dead is Robleh Abdullahi Sanweyne, the governor of Sol region for Puntland.

In the middle of the fighting at about 15:00 hours local time ( 1200 GMT), President Riyaleh and his delegation have fled Las Anod town, but the exchange of the gunfire continued between the two sides until late in the afternoon.

The latest reports from the town indicate that the town is now calm as the sun set, but very tense with some of the warring militias of Puntland and Somaliland in some places firing some sporadic gunfire. According to eyewitnesses in the town, the shelling from the two sides has destroyed several buildings. As a result, dozens of families have started fleeing the town. Among the seriously damaged buildings are the administration buildings, but the building where the delegation of Riyaleh briefly stayed remains intact.

The reason for the fighting is not clearly stated, however it is known that the breakaway republic of Somaliland is later this month going out for the presidential and the parliamentary elections.

The region of Sol mainly inhabited by the Dhulbahanteh clan of Darod tribe is disputed as each of the Puntland and Somaliland claim its ownership and Somaliland was trying to win some support for their coming elections, but Puntland has always warned Somalia and to keep away from their region of Sol.

President of Puntland, Colonel Abdullahi Yussuf Ahmed, whose headquarters, Garoweh town, is only 120 km away has never visited the Las Anod town in fear of violence between the two sides and now the sudden visit of Riyaleh, the president of Somaliland, is seen as a provocative step deliberately carried out by Somaliland.

Interior minister of Puntland Ahmed Abdi Habsadeh said their administration did not send any of their troops to the town, but those in the town supporting Puntland have reacted to what he called the "blain trespassing" made by the administration of Somaliland.

Riyaleh and his delegation are reported to be in Aynabah village, about 120 km north of Las Anod town, but it is not known what measures Somaliland would be taking next as the visit of their president has provoked violence in the town.

Somaliland and Puntland have been having strained relation especially when the regions of Sol and Sanag come into question as each side claims their ownership. Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the president of Puntland, is now in the port town of Bossaso in Puntland after he took a break from the ongoing peace talks for the Somalis in neighboring Kenya, where he was settling down local dispute within his administration.

There is virtually no visible, armed security presence. Supported by an unusually talented and active diaspora, the capital of Hargeisa is experiencing a modest economic boom in spite of a continuing Saudi ban on Somaliland livestock exports, which traditionally account for most of its foreign exchange income. As recently as 1996, the atmosphere in Hargeisa was tense, and the city still reflected the extensive bombing by Said Barre's airforce and shelling by his artillery. Today, nearly all of the damaged and destroyed buildings have been repaired or replaced. Hargeisa's population has grown from less than 10,000 in 1991 to more than a half million. Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991, and most Somalilanders are now preoccupied with the question of international recognition. To date, no country has recognized of Somaliland. The UN and African Union have instead given Somalia's seat to the Transitional National Government (TNG) based in North Mogadishu. The TNG claims to represent Somaliland but has no influence there. It is not surprising that Somaliland seeks international recognition, as this would open many foreign assistance possibilities that are now largely closed. In the meantime, there are other steps Somaliland could take that would enhance its chances for recognition. This analysis looks at the background to Somaliland's declaration of independence, notes the obstacles to recognition, and discusses the current situation in Somaliland based on a recent visit there.

Somaliland Independence and then Merger

Known as British Somaliland until it achieved independence on June 26, 1960, the new government of Somaliland, after five days of independence, agreed to join with former Italian Somalia. The two territories united on July 1, 1960, to form the Somali Republic. The idea of unity had been discussed during the year leading up to independence on the basis that Somalis are the same people, speak the same language and have a common religion. Often called northwest Somalia after unification, Somaliland's merger with Somalia was not easy, and problems developed almost immediately. There was a national referendum in June 1961 to approve a provisional constitution for the Somali Republic in the absence of an act of union. The leading political party in the northwest, the Somali National League, boycotted the referendum. Of the 100,000 votes cast in the northwest, about 60 percent opposed the constitution. An attempted military coup occurred in Somaliland late in 1961. Although it failed, one of its goals was to secede from the Somali Republic and establish an independent government. Northwest Somalia subsequently worked out a modus vivendi with Mogadishu. An Ishaq clan member from Somaliland, Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, even became prime minister of the Somali Republic in 1967. He did not last long in the position. In 1969, a bodyguard assassinated the president of the Somali Republic, and several days later a group of army officers seized power and installed Major General Mohammed Siad Barre in his stead. The new military government arrested Egal, who remained in jail until 1982 except for a six-month period in 1975 when he was assigned as Ambassador to India. Barre's rule rekindled discontent in the northwest, and by 1981 Somalilanders formed the Somali National Movement (SNM), which had the goal of toppling the Barre government. By 1988 an all-out civil war developed and northwest Somalia experienced considerable devastation at the hands of government-sponsored forces. The brutal repression resulted in more than 20,000 killed and left a deep bitterness among Somalilanders. The war ended in January 1991 with the fall of the Barre government.

Somaliland Declares Independence Again

The Central Committee of the SNM assembled in Burao in May 1991 and declared unilaterally that northwest Somalia would henceforth become the independent Republic of Somaliland. The SNM named Abdirahman Ahmed Ali "Tur" as interim president for two years. Near the end of his term, the 150-member Council of Elders began meeting in Borama to determine the political future of Somaliland. They expanded the representation at Borama to some 500 persons representing elders, religious leaders, politicians, retired civil servants, intellectuals, businessmen, and others. They agreed to establish an executive president and a bicameral legislature. These traditional leaders of Somaliland then elected Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, the onetime prime minister of the Somali Republic, as president of Somaliland in 1993. They reelected Egal in 1997. The Conference of Somaliland Communities, formed by various Somaliland leaders, adopted a constitution at Hargeisa in 1997. It was to remain in effect for three years and would come into full force only after a referendum, which finally took place in May 2001.

Somaliland Rejects the Arta Process

Somaliland chose not to participate in the process aimed at unifying Somali factions that was initiated by the government of Djibouti in 2000 in the Djiboutian town of Arta. The conference was organized along clan lines but included a cross-clan delegation of 100 women. A number of key factions and groups were not represented. The government of Somaliland not only refused to participate in the conference, but its Parliament passed a law that prohibited representatives of the government or private citizens to attend, declaring attendance a treasonable offense.

The Arta conference resulted in creation of the Transitional National Government (TNG) that took up residence in North Mogadishu and claimed to represent all of Somalia, including Somaliland. The TNG occupied Somalia's seats at the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, and the Arab League. Somaliland continues to reject both the Arta process and the government it created, arguing that the independence of Somaliland is nonnegotiable. The TNG has so far been unable to establish control outside of North Mogadishu, although it does have loose alliances with several other groups. Only five countries (Djibouti, Eritrea, Sudan, Libya and Egypt) have extended diplomatic recognition to the TNG.

2001 Referendum on Constitution and Independence

Somaliland conducted a referendum on May 31, 2001, which endorsed a new constitution and reaffirmed its status as an independent state. The referendum offers some useful insights on the thinking of Somalilanders on the issue of independence. The Initiative and Referendum Institute, an international non-profit organization based in Washington, D.C., sent a 10-member team to observe the referendum process from May 28 until June 7. Eight of the delegates were from the United States, one from the United Kingdom, and one from Switzerland. The Institute acknowledged that its ability to observe the referendum was imperfect. On the day of the referendum, it was only able to visit 57 of the 600 polling stations in five of Somaliland's six regions. The Institute chose, for security reasons, not to send any observers to Sool Region and had only one observer in Sanaag Region. The Institute concluded, however, that overall the referendum was conducted "openly, fairly, estly, and largely in accordance with internationally recognized election procedures." Irregularities and procedural deviations were de minimus, and occurrences of fraud were insignificant and very rare. The referendum was peaceful and without violence.

Ninety-seven percent of the voters approved the constitution. The Institute believes that the referendum was primarily a vote to show support for independence rather than an endorsement of the numerous provisions of the constitution. It concluded that approximately two-thirds of eligible voters participated. The Institute suggested that some of those who chose not to vote were probably exercising their opposition to the referendum. In Las Anod District of Sool Region, for example, where there was the greatest opposition to the referendum, voter turnout was only 31 percent, well below the national average. The opposition was not unified around one issue. Some opposed Somaliland's independence while others supported independence but were opposed to the administration of President Egal. But even assuming that all eligible voters that did not vote were opposed to the constitution, independence, and/or the Egal administration, 97 percent of two-thirds of the voters still supported the constitution and independence.

Preparing for Elections

Political parties only returned to Somaliland following the passage of enabling legislation in 2000. Late in 2001 Somaliland postponed for one year the previously scheduled 2001 municipal elections and the 2002 presidential and legislative elections to allow more time for preparation. President Egal died of natural causes in May 2002. In accordance with the Somaliland constitution, his vice president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, who was also elected by traditional leaders, succeeded him. President Kahin's mandate ends in February 2003.

Municipal elections are now scheduled for December 15, 2002. National presidential elections must occur by January 23, 2003, unless the House of Elders authorizes an extension. Parliamentary elections are slated for May 2003. These will be the first multiparty elections since 1969 and the first occasion that Somaliland women will be able to vote. Somaliland's political parties and its Electoral Commission are inexperienced, and technical expertise is in short supply. Somaliland's budget for the elections is exceedingly limited, and few outside groups have expressed a willingness to assist due in part to the fact that no government recognizes Somaliland. Not surprisingly, the seven-member Electoral Commission is concerned about organizing a successful result. To its credit, the International Republican Institute has allocated $200,000 in support of political party training workshops and voter education programs. The European Union may provide direct assistance to the Electoral Commission. There is some pressure from Somalilanders to go forward with elections even if they are flawed.

Voter registration is the most urgent and contentious issue facing the Electoral Commission. Some Somalilanders believed voter registration should precede the municipal elections. Others argue that this is impossible in a society with such a high percentage of nomads, and instead contend that registration and voting should take place at the same time. The latest information suggests that Somaliland will try to have a separate voter registration process. Local Somalilanders will screen persons who register to vote in order to verify eligibility. The issue of Somaliland citizenship is not, however, entirely clear. The voter registration system does not ensure that ethnic Somalis from neighboring Somalia, Ethiopia, and Djibouti will not participate in the election.

Somaliland has borrowed an electoral model that uses municipal elections to determine which parties may participate in the national elections. According to the constitution, only the three political organizations that receive the most votes and at least 20 percent of the vote in the municipal elections will be able to register as political parties and participate in the presidential elections. At last count, there were nine largely clan-based political organizations. Somaliland wants to limit the number of parties in order to encourage nationalism rather than clan-based factionalism. There is a concern, however, that the municipal elections will not result in three political organizations meeting the criteria for participating in the national elections. In fact, it is possible that only one organization would qualify. This would pose a real dilemma and damage Somaliland's hopes for international recognition.

A technically well-managed, free, and fair election at both the municipal and national level will strengthen Somaliland's argument for recognition. Most observers will be willing to overlook relatively minor glitches. Seriously flawed elections, on the other hand, will be a setback to Somaliland's efforts to win international recognition.

The Problem of Puntland

An issue that has a direct bearing on Somaliland's ability to attract international recognition is neighboring Puntland's claim to most of Sool and Sanaag Regions, a claim that Somaliland rejects. In 1998, the Harti leaders of northern Somalia and eastern Somaliland declared Puntland an autonomous republic within a federal Somalia. Unlike the leaders in Somaliland, they decided not to opt for independence and oppose the independence of Somaliland. Puntland's boundaries correspond to those areas where the Harti, a subgroup of the larger Darod clan, reside. The Majerteen, a subset of the Harti, predominate in that part of Puntland known as northern Somalia, which borders Somaliland. Two additional Harti subsets, the Warsangeli and the Dulbahante, reside inside that part of Somaliland claimed by Puntland. The Warsangeli predominate in the eastern part of Sanaag Region while the Dulbahante predominate in Sool Region. Two Harti leaders that come from different subgroups-Abdullahi Yusuf and Jama Ali Jama-have been competing for power in Puntland. Abdullahi Yusuf achieved a military victory over Jama Ali Jama earlier this year and established a new regional government. Clan reconciliation has not yet occurred, however, in Puntland.

Sool and Sanaag were part of British Somaliland when it became independent in 1960. Puntland's claim to most of the two regions, based on clan ties, complicates the issue even though there are differences of opinion among the Harti themselves. The fact that voters in Sanaag, and especially Sool, were decidedly less supportive of Somaliland's 2001 referendum on the constitution and independence is explained by this clan situation. It is generally agreed that about half of the residents of Sanaag and a higher proportion in Sool have sympathies with Puntland. Both Puntland and Somaliland authorities are trying to increase their support in the two regions. One country that might be in a position to help resolve differences between Somaliland and Puntland is Ethiopia. It has good relations with Somaliland and Abdullahi Yusuf (but not Jama Ali Jama) in Puntland. In fact, Ethiopia has given military support to Abdullahi Yusuf. Ethiopian Dulbahante live across the border from Sool Region and are part of the same clan structure. So far, Ethiopia has chosen not to help resolve differences between Puntland and Somaliland. A resolution of the dispute with Puntland would enhance Somaliland's case for international recognition.

Somaliland and the Rest of the World

Three countries-Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Saudi Arabia-loom especially large in Somaliland's ability to survive politically and economically. Somalia also plays a critical role in spite of the fact that it does not recognize Somaliland or have a widely accepted government of its own. Egypt and Yemen have traditionally had a special interest in Somaliland. The African Union, Arab League, and United Nations are also important actors if only because they have accepted the credentials of the TNG as the legal representative of the Somali entity. Specialized agencies of the United Nations, the European Union, and to a lesser extent the United States provide important, albeit limited humanitarian and development assistance.

Somaliland's longest border is with Ethiopia, and ethnic Somali nomads on both sides of the border regularly cross it seeking seasonal pasturage. Landlocked Ethiopia has so far made minimal use of Somaliland's port of Berbera, even after ports in Eritrea became off limits. This could well change. In fact, an Ethiopian delegation visited Berbera in September 2002 to discuss with Somaliland the expansion of the port and improvement of roads between Berbera and southeast Ethiopia. For the first time ever, Ethiopian Airlines has established regular service between Addis Ababa and Hargeisa. Ethiopia and Somaliland have also opened liaison offices in their respective capitals. Somaliland sees Ethiopia as an ally in its quest for support and recognition. Although probably sympathetically inclined, Ethiopia is unwilling to be the first to recognize Somaliland. Somalia would immediately attribute nefarious motives to Ethiopian recognition of Somaliland, arguing that it wishes to balkanize Somalia and weaken Somali unity.

Djibouti borders Somaliland to the north. There are important clan ties between Somalilanders and the some 60 percent of the Djiboutian population that is Somali. Relations between Somaliland and Djibouti are correct but not warm. Somaliland resents Djibouti's initiative in helping to create the TNG in Somalia and is not comfortable with the current Djiboutian leadership. Djibouti continues to have a complex set of financial and commercial links with the TNG. Its commitment to the preservation of Somali unity suggests that it wants to prevent the emergence of a viable and independent Somaliland. Even with the current tension in the relationship, there is considerable informal trade between the two countries and, because taxes are lower in Somaliland, many Djiboutians buy goods there. Somaliland officials argue that Djibouti needs Somaliland more than Somaliland needs Djibouti. They also suspect that Djibouti fears competition from the port of Berbera once it is fully rehabilitated. But with so few ships now using the port, there is little incentive to rehabilitate it.

Saudi Arabia poses a huge dilemma for Somaliland. A major financial backer of the TNG and supporter within the Arab League, Saudi Arabia was traditionally the major importer of Somaliland livestock. For the better part of the last five years, Saudi Arabia has banned livestock from Somaliland on the grounds that it might be infected with Rift Valley Fever. Somaliland denies the charges and there does not appear to be any current scientific evidence to support the claim. Recent investigations by the Food and Agricultural Organization and World Health Organization found no evidence of Rift Valley Fever in Somaliland. Several Gulf States that import small quantities of Somaliland livestock have lifted the ban. Some observers suspect that the ban is linked to Saudi business interests involved in the importation of livestock from other countries. In the meantime, the Saudi ban is doing grievous harm to the Somaliland economy. The ban has hit nearly every kind of employment in the country-pastoralists, truck drivers, livestock traders, animal health staff, brokers, port employees and private business people. The impact is especially great in the port of Berbera. The town is not prosperous, and the large international airport, built during the Soviet interlude in Somalia, is effectively shut down. Berbera is lucky to have one or two ships in the harbor on any given day. The problem is aggravated because the government of Somaliland does not have any access to the Saudi royal family and has been unable to make its case directly to the Saudi government. Governments with close ties to Saudi Arabia, including the United States, appear to have little interest in making Somaliland's case.

Yemen, located across the Gulf of Aden from Somaliland, has a long history of links to Somaliland and has served periodically as a refuge for Somalis fleeing unrest. Somaliland was improving relations with Yemen until the Arta process in Djibouti stopped the initiative. Yemen subsequently accepted the Arab League position on the recognition of the TNG in Mogadishu, and relations with Somaliland soured.

Egypt has maintained an interest in the Somali coast dating back several centuries. In more recent years, Egypt has been a supporter of Somali unity and a strong Somali state that can serve as a counterweight to Ethiopia. Eighty-six percent of the water reaching the Aswan Dam in Egypt emanates from Ethiopia. The Nile River is, of course, Egypt's lifeline, and the leadership in Cairo wants to maintain maximum leverage over Ethiopia. A unified Somalia that might one day reassert its claims to Somali-inhabited areas of Ethiopia and that has close links to Egypt would add to this leverage. Consequently, Egypt supports the Arta process, opposes an independent Somaliland, and is one of the five countries to extend recognition to the TNG. An Egyptian envoy visited Hargeisa in October 2002, congratulated Somaliland for the success it has achieved, and then urged it to participate in talks in Kenya on Somali unity with groups from Somalia. The Somaliland president rejected any thought of participating in the Kenyan-sponsored talks and reminded the Egyptian envoy that Egypt was one of the countries that recognized Somaliland's first independence on June 26, 1960.

Somaliland officials have a low opinion of the African Union, which was quick to recognize the TNG and has shown no interest in Somaliland's declaration of independence. One opposition political party leader in Somaliland commented recently that the African Union has been pressing Somaliland to participate in the unity talks in Kenya, while refusing to even send a delegation to Hargeisa. Somaliland's attitude is equally dismissive toward the Arab League, another organization that recognizes the TNG. It welcomes the assistance it receives from specialized agencies of the United Nations such as UNICEF, the World Health Organization and the World Food Program. On the other hand, Somaliland has a bad memory of the UN Mission to Somalia (UNOSOM) in the mid-1990s. UNOSOM spent hundreds of millions of dollars in Somalia to end a famine and engage in nation building, but took virtually no interest in Somaliland. Authorities in Hargeisa are also deeply disappointed that the UN political structure supported the Arta process and that the UN General Assembly voted to allow the TNG to occupy Somalia's seat in the UN.

Bilateral donors have not been very forthcoming in providing assistance to Somaliland. Some probably shy away for fear that provision of assistance connotes diplomatic recognition. The European Union has been the most helpful over the past decade. U.S. development assistance to all of Somalia totals only about $2.5 million annually, although most of that now goes to Somaliland because it is the only safe and stable part of the country. Somaliland would be an excellent choice for increased U.S. development assistance.

Some Matters Needing Attention

It is not surprising that Somaliland faces many obstacles. No country recognizes it, and as a result, foreign assistance is modest. The annual budget of the country is only about $20 million. Somaliland entered its second independence in 1991 with a militia of some 40,000 men that it began to reduce to less than 10,000. An estimated 50 to 70 percent of the Somaliland budget goes to the military, primarily to pay salaries. Some payments go to soldiers who do not exist or are no longer in uniform. Corruption is pervasive, although the amounts involved appear to be modest and its record may well be better than is the case in most developing countries.

Although Somaliland declared HIV an epidemic in 1998, it is not paying sufficient attention to the problem. UNICEF conducted a useful HIV/AIDS behavioral survey in 1999, but there is still no UNAIDS presence in either Somalia or Somaliland. Somaliland's National HIV/AIDS Coordination Body held its first meeting in 2002. The civil war destroyed the health service delivery system, which is only slowly reviving with assistance from international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), agencies of the United Nations, and private clinics. There is a severe shortage of skilled health workers, and except for efforts to raise awareness, little is being done. Testing is almost nonexistent. Blood donors found to be HIV positive are not informed of their status because there is no counseling service. The stigma of HIV/AIDS is huge. Neighboring Djibouti has an adult prevalence rate of at least 12 percent and neighboring Ethiopia a rate of somewhere between 7 and 18 percent, although the rate is lower in the Ogaden, the rural Somali Region that borders Somaliland.

It is generally believed that the prevalence rate in Somaliland is relatively low. The 1999 UNICEF study, drawing on anecdotal information, concluded that the prevalence rate for the general population is about one percent. At the same time, the study noted that young people are sexually very active, and condom use generally is very low. Knowledge about the way that HIV/AIDS is transmitted is also low. UNICEF believed that infection rates were increasing. Those who follow the subject suggest that the prevalence rate today is about four percent. If Somaliland, aided by international organizations, bilateral donors, and NGOs, were to wage a major campaign now against HIV/AIDS, it might actually be possible to prevent the catastrophic situations that confront its neighbors. This is an area where Somaliland should seize the initiative and request international assistance and a UNAIDS presence.

Another serious and growing problem in Somaliland is the habitual use of khat. The green leaves of khat, which are chewed during lengthy sessions, contain cathinone, an active brain stimulant that acts much like amphetamine. Khat ingestion results in decreased appetite, euphoria and hyper alertness. Chronic use of khat often produces sleeplessness, nervousness, impotence, loss of appetite, constipation and nightmares. When you ask Somalilanders what percent of the population regularly used khat at the time of independence in 1960, the responses vary between one and five percent. A Somalilander who recently researched this issue estimated that five percent of women and 75 percent of men now use it on an almost daily basis.

The average daily cost of a khat session is $5, a huge amount for most Somalilanders. It is having a severely negative impact on family life as the men ignore or even abuse their families. Prolonged lack of food, associated with khat use, causes malnutrition and increased susceptibility to infectious diseases such as TB, hepatitis and HIV/AIDS. It impacts significantly economic productivity of the workforce and removes from the economy scarce capital that could be used for productive purposes. There is no organized effort in Somaliland to combat this scourge. Interestingly, a Web site for the Somaliland diaspora, www.somalilandforum.com, recently had a lead item that rails against the use of khat. There are also stirrings in Hargeisa that suggest there is real concern about the use of khat. In late September 2002, President Kahin issued a directive that limits the number of daily khat flights from Kenya and Ethiopia to no more than 50, which is down from about 150. He also ordered that khat no longer be imported by surface across land borders. It remains to be seen if this order can or will be enforced.

Traditionally a pastoral society where camels were the prestigious form of wealth, Somaliland is facing growing urbanization, especially in Hargeisa, and perhaps a new way of life for most of its inhabitants. Although this may be unavoidable, it will certainly be disruptive. Frequent drought and civil war have changed the situation. Somalilanders in rural areas are fencing off traditional pasturage for agricultural crops so that herders find it more difficult to raise their animals. Deforestation is a growing problem as Somalilanders cut down what few trees and shrubs remain in order to make charcoal, the main cooking fuel. It won't take long for Somaliland to be denuded of trees. The combination of these developments raises serious questions about the ability of Somalilanders to continue their pastoral existence, especially as famine now threatens following this year's drought.

A Preoccupation with Recognition

Somalilanders remain almost obsessed with the question of recognition or, more correctly, non-recognition. It is hard to blame them when one considers that the United Nations, Organization of African Unity (now African Union) and Arab League were quick to accept the TNG, which claims to represent Somaliland but controls little more than North Mogadishu. Lack of recognition makes it exceedingly difficult to attract foreign assistance and prohibits membership in such important organizations as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Somaliland officials have mastered all the arguments and precedents for recognition. They cite East Timor, Western Sahara, the breakup of Yugoslavia, etc. Interestingly, they do not mention the case of Eritrea. This may be due to the fact that Eritrea has recognized the TNG. The government published in 2001 a booklet, entitled Somaliland: Demand for International Recognition to make its case.

A senior member of Somaliland's Parliament explained that Somalilanders were never enthusiastic about Greater Somalia or the goal of the original Somali Republic to unify Somalis living in British Somaliland, Italian Somalia, Djibouti, Ethiopia's Ogaden and Haud Reserved Area and Kenya's Northeastern Frontier District. He said this was a concept that had far more resonance to the south. He argued that Somaliland had and still has stronger ties to Somalis living in neighboring Ethiopia and Djibouti than to those in former Italian Somalia. The official insisted that Somaliland's experience with the Siad Barre government convinced Somalilanders that they do not want to join with Somalia. He concluded that Somaliland sees no benefits deriving from union with Somalia and asked rhetorically, "Can you give one reason why it is in the interest of Somaliland to join Somalia?"

The problem Somaliland faces is convincing the rest of the world, and especially the members of the African Union, that its case is special and deserves support. The Organization of African Unity and its successor, the African Union, strongly support the concept of respecting national borders that prevailed at independence. Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union signed on June 12, 2000, in Lome, Togo states that the Union shall function in accordance with the following principle: "respect of borders existing on achievement of independence." But a strict interpretation of this provision actually provides Somaliland with the legal sanction that it seeks. Presumably, the African Union is reluctant to recognize Somaliland for fear that it would increase pressure by other groups in Africa to support changes in borders inherited at independence. The fact that Somaliland does not fit in the same category seems to be of little importance.

The former British Somaliland became independent on June 26, 1960, within the borders that it now claims as an independent state. Thirty-five states recognized Somaliland. U.S. Secretary of State, Christian Herter, sent a congratulatory message, and the United Kingdom signed several bilateral agreements with Somaliland in Hargeisa on June 26, 1960. Five days later Somaliland opted for the sake of Somali unity to join with the former Italian Somalia, which became independent on July 1, 1960, to form the Somali Republic. Technically, therefore, Somaliland complies with Article 4 of the Constitutive Act of the African Union.

It is up to the Assembly of the African Union, however, to consider requests for membership, and it is here that Somaliland has had no success. Somaliland would be well advised to focus its efforts on convincing several key African countries to support it within the African Union. Important countries like South Africa, Algeria and Senegal, if convinced of the merits of Somaliland's case, could make an enormous difference. There is always the option that an independent Somaliland could propose unification at a later date with a Somalia that finally achieves its own peace and unity. At the same time, Somaliland needs to continue to work to improve or solve the problems discussed above, especially the issue of competing claims by Puntland for Sool and Sanaag Regions.

The government of Somaliland needs to take a more assertive position, especially before the African Union and its individual members, on the question of international recognition. Currently, the rest of Somalia remains a failed state. There is no indication that peace and stability will return anytime soon. It is unreasonable to expect peaceful Somaliland to join willingly with Somalia, which is not at peace. For their part, international organizations and donor countries should provide more assistance to Somaliland. Disputing factions in Somalia might even learn from the Somaliland example that they, too, could benefit by achieving peace and stability. Finally, the United States needs to take Somaliland more seriously. Let the Africans be the first to offer diplomatic recognition. But the United States could open a small liaison office for the purpose of monitoring a larger development program and political progress in this strategically important part of the Horn of Africa. This would not constitute diplomatic recognition, but would signal support for a little Islamic country in Africa that has shown it "could".

Note on Author: David Shinn was desk officer for Somalia at the U.S. Department of State from 1969-71; deputy director of the Somalia Task Force in the State Department in 1992-1993; State Department coordinator for Somalia in 1993; director of East African Affairs (including Somalia) from 1993-96 and U.S. Ambassador to neighboring Ethiopia from 1996-99. He is now an adjunct professor of the practice of international affairs in the Elliott School of International Affairs at The George Washington University in Washington, D.C.

Somalia shares a very long border with Ethiopia. Over the years, especially since the regimes in Ethiopia and Somalia changed in the early 1990s, there has been an active flow of people, animals and goods between the two countries, much of it unregistered and unofficial. Moreover, the establishment of the Somali refugee camps just inside Ethiopia's Zone V (Somali Region), like Harta Sheik, Daroor, Dulad, Bali Yarey, Dharwanaaje, and Awbarre, created more demand for products from north west Somalia and enhanced cross-border trade between the two countries. Somali traders import food and non-food commodities from the Persian Gulf States and have built warehouses at border crossing points, such as Awbarre, Togwajaale, Buhodle. Ethiopian traders, on the other hand, supply mainly food items, including coarse grains (maize, wheat, sorghum), potatoes, assorted vegetables, and milk as well as khat and charcoal. This cross border trade created livelihood sources through trade and employment for the population of the two countries, especially those along the border. Pastoralist, agropastoralist and urbanites are the main food economy groups that have benefited most from this trade, directly and indirectly. Food availability and accessibility has been good for many years, thanks to this Somalia/Ethiopia border trade.
What is happening

In early October, Ethiopian authorities closed its border with Somalia, reportedly to reduce smuggling of untaxed foods and improve revenue collection. The Ethiopian government has imposed heavy taxes on goods coming in and going out of the country. Traders and business people involved in the cross border trade are required to have an import/export license and register their trade, often a tedious process. Accordingly, Ethiopia has established several checkpoints along the border and prevented the movement of goods and services entering and leaving Ethiopia without formal documentation and taxation. Both food and non-food commodities have been affected.
Implications

Generally, the restriction of trade has greatly reduced the availability inside Ethiopia of a wide range of food and non-food items, including staple foods. Consequently, the effect of the restriction is felt inside Ethiopia more than in north west Somalia in the short run. Within north west Somalia, however, availability and accessibility of certain commodities has fallen significantly. For instance, milk availability decreased in urban areas of Hargeisa, Gabiley and Borama due to export restrictions on the Ethiopian side. Milk prices therefore increased about 35% between September and October. Coarse grain prices of sorghum, maize and wheat also increased about 30% during the similar period. In addition, prices of pulses increased about 14%. Ironically, most of the cowpeas, mung beans, sorghum and some maize comes from Southern Somalia across Ethiopia. Somali traders are now forced to use the longer route via Galkayo to Burao to Hargeisa. Prices of all these staple commodities are expected to increase further as higher transportation costs are transferred to consumers. Prices of different commodities imported from the Persian Gulf states, such as rice, sugar, spaghetti, edible oil and non-food items, however, remain same throughout Somaliland. Trade of khat, a growing economic sector, was not affected by the restriction of trade flows.
Conclusion

The current restriction of trade flow between the two countries will undermine employment and income-earning options along the border. In turn, this will weaken the purchasing power of large number of people in north west Somalia. The most affected population categories are those from urban and agropastoral food economy groups, which used to benefit from the informal cross border trade, directly and indirectly. Poor and middle wealth groups among those food economy groups will be the worst affected in the short-term. This unexpected restriction of trade flow will be another blow to the already fragile economy of north west Somalia, which has been affected by the livestock trade ban. Close monitoring of price changes and changes to livelihoods and food access will therefore be needed.

Tension has been rising in the area since Somaliland elders came to the Sool regional capital, Laas Caanood, he said. The elders were in Laas Caanood to reconcile two feuding clans in the area. The two regions fall geographically within the borders of pre-independence British Somaliland, but most of the main clans inhabiting them are associated with Puntland. These are the Warsangeli and the Dhulbahante, which, along with Majerteen - the main clan in Puntland - form the Harti clan of the Darood.

At extraordinary cabinet meeting on 23 November, called by Puntland leader Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf, it was decided to send a high level delegation to the two regions, Abdishakur Mire Adan, the Puntland deputy information minister and main owner of Boosaaso-based Radio Midnimo , told IRIN, on Monday. Yusuf, who was attending the Somali reconciliation conference currently under way in Eldoret, Kenya, left for Puntland on 21 November.

Abdishakur said it was normal for a Puntland government delegation to visit the area "since both regions are part and parcel of Puntland. I don't see any reason why Puntland officials visiting Sool and Sanaag should cause any tension with anybody. The people in these regions consider themselves as part of Puntland."

Other sources in Puntland, however, told IRIN that the authorities in Puntland were sending the delegation "in order to counter a perceived shift by some area elders to the Somaliland side". "There are fears that some prominent elders, particularly in Sool, are trying to shift the balance in favour of Somaliland," they said.

Abdishakur denied any mobilization of troops by the Puntland authorities in the area. "There is no reason for any mobilization on our part," he said.

Abdishakur also told IRIN that the Puntland cabinet, which is currently based in Boosaaso, the region's commercial capital, would relocate to Garoowe, the administrative capital. The Puntland administration of Col Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad has been operating from Boosaaso ever since he captured the town from his rival, Jama Ali Jama, in May.

Tension has been rising in the area since Somaliland elders came to the Sool regional capital, Las Anood, he said. The elders were in Las Anood to reconcile two feuding clans in the area. The two regions fall geographically within the borders of pre-independence British Somaliland, but most of the main clans inhabiting them are associated with Puntland. These are the Warsangeli and the Dhulbahante, which, along with Majerteen - the main clan in Puntland - form the Harti clan of the Darood.

At extraordinary cabinet meeting on 23 November, called by Puntland leader Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf, it was decided to send a high level delegation to the two regions, Abdishakuur Mire Adan, the Puntland deputy information minister, told IRIN, on Monday. Yusuf, who was attending the Somali reconciliation conference currently underway in Eldoret, Kenya, left for Puntland on 21 November.

Abdishakuur said it was normal for a Puntland government delegation to visit the area "since both regions are part and parcel of Puntland. I don't see any reason why Puntland officials visiting Sool and Sanag should cause any tension with anybody. The people in these regions consider themselves as part of Puntland."

Othe sources in Puntland, however, told IRIN that the authorities in Puntland were sending the delegation "in order to counter a perceived shift by some area elders to the Somaliland side". "There are fears that some prominent elders, particularly in Sool, are trying to shift the balance in favour of Somaliland," they said.

Abdishakur denied any mobilisation of troops by the Puntland authorities in the area. "There is no reason for any mobilisation on our part," he said.

Abdishakur also told IRIN that the Puntland cabinet, which is currently based in the Bosaso, the region's commercial capital, would relocate to Garowe, the administrative capital. The Puntland administration of Col Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad has been operating from Bosaso ever since he captured the town from his rival, Jama Ali Jama, in May.

While speaking to our reporter in Boosaaso main commercial city in Puntland , Muhammad Sa'id Kashawito, Col Abdullahi Yusuf said his visit to the two regions would not cause insecurity. He denied that during his visit he would lead armed militiamen to the regions. He said Sool and Sanaag are under Puntland and there is no need for any dispute over these two regions.

When asked whether the two regions are under Somaliland or Puntland, Col Abdullahi Yusuf said that the area residents can answer that.

Col Abdullahi Yusuf stressed that his administration was ready to discuss with the self-declared republic of Somaliland the fate of the two disputed regions. However, he said, he believed that if the residents of the two regions were asked to give their views they would obviously go for Puntland

When asked whether he would go back to Eldoret venue of the Somali peace talks in Kenya which he left recently, he said: I will go back to back to the Somali reconciliation talks in Eldoret, Kenya, if I finish doing what I came to do in Puntland. I am optimistic that the talks will have a positive outcome.

He appealed to the Somali people to support the reconciliation talks, adding that the Somali people are now realizing that they need a broad-based government.

This is the first statement Col Abdullahi Yusuf has given to members of the media since he left Eldoret on 21 November. He called for compromise and understanding between the different Somali factions.

Col Abdullahi Yusuf is a staunch supporter of the view that conference delegates be apportioned on clan lines. This is what the regional body, IGAD Inter-Governmental Authority on Development , which is overseeing the talks, has also proposed.

Sool regional administration officials handed over more than 10 technicals and 400 troops to Somaliland. These were previously among the forces of the regional administration of Puntland.

Clan elders in Sool Region, led by Garad Muhammad Garad Abdiqani and Garad Farah Garad Shirwa, said the region is now under Somaliland and not Puntland.

Other districts in Sool Region with police stations, prisons and administrative offices have also been handed over to Somaliland. This has happened at a time when there are conflicts between Somaliland and Puntland.

A delegation from Col Abdullahi Yusuf's administration of Puntland was denied a visit to Laas Caanood HQ of Sool Region recently when Somaliland deployed its forces on the borders of Sanaag and Sool regions. Puntland is reportedly also planning to deploy its troops.

Because of this undemocratic process, the electorate will be faced with a list of candidates the majority of whom are grossly under-qualified to become members of local councils. Political parties also seem to have shunned democratic practices for the selection of their candidates for the national elections scheduled for next January. Most of the presidential candidates at this level, have actually been elected unopposed.

It exposes once again the weakness of our organizations as democratic institutions, and the strong personality-cult still preventing democracy from taking root within them. In fact the lack of intra-party democracy is likely to wreak havoc within political organizations as evidenced by the current bitter in-fighting within UDUB.

Certainly, Somaliland's political organizations deserve praise for accepting to meet the gigantic challenge of preparing themselves for the forthcoming elections within a very short period of time. Given that this is the nation's first free election since 1969, the parties are just doing fine.

But it is necessary that political organizations bear in mind that they have still lots of organizational shortcomings to address in the times ahead.

The South African Consulate-General in Los Angeles, University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) African Studies, West Los Angeles College Pace program, Congresswoman Maxine Waters, Congresswoman Diane Watson and Constituency for Africa have presented a series of discussion panels on NEPAD. The South African Government has lunched these panels to promote NEPAD program in pursuit of the successful implementation of the program and increase awareness among the African American communities and businesses.

First such panel was held on Thursday, October 24, 2002 at the Milken Institute in Santa Monica from 4:00 PM to 7:00 PM. Saeed Maygag Samater and I attended this panel discussion as individual Somalilanders. The discussion and program were very informative. Moderated by Dr. James Barth of the Milken Institute, the participants and their topics were as follows:

1. Dr. Glaudine Mtshali, the South African Consul-General in Los Angeles, who introduced s. Sisulu, The South Africa's Ambassador to the United States of America. Ambassador Sheila Violet Makate Sisulu, with brief words of welcome and introduction

2. Prof. Jim Barth, a Senior Financial Fellow at the Milken Institute, Moderator of this panel gave brief comments on Africa and its strategic perception to the USA.

3. Lindiwe Hendricks, Deputy Minister of Trade and Industry of the Republic of South Africa, spoke on the issues related to the topics of NEPAD, the reason and role of this new program for Africa, by Africans. She outlined the problems Africans are facing now and why NEPAD must work should its guidelines are adopted.

4. Dr. Cherif Salif Sy (Senegalese Deputy Minister), CEO of the NEPAD Steering Committee. He spoke in French language in regard to the topics related to a new partnership to unlock business opportunities in Africa's emerging economies.

5. Dynamic, Congresswoman, Rep. Maxine Waters who spoke about topics related to politics about the African Growth and Opportunity Act and the New Partnership For Africa's Development - NEPAD.

6. Jeffrey Katz, Senior Economist and Manager; Partnerships and External Affairs Group for the Africa Region of the World Bank. He spoke about topics related to infrastructure development as of a cornerstone of economic development and the role of the World bank

7.Dr. Konju Sebati, A South African sister, a medical director for International Philanthropy of Pfizer Pharmaceuticals Inc. She spoke about mainly successes, challenges and opportunities for corporate America in Africa.

8. Richard McCormick, Executive Director of International Operations of SBC Communications in San Antonio, Texas. He spoke about SBC's success in South Africa and how they achieved. He discussed what is needed from African countries to attract International Corporations. He outlined in detail all investment criteria.

9. Dr. Glaudine Mtshali, the Consul-General of the Republic of South Africa in Los Angeles, who spoke about the Dynamics of HIV/AIDS, Health and Economic Development.

Once the discussion was over we intermingled with the participants and tried our best to meet all the panel discussers. Among the audiences were the Swaziland Ambassador to the USA and the Ethiopian Consul-General of Los Angeles. Both I and Saeed met most of the panelist and discussed with them Somaliland's current issues. Since most of the panelists were from South Africa they had enough information. We got the opportunity to meet Ambassador Sisulu whom I have wrote number of e-mails before, and I chatted with her and the Swaziland Ambassador, Her Excellency, Ambassador Mary Kanya. Both Ambassadors were extremely polite, brilliant and highly intelligent.

On Saturday, October 26, 2002, a two-phased discussion panel was conducted, sponsored by the South African Consulate-General, Congresswoman Diane Watson, UCLA, WLAC Pace Program, and Constituency for Africa Presented in West Los Angeles College.

First phase was by invitation for business in a round table format. Saeed Maygag was among the speakers. The discussion started 9:00 AM and ended around noon. Again both I and Saeed Maygag did our best to network and increase the awareness of the participants of Somaliland issues. I got the opportunity to talk to the Minister from Senegal, Dr. Cherif Salif Sy. He was very receptive to my discussion and he promised me that he will contact me as soon as he gets back to Senegal. He was fully aware and understanding our reason of reclaiming our independence.

The Second phase was open to the public in a Townhall meeting format, and it was packed. The panel discussion started around 1:00 PM and ended 5:00 PM. Abiib Jama of San Diego Somaliland Community joined us in the Townhall Meeting Panel Discussion and Abdirahman A. Mohamed, the grandson of Abusite, a graduate student at UCLA was part of the organizers from UCLA. .Again, we put priority on meeting and networking with people and I believe we had succeeded beyond our expectation. We met many people who didn't know Somaliland ever existed, we met new groups that we need to keep in touch with, and we meet people from the media, in particular the morning panel moderator was from NBC local channel, and he gave us a chance to talk to him alone for a while. He asked for more information in regard to the Somaliland issue.

I can say our participation in this NEPAD discussion was very eye-opening and we understood that we, the Somalilanders, need to do more work in educating others about our situation. The Somaliland Government also needs to do better job in searching for recognition. We have been sitting on the sideline too long. It is time that all Somalilanders as one entity (The Somalilanders) join hands and demand our right to exist in this world. Anywhere on the globe, wherever we are, it is time to stand and demand our right. No more waiting while the world is entertaining Somalis.

Researchers at the University of Sussex in Britain say there is little evidence to show that school-based HIV/AIDS education has had major impact on sexual behavior. The report of the study on the impact of the HIV/AIDS epidemic on education sector in sub-Saharan Africa has criticized curriculum design and delivery of HIV/AIDS education.

"The issue is that lack of time, resources and training meant that curriculum based education as well as counseling and peer education were inadequate," says Nicola Swain son of the Center for International Education of the University of Sussex.

The study that was carried in Uganda, Malawi and Botswana argues that the poorly trained teachers were shy to teach sex education and others lacked commitment to teach topics in an already over-crowded and examination-driven curriculum.

Schools were found to offer little support for children affected by HIV/AIDS and there was insufficient guidance from education ministries and a lack of resources to carry out any support programmes. However, this is the case in most countries in Sub-Saharan Africa where most governments have been slow to respond to the teenage -AIDS crisis.

The study found that AIDS epidemic was on the increase among school children in Sub-Saharan Africa and will impact negatively on education in the region. "Economic and socio-cultural pressures that fuel unsafe sex among adolescents in Sub-Saharan Africa remain as high as ever," says Paul Bennell, the team leader of the study. Consequently, the report noted there is growing concern about the risk of female pupils contracting HIV from teachers and other older men. The study concurred with earlier findings by UNAIDS that showed dramatic HIV/AIDS increase among girls aged 15-19 in most cities across Sub-Saharan Africa.

But the main worry is that despite the mounting concern about the vulnerability of pupils in contracting HIV/AIDS, there is limited information on how to make an assessment of the extent to which teenagers would change their sexual behavior in response to the AIDS threat, says the report. The situation is bleak as AIDS cases among students in Sub-Saharan Africa are expected to rise in the next decade. "Without appropriate levels of support school enrolment will drop considerably in the region," says Swain son, who was the co-coordinator of the internationally funded study. The researchers projected that if the current trend continued, b