What are the advantages of pre-registering?

1. Pre-registration is a tool of planning and it has limited aspect of fraud control. As a planning tool, ascertaining the number of registered potential voters, the electoral commission assigns an appropriate facility, enough manpower, security, equipment, ballots and anything else that would enhance conducting fair and free elections.
2. As a fraud control mechanism, the number of ballots cast should either be equal or less than the pre-registered number. In general, the ballots cast are less than the pre-registered, because everybody who pre-registered doesn't vote. If there are more ballots cast than the number registered, then there might be fraud.

1. It is costly. It would require the same manpower and funding as the election itself. The number of polling stations would be the same, the polling officers would be the same, and the local observers would be the same.
2. Pre-registration would discourage many potential voters. It might take at least one/two hour's time to pre-register, of course it would vary from one station to another but many might see it as inconvenient step and unnecessary chore rather than a civic duty.
3. Registration has a limited time and those who for one reason or another didn't register, wouldn't be able to vote.
4. One can vote only on the same polling station one has registered.
5. Hand written lists of Pre-registered electors lack eligibility and clarity. Locating the name of a pre-registered voter in a register that contains, let us say more than forty thousand names would be like locating a needle in a haystack. In effect, the pre-registration has to be computerized to be beneficial. Is it feasible to do so?

1. Does pre-registration prevent rigging? Very little. The underlying presumption in rigging is that the person willing to rig has also the way and the opportunity to do so. If that is the case, he/she has many options to choose from. The intention of preventing the rigging is to block the way and the opportunity one could do so and pre-registration wouldn't accomplish that objective. For example, if he/she is given the opportunity to defraud, he/she can substitute the legitimate ballots into prefabricated set in his/her favor.
2. Even with its complexities and shortcomings, it could be accommodated only in large urban areas. What about the rural areas? Wouldn't it be too presumptuous to expect the nomads to walk 20 miles to the nearest polling station not to vote but only to pre-register? Would the government and the political parties have the resources to coordinate the registration of so many distant and remote, impassable localities. Would anybody have any resources and energy left for local and central government elections after going through this futile exercise?
3. Pre-registration is worthless without matching a picture identification card such as passport with the pre-registration details of the potential voter such as names/ address etc.
4. Who is a Somalilander? Does the one in Haud who is a member of one of the Somaliland clans have a right to vote even though one hasn't resided in Somaliland? Is there a residence clause in the election policies?
5. What constitutes an acceptable document in Somaliland? Who is going to provide a reliable, verifiable identification card? Hargeisa local government? What a joke.
6. What is preventing a potential pre-registrar to register and vote in more than one polling station with the same or different name?

Elections are always contentious but they are more so in Africa. In Africa, transparency is a foreign concept and public funds are usurped, in general, for political ends. The following are certain controls, which may allay those concerns and serve better than pre-registration:

1. Parties should keep an up to date financial record, open for the public and the media, listing the donor, the address and the amount donated in (kind/cash), etc.
2. Parties should have a list of all the members and any member who pays fees should have a physical address or list a close relative for contact if required to be located. If that fee payer (member) couldn't be traced or located within a reasonable time, that should be disallowed.
3. Fund raising events should be open to the media and amount raised at each event should be public record.
4. Public funding of elections should either be illegal or political parties should receive equal amounts
5. Civil servants should be barred from campaigning for any party/candidate
6. All contributions/donations should cease two (2) months before the election date.
7. Parties should declare their assets (cash, vehicles, buildings etc) and the source of each asset in court 1 r months before the election date.
8. After the election, an independent committee should audit financial records of political parties and candidates.

As outlined above, there are tough challenges ahead. Somaliland should be prepared to accept less than the ideal. The ideal isn't tenable under current circumstances. The objective shouldn't be the ideal; the objective should be fair election. In order to conduct a reasonably fair election, the process should be transparent and policies and procedures should be standardized and applied across the board. No election is perfect but it could be made reasonably fair if it is carefully monitored, adequately supervised and standardized. Strive for transparency but not for an impracticable pre-registration.

Ever since early 1970s, Somalis applying for Kenyan Visas were a given hard time. Although every country has a right to control foreigners coming to its territory, denying visas to people with legitimate reasons to visit Kenya such as government officials, people sponsored for various reasons, by international agencies based in Nairobi, and those in transit to other countries is very unfriendly deed indeed.

People who go to Kenya come back with litany of complaints of police harassment and immigration discrimination. It just became a habit for the Kenyan police to see Somalis as a source of income. Under all sorts of pretexts, they detain and subject them to humiliation. Is the absence of Somali government or governments that could have taken up the matter with the Kenyan authorities, the cause of the continuing ordeal? Is the corruption so pervasive in the Kenyan administration the source of all the maltreatment? What is that made Somalis a soft target?

In the meeting of Somali Aid Coordination Body (SACP) that took place in Hargeisa in May 28-29, some Somalis who work for the international agencies based in Hargeisa voiced concern about continuing problems they face in obtaining Kenyan visa when they wish to go to that country for reasons relating to their work. These people rightly advised SACP to have a representation in Hargeisa so that their often-arduous travel arrangements to Nairobi are averted.

The harassment of Somalis in Kenya has a long history. It is partly a relic of the cold war. When in early 1970s, there was a talk of Soviet military bases in Somalia, the Kenyan authorities and media in a frenzy of alarm, saw in every Somali a potential agent of Soviet machinations in Eastern Africa. Pandering to this sensational and even inaccurate information about Somali menace in Eastern Africa, the newspapers immensely contributed in demonizing the Somalis, focusing on their activities, and blaming them on the ills of Kenya. At one Point, Kenyan-Somali students in the University of Nairobi in a fit of pique called at the office Nation newspaper and demanded why the name of their nationality is often smeared in the pages of the paper. They got no satisfactory answer.

The first Kiswahili sentences Somalis learn when they go to Kenya is to learn to how to answer police questions like Wewe! kuje hapa? You, come here! Lete kipande yako! Show me your identity card! Una kwendo wapi? Where are you going?

Relationships between peoples and states are based on reciprocity. Kenyan authorities should know that in the long term, their mistreatment of Somalis is not going to pay off. Kenya too has interests in the area; her nationals also have to deal with other peoples in the region. No one is to the letter independent of the other in this increasingly interdependent world. Boundaries are coming down between the counties of Europe and in other geographical zones of the world. In this continent, it is for the benefit of all of us that we do not erect stiff walls between ourselves.

Saeed Ahmed Mohamoud, Hargeisa

The refugees who were repatriated on Thursday from the Camaboker and Rabasso camps were part of a group of 5,000 who have registered to return home during May, Tsegaye Mihretu said, according to the Walta Information Centre. The UN World Food Programme gave them cooking equipment, nine months' worth of food and plastic sheeting, as well as 40 dollars per person to help them in the process, he added.

The two camps, still home to 28,000 Somalis, are due to close down within the next four months.

Some 50,200 refugees from camps at Camaboker, Darwanaji, Daror, Rabasso and Teferi Ber were voluntarily repatriated last year to the self-proclaimed autonomous state of Somaliland in northwest Somalia.

Somaliland's independence has not been internationally recognized, but the area has enjoyed security and peace compared with much of the rest of the Horn of Africa nation, ravaged by clan fighting since 1991.

The UN High Commissioner for Refugees last January estimated that almost 66,900 Somalis were still living in five camps in eastern Ethiopia at Hartisheik, Kebribeyah, Camaboker, Rabasso and Aicha.

About 35,000 of these refugees were due to be repatriated in the first half of 2002.

Abokor told a press conference on arrival from Mogadishu that he resigned because the government failed to restore peace in Somalia. "I have seen many problems of the government towards the reconciliation process and I requested all my colleagues in the government to resign," he added.

Abokor said he submitted his resignation to Prime Minister Hassan Abshir Farah last Sunday after his colleagues failed to respond to his request.

Abokor, who is originally from Somaliland, said his return to his native country is in conformity with the laws of Somaliland, which entitles citizens who are serving in the TNG to return home after resignation.

Two weeks ago Abokor's wife, who was also a Member of Parliament in the TNG, left Mogadishu for Hergeisa and announced her resignation.

This is a big blow to the TNG though a political victory for Somaliland, which will undoubtedly welcome the resignations, observers believe.

question that looms in the air is, of course, whether the Somaliland government will be able to conduct fair and free elections in the country within the remaining period of 8 months.

So far, the new President, Dahir Riyale Kahin, has vowed to hold the elections before his term in office expires by next Feb 23, 2003. And definitely Somalilanders are bound to respect the President for his word. In fact, political opposition parties in in the country, including ASAD, are unanimous in giving the new leadership a chance and staying away from asserting any political gains at this juncture.

With the newly positive political climate now prevalent in Somaliland, the President can seize this golden opportunity to advance prospects of a national consensus on the democratic process through dialogue. Opposition parties and mainstream Somalilanders have accused the government in the past of planning fabricated elections that it was destined to win. During this honeymoon period though, such criticism has been voluntarily toned down, or suppressed altogether, for the sake of national unity. But this does not mean that the demands raised in the past by critics for the introduction of sweeping reforms to the government and the government installed electoral system are not going to resurface again in the future. On the contrary, those concerns are still too valid to be neglected now, and hence will need to be addressed through a national dialogue for change and reforms, including the formation of a truly independent or bi-partisan electoral organs to supervise and implement elections at every level of government (municipal, legislative and presidential).

Therefore, it is imperative to set in motion now a national program for dialogue, for the purpose of arriving at a broad-based consensus on the kind of reform we need to accomplish, so that fair and free elections could be held in this country. Once an accord has been reached on this issue, then it would become possible for a realistic and detailed election schedule to materialize.

Anyway, holding elections will not be an easy task. We are also aware that there are some elements within the government who vehemently oppose any attempts to settle differences between the government and the opposition over public issues. Being obsessed with the nightmare of losing power and privileges should the government become more democratic, inclusive and corruption free, these elements would be expected to try to undermine any attempts for a meaningful national dialogue involving the government and the opposition groups.

However in view of the new political landscape that has emerged in Somaliland in the aftermath of May 3, Riyale could easily overcome any opposition from within his own ranks should he choose to invite the nation to a national dialogue.

The nomination of Yassin, a member of Somaliland House of Representatives, has yet to be confirmed by a joint session of both houses of Parliament.

Yassin, 45, is a political unknown, and his selection by President Riyale has caught many people by surprise. His nomination on Thursday has brought to an end a weeklong intensive lobbying for the position of Vice-President. The post was hotly contested by a number of Somaliland politicians.

In the beginning of last week those expected to be nominated were Ahmed Silaanyo a former SNM Chairman and Cabinet Minister, and Abdulkadir Jirde, current first deputy speaker of Somaliland House of Representative.

By last weekend however, the name of Abdirahman Baydani, an MP, was being mentioned as the most likely choice to be made by President Riyale. By last Wednesday most people in the capital were almost certain that Baydani would be nominated. But it seems now that Riyale had changed his mind in the last minute about Baydani for unknown reasons, to the surprise of observers, with his nomination of Yassin as vice-president of Somaliland on Thursday.

The nominee has completed his high school in Somaliland and obtained a diploma in Accounts from a British college.

Yassin has been a student at the recently inaugurated law college of Hargeisa University. He worked for a joint US-Saudi project in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in the early nineties.

From 1993 1996 he was manager and a shareholder of a livestock export firm. In March 1997 Yassin was elected as Member of Parliament, a title he has held until his designation as Vice-President last Thursday.

The inspection team, which arrived at Kalabaydh at 4 am, was led by the Minister of Finance Hussein Doodi. The Minister was accompanied by his DG Ahmed Daud and director of Customs, Ali Qorseef.

There was no information as to the result of the inspection visit.

Daily Customs revenues collected at Kalabaydh currently vary between 60 65 million Somaliland Shillings. This is a far cry from the 14 15 million drawn daily from the outpost 8 months ago.

Users have attributed this remarkable increase to the efforts of one man: Ahmed Abdillahi Omar, the Customs supervisor of Kalabaydh.

ASAD has boycotted the registration exercise in the past. In a press statement issued on Thursday, ASAD described its decision to register itself as demonstration of good will and solidarity with the people of Somaliland in the light of current circumstances. In the past ASAD had refused to register itself after the Somaliland government declined to take into consideration a number of complaints raised by ASAD with regard to the electoral process.

A number of government officials and civic leaders have expressed dismay at the sudden removal of Brickhill from the programme.

Brickhill was until recently manager of SCPP.

The commission is working on the modalities, which would enable political parties to participate in the forthcoming elections, to be held after eight months.

The registration exercise ended in March [2002], but it was extended by two more months by the Somaliland Council of Elders.

It appears that the commission for registering political parties will allow registering those parties that were strongly opposed to the late president, Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal.

Three children and their mother were swept away by raging flood waters after a stream in the area called Oman broke its banks. The three children, a boy and his two sisters, were playing in the stream before the floodwaters rushed in. Their mother, who was standing on the edge of the stream at the time, attempted to rescue the children, but she too was swept away by the floods. The bodies of the mother and one of the girls have been recovered. Efforts were continuing to search for the bodies of the other two.

Disturbing picture is emerging amid revelations of mismanagement in Hargeisa municipality. In Somaliland, there are only a couple of sources that generate more revenue than Hargeisa municipality. To learn that Hargeisa municipality is insolvent - unable to pay staff salaries - is a poignant reminder of how corruption, mismanagement and misappropriation of funds are pervasive. According to Somaliland Times, (edition 15), the Mayor of Hargeisa instructed the Secretary to bailout a newspaper rather than pay staff salaries. In light of the leadership changes, it is opportune to stem corruption.

That being the case, Hargeisa municipality is unable to meet its financial obligations. Technically, this means the City is bankrupt. But common sense dictates that if it comes to either paying the salary or bailing out a newspaper, the Mayor would choose to pay the salary of his staff. But that wasn't the case in here. The Mayor has chosen the latter. Is bailing out a newspaper part of the services of the City?

In general, local governments provide a myriad of traditional services for the community. Hargeisa municipality, however, doesn't provide any: it doesn't haul garbage, it doesn't repair infrastructure, it doesn't pay security services (police) nor does it pay salaries of elementary school teachers. For those of you who are old enough, you might remember that Hargeisa municipality used to pay salaries of elementary school teachers. These were the good olden days and they are gone. No point of being nostalgic, but bailing out a newspaper was never part of the services provided by local governments. It is the first time in history that Hargeisa local government becomes insolvent (bankrupt). When the City funds programs and projects that are petty and political, the financial position of the City soon becomes red. This indicates that there is no accountability, and the Mayor is accountable to no one else, but himself. This situation is ripe for potential corruption. This reflects badly on the Mayor and his managerial capabilities. Hargeisa municipality has expanded the City's tax base, without increasing services, by levying tax on all goods intended for sale in the city. As a result, revenue has grown considerably and paying staff salaries shouldn't have been a problem.

Few years ago, when Mohamed Hashi Elmi was the Mayor, there was surplus. What has happened since? Is the city providing more services today or has the revenue decreased? The reason seems to be corruption, mismanagement and misappropriation.

If prioritizing the uses of the scarce resources isn't mandated, wasteful eye-catching petty projects are financed. Rather than providing services to Hargeisa residents, the Mayor is busy in installing traffic lights, displaying a jet on the main street, mobilizing students for political ends and bailing out a newspaper. Hargeisa doesn't need traffic lights; it needs to repair roads. There is enough manpower traffic officers- to direct the traffic. The traffic jam isn't because of the number of vehicles on the road, but rather, it is the terrible condition of the roads. Repairing the roads should have been the priority rather than traffic lights.

One reason a project like the traffic lights is undertaken is for embezzling and misappropriating public funds. Was there any bidding? Who was the contractor? Who appraised the project? Who oversaw and supervised? What happened to the records? How much did it cost the City? If any of those questions can't be answered satisfactorily, the likelihood of corruption and fraud is very high. Does anybody know how much the traffic lights and the display of the jet cost the city? Staggering! Has anybody bothered to question and check?

Funding a newspaper isn't part of the municipality's obligation. It is misappropriation of funds and it is illegal. Is the newspaper owned and published by the municipality for the benefit of Hargeisa residents? What is the connection? Does the municipality subsidize Haatuf, Jamhuuriya and other newspapers? Why does the government need a newspaper of its own? Does the charter of the municipality stipulate the newspaper as one of the obligations of the municipality? Does the city have a budget? Was the expenditure appropriately allocated in the budget as a bailout of a newspaper? What else the city funds? Wouldn't you like to know? These are legitimate questions and the authorities should provide answers. Subsidizing an unprofitable newspaper is bad business anyway. The government has Radio Hargeisa by herself, and there are many other newspapers whose services the government can utilize. In case the Mayor doesn't know, the revenue collected from the Hargeisa residents and businesses primarily belongs to Hargeisa dwellers, and the services it provides should be for the benefit of the community and not for the benefit of a political newspaper. There are enough independent newspapers the community has access to. In case the Mayor doesn't know, it is illegal and criminal to use public funds for political ends and the Attorney General should take note of this.

The action of the Secretary who rejected the Mayor's instruction to bailout a newspaper is indeed laudable. The secretary has demonstrated a sense of good judgment, responsibility and statesmanship. The Secretary should be rewarded with the highest honor. Let it be known that those who authorize, sign or disburse government funds unlawfully are all guilty. A fitting analogy is that of alcohol "ku wa khamriga iibiya, ka soo qaada iyo ka caba, danbigoodu waa isku mid".

What makes this proposed misappropriation more poignant is that the staff and their families are going hungry. The Mayor is subsidizing illegally an unprofitable political newspaper at the expense of his staff and their families. If the Mayor is going out of his way, why didn't he fund Hargeisa Hospital? That would have been justifiable, but a political newspaper! That is insensitive, illegal and outrageous.

By and large, whenever key positions are dispensed for political affiliations, the public suffers. This tendency chooses the mediocre over the qualified, and it should come to an end. Those who have the qualifications and the integrity should serve the public without considering political affiliation. Many among the politicians lament that the qualified are outside the country but that perception is exaggerated if not biased. The best and the brightest, the most experienced in every discipline and profession are in Somaliland.

For example, there are many with local government experience in Hargeisa and other cities as well. This isn't to plug in for someone but since this issue is related with managing municipalities, a gentleman with the highest integrity who held the position of Executive Officer for a long period comes to mind. Omar Jama would be the first choice in everybody's book and he has never been asked, presumably, for political reasons. It is regretful to mention one person, but it was done to illustrate the depth, the integrity and the experience and the professionalism that is abundant in Somaliland. Surely, there are many like Omar whose experience hasn't been utilized.

In fairness to the Mayor, such practices aren't unique to the Mayor's office. It has been widely reported that such practices are endemic in most of the government transactions and offices. Corruption, mismanagement and misappropriation of government funds are phenomena that have become pervasive, laudable in some circles and tolerable at large.

In Africa, the lack of accountability, transparency and the predilection of dispensing key posts for political affiliations is the root of mismanagement; and mismanagement is the root of poverty and misery. Deliberately, misappropriating meager resources robs funds from the tuberculosis hospitals, maternity wards, security, education and the like. This tendency of misappropriating funds is a blatant corruption and it should be prosecuted without fail

The infestation of corruption is a sign of malignant tumor that spreads like wild fire, incinerates and degenerates morality, impedes economic growth and robs from the needy. Society that tolerates corruption, tolerates injustice, tolerates illegal gain, and tolerates perennial poverty. Somaliland has a chance to cut off the malignant tumor and undergo the therapy of transparency and accountability. Rest assured that there is no shortage of competent professionals with high integrity in Somaliland, but there is shortage of political will.

I urge President Dahir Riyale Kahin to make his priority to stem corruption and not to pursue recognition. Stemming corruption is within your power, President, but delivering recognition isn't: it involves the accord of others that may/mayn't share your vision.

Let me begin by extending my feelings of comradeship and solidarity with you Sir, given the grave and fateful responsibility bestowed on you by the people of this country through the constitution of this country.

Sir, I also wish to congratulate you for being the first leader of this Republic to be constitutionally elected giving you unprecedented legal and constitutional legitimacy compared to the last two Presidents of this Republic. This fact alone is a sterling moment of political triumph for this country and indeed a tremendous contribution to the struggle for democracy in our region and in Africa.

The Ethiopian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, during the burial of the late President, understood the incredible impact that our transfer of power will mean for the region and Africa as a whole. The Minister understood that it is the struggle for democracy that will free the people of this region from the fear of change. The transition is an open invitation to all countries in the region to embrace constitutional government with robust forms of democratic institutions. Indeed, as a matter of political fact, Somaliland has one of the two constitutionally elected Presidents the other being Kenya where the transition is yet to come in a region with seven heads of states.

In this vein, I wish to record my feelings of pride and respect to the administration, the Parliament, the Guurti, the Chief Justice, the Armed Forces, and ordinary citizens of this country for following the constitution that that they were sworn to uphold. I thank them as a citizen of this country for doing their duty.

Sir, as you are well aware there are many outstanding issues to consider given the coming elections. You Sir have a tremendous amount of goodwill and support from the people of this country. It is evident by the messages of support you have received. It is critical that you spend this goodwill wisely, support an open atmosphere for politics, ask for accountability and integrity from your government, seek out the opposition by making the election process and the institutions that govern them fair, open, and credible.

Sir, I listened with attention during you inaugural interview with the Somali Section of the British Broadcasting Service (BBC) on the recent events in our country. Let me register my pride at the adroitness and panache with which you handled yourself, showing the depth and political intelligence that marked our late President. Sir, that interview brought out your ideas on where we can expect your government to lead us. Your suggestion that the current government will largely stay intact is an important message of stability and continuity.

However, I must state here for the record that there has been a fundamental political change in this country. The late president dominated the political landscape like a colossus, his passing away has changed the political deck in this country and we must recognise it.

In my opinion there has to be change in this administration for there to be change in the country. The people of Somaliland expect now that your mandate emanates directly from the 97% of the population that voted for the constitution that you send them a strong message that you are in charge! Sir, you are the first elected President of this country who has 97% vote of confidence, the parliament does not have this vote of confidence, nor does the Guurti.

I urge Sir to confirm the highest official in the Supreme Court, and the judiciary in the country should be given complete independence so that we may continue our journey down the path of democracy.

I must reiterate that your leadership will only be useful once you surround yourself with the very best and brightest men and women that Somaliland can offer. They also must be young people. Somaliland has them working inside the country, in organisations and civil groups, internationally in the very best institutions of learning and government. These men and women are in the hundreds in groups like the Somaliland Forum.

Last but not least our celebration of 18th May is on the way as I write. I want to end by saying that we ought to pay tribute to those who fell in this land so that I may have the right of free speech, so that I may use my pen freely to say openly what I feel about my country and share them with my fellow citizens.

As a concerned citizen and an engineer who can understand the technical and management problems facing the Hargeisa Water Agency, which is responsible to the water resources, pumping, supplying and managing; it bothered me to read about the water shortage dilemma that is facing the residents of Hargeisa and the surrounding area. Even though I live in a city that is 22,000 miles away from Hargeisa, and not affected by water shortage facing my beloved city of Hargeisa; I have a few questions and some suggestions to the authority of that Water Agency and the Somaliland government. Before I ask any question or make any suggestions, I would like to make clear that this article is not written to blame anyone or point fingers at anyone, but to describe and find a reasonable solution to this dilemma. I know there are many engineers who have more expertise than me in our cities in Somaliland but why are they not involved on this great dilemma facing our people and where is the nobility of being true to your profession?

In any city in the world people had always planned the water needs of their cities and Hargeisa is no exception. So let's ask ourselves, why is the problem coming back month after month and no solution? In any civilized society their governments or private firms that are responsible for that matter meet water needs. Let me ask the following questions and make some suggestions.

Is it a water resource, storage or supply problem?
Is it a technical problem?
Management problem?
Economic problem? (Who has the authority to budget, spend and collect the fees)?
Waste due to leakage of deteriorating pipes problem?

My answers and suggestions are based on public information (since I'm not in Hargeisa), the interviews and reports from Somaliland Times, Jamhuriya and Haatuf newspaper. Particularly, an interview given by the director of Hargeisa water agency Omar M Handulle (Boobe) and inquires I made about the water system two and half years ago during my visit to Hargeisa. It is my understanding that the main water resources for the City is from Geed-deeble, which has twelve wells and only four pumps are pumping water according to Ali Mohamed Hassan on his comments to Haatuf Newspaper on April 2002. He stated that the resources are not sustainable for the inhabitant of the city who number 600,000 instead of the 300,000 that the water supply system was designed for. First of all, the original Chinese report available to the water agency should act as starter for solving the problem, and if that is not enough they should hire a consultant (Local engineers who would be capable and cheaper than hiring from overseas as NGOs would like to) to conduct a study to update data on the city's water needs, resources, storage facilities, and supply system.

As I remember, the water supply systems' main pipes are so small they are inadequate to supply the water needed for the whole city, so my suggestion on this item is to add two sets of five main pipes with a minimum diameter of 24 inches (610mm) north to south and east to west. These additional pipes will increase both flow rate and pressure of the water system, which is very low at present. However, increasing of the pipe's grid system will not add a water resource that is not there, therefore the pumping of the wells must be increased from four pumps to at least 6 to 8 pumps and construct large storage facilities in and around the city. The water resources problem is not only a local agency crisis but also a national one and the government in power should make national priority to solve the problem. The government should put a project that will provide relief at the current crisis and find long-term solution for the whole country's water needs. Anytime you are planning any type of project you are expected to plan for the next 5 years, 10,15, 20 and 30 years etc. A water resources project is no different. Hargeisa's population has increased tremendously in the last thirty years (exception of 1985 to 1991 due the civil war) and if the trend continues Hargeisa's population will double in less then twenty-five years from 600,000 to 1,200,000

So any project should be planned accordingly whether it is water, sewage, roads, bridges, schools, health facility or land planning. I guess if the problems were technical, they would have been solved long time ago. I believe the management has been changed a few times recently and that is not healthy for the agency, or any agency for that matter because each management team can implement their program as they see fit but if changes occur so often one can't measure any agency's progress or lack thereof. Thus, leave a management team in position for while and that team should be accountable to their progress or lack of progress. The Economic issues are really no brainier because the agency is capable of supporting itself as director Boobe indicated. But the fee collections should be more reliable and the current government or any future government shall not use the money as income to subsidize other government agencies or departments. The income of the agency must be used for the improvement of water reliability, storage facilities, and water supply system and rehabilitation.

Wasting of water due to leakage is very high 15%, as Eng. Ali M. Hassan indicated and it is unacceptable in our type of environment where water is very scarce. To avoid wasting scarce resources, rehabilitation program must be implemented to replace all the deteriorating supply system while major projects are in the works.

Funding from other sources than Somaliland government must be acquired. Most of us who are outside the country believe the NGOs who do very good work of generating or raising funds for their specific projects, waste more money on mostly overhead cost than they spend on actual programs. However, either in Ministerial or agency levels a team of management and engineers should be put in place to look for funding on their specific projects (a water project for this example), since funds will not come to our shores, if we don't go after the money.

All the NGOs in Somaliland or any other country usually put programs and specific project before they start looking for funding in each fiscal year and our teams should look into ways of learning from their counterparts. Believe me, it won't be easy since Somaliland is not a recognized country yet. Since Somaliland is not recognized country, the IMF, World Bank and other international financiers will hesitate to fund projects like water project, which will need tens of millions of dollars, and we have no choice but to knock all the doors to get where the funding is available. This will be good example of no pain no gain. Somaliland's business community is morally responsible to assist their people's needs since they are the ones who benefit from the consumptions of goods and services in our country. Even if the business community is reluctant to provide cash aid they can provide additional high capacity water pumps for the water agencies or provide medical equipment for the general hospitals and clinics of their community instead of cash.

Finally, I would like to express my sincere appreciation to the people who work hard on the public service sector in the health and water area. The benefits these staffs provide can be attested by the improvement of the standard of living of our community.

Reports from Hargeysa say the new Somaliland president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, has embarked on the task of picking his deputy. The Somaliland constitution stipulates that if a sitting president dies the vice-president automatically becomes head of state, and he will then nominate his deputy within 30 days. The seat is hotly contested by various Somaliland politicians. The front-runners for the post are Abdiqadir Jirde and Shide. In another development, Ali Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, son of President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal who died in South Africa recently, announced his candidature in the forthcoming presidential election. He made the announcement at a press conference at Hotel Maansoor, Hargeysa.
Source: AllSomali.com web site in Somali 13 May 02/BBC Monitoring

The commission in charge of registering political parties in Somaliland has announced that the registration exercise would end in 17 May [2002].

The commission is working on the modalities which would enable political parties to participate in the forthcoming elections, to be held after eight months.

The registration exercise was end in March [2002], but it was extended by two more months by the Somaliland Council of Elders.

It appears that the commission for registering political parties will allow to register those parties that were strongly opposed the late president, Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal.
Source: Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 0530 gmt 14 May 02/BBC Monitoring

The Somaliland administration has warned [former Boosaaso-based Puntland leader] Jama Ali Jama and his delegation who are currently in Laas Caanood, Sool Region [northern Somalia region claimed by both Somaliland and Puntland]. Ali Muhammad Adan has more on this.

[Adan] The Somaliland administration has told Jama Ali Jama and his delegation to leave the Somaliland town of Laas Caanood, adding if they failed the Somaliland administration would take action against them. Somaliland's interior minister said it was not part of their plan for any fighting to occur in the town. The minister further said the coming of Jama Ali Jama and his delegation to Laas Caanood town was blindness and described it as an offence against and a violation of Somaliland.

Jama Ali Jama tried to leave the town yesterday but he was stopped by Somaliland security forces in the town. The interior minister who spoke to the Hargeysa-based newspaper, Mandeeq, said Somaliland had learnt of the presence of Jama Ali Jama in Laas Caanood after he was interviewed by the BBC World Service.

The Somaliland people who are opposed to the presence of Jama Ali Jama in Laas Caanood town yesterday held a huge demonstration. Somaliland security forces in the town are surrounding the house where Jama Ali Jama is staying.
Source: Radio Banaadir, Mogadishu, in Somali 1700 gmt 11 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

A statement issued by the delegation [from southern Somalia], which attended the burial ceremony of the former self-declared Somaliland president, Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, has congratulated the Somali people and leaders for attending the burial. The statement further said the Somaliland administration had warmly welcomed the visit of the delegation. The Somaliland administration also greatly valued the visit.

The statement, signed by Dr Husayn Haji Muhammad Bod, fully pledged to implement what the delegation and the Somaliland authorities discussed during the visit, with the involvement, support and cooperation of the interim government [in Mogadishu], Somali political leaders, intellectuals and civil society organizations.

The statement further clarified that the leaders who attended the burial ceremony of Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal did not represent any rival political groups or factions in southern Somalia.
Source: Radio Banaadir, Mogadishu, in Somali 1700 gmt 11 May 02/BBC Monitoring

Somaliland: Family of four swept away by floods near port of Berbera

Hargeysa: The heavy rains pounding Shiikh District [about 70 km south of the port of Berbera] in Somaliland have killed at least four people.

Three children and their mother were swept away by raging flood waters after a stream in the area called Oman broke its banks. The three children, a boy and his two sisters, were playing in the stream before the flood waters rushed in. Their mother, who was standing on the edge of the stream at the time, attempted to rescue the children, but she too was swept away by the floods. The bodies of the mother and one of the girls have been recovered. Efforts are continuing to search for the bodies of the other two...
Source: HornAfrik Online text web site, Mogadishu, in Somali 12 May 02/BBC Monitoring

Jama Ali Jama [former Boosaaso-based Puntland leader] his deputy and three members of his cabinet are meeting in Laas Caanood town [Somaliland's Sool Region], over whether they should continue staying there or leave.

According to a Hargeysa newspaper, Mandeeq, the Somaliland internal minister, Abdullahi Umar Ige, has ordered Jama and his members to leave the town. Reports say a plan to airlift Jama to either Libya or Djibouti has failed. Jama has been in the town since he lost his Boosaaso HQ to [his rival] Col Abdullahi Yusuf. ...
Source: HornAfrik Online text web site, Mogadishu, in Somali 11 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

The new President has been welcomed by all Somalilanders, and moreover, there is no sign of any power struggle.

On the contrary, feelings of national unity have never been stronger with an overwhelming majority of Somalilanders showing increased faith and commitment to the country's constitutional democracy in the wake of the peaceful transition of power. Despite the positive developments of last week, there are however some vitally important issues that need to be addressed in a proper and timely manner so that Somaliland can move forward to the future with confidence.

Filling the vacant position of vice president is definitely a top priority issue anticipated to be dealt with in the immediate future. Constitutionally, only the president has the jurisdiction to nominate someone for this job, and there is no doubt that Riyale is going to exercise this authority. But we do believe that the president would be better advised if he held extensive prior consultations on this matter with all sides, including those not in the government. Other than being qualified for the job, the next vice president must be a man of integrity who can work with the President. And we hope President Riyale will wisely choose a capable teammate.

Devising a constitutionally based and broadly acceptable framework for holding fair and free elections in the country is the next issue that needs to be tackled. There is no doubt that this is a tough and a challenging task. However we are encouraged by the prevailing mood of national unity to expect that a consensus could be reached amongst all stakeholders (the president, parliament leaders, representatives of political parties and civil society groups) on the subject of how and when the people of this country will be able to go to the polls to elect their future government. This issue has to be resolved well ahead of the deadline set for the incumbent government to remain in office.

Thirdly and finally, the rampant corruption in both the public and private sectors should also be given an urgent attention. Realistically though, nobody expects corruption and tax evasion to be overcome any time soon. However the earlier that something is done about this disease, the better.

In this respect, the new leadership should show no mercy to any government employees or private individuals who might be tempted by the present situation to illicitly acquire public or private properties.

Riyale was sworn in as president of Somaliland only on May 3, 2002 to succeed Mohamed Ibrahim Egal who died hours earlier in a hospital in Pretoria, South Africa.

Since his inauguration, the new President has become a symbol of national unity. Messages of support for him have been coming from all parts of Somaliland. Last night he was scheduled to receive a number of Suldans belonging to "Somaliland Council of Suldans," a group that previously supported the idea of holding a national inter-clan conference to elect the future government of Somaliland. The government had described the call for the inter-clan conference (Shir Beled) as unconstitutional and unwarranted. According to a source close to the group, the Suldans were to express support and allegiance for the new Somaliland leader.

Riyale has announced earlier that his government will hold municipal, parliamentary and presidential elections all in the next 8 months. He added, "Any residual differences over this issue are likely to be eventually resolved through dialogue."

Riyale, a member of the Gadabursi clan of western Somaliland had been Egal's vice president since Feb 1997. His smooth assuming of power as President on May 3 was remarkable in that he is not from the predominant Isaaq clan, observers have said.

The speaker of the Somaliland House of Representatives, Ahmed Mohamoud Adan (Qaybe) is also a non-Isaaq.

Egal died in a South African hospital on Friday May 3, 2002 following complications from a medical procedure. Egal who was born in 1929 died from laceration that happened while he was getting a colonoscopy, which is a procedure for examining the colon and rectum.

President Egal's body was flown to his hometown of Berbera, at the southern entrance of the Red Sea, early Monday. The plane carrying his coffin arrived at Berbera airport on 7:15am and was met there by Somaliland's new President Dahir Riyale Kahin, leaders and members of parliament and thousands of mourners who crowded the airstrip. Tekede Alemu, Ethiopia's minister of state for foreign affairs was also present at the ceremony. A military band played the national anthem, the coffin was draped in Somaliland's green, white and red flag.

The funeral procession arrived at the gravesite at around 9:00am. Egal's shroud-wrapped body was then lowered by his three sons into a grave next to his father, Ibrahim Egal. The burial rituals ended on 9:30.Since Saturday thousands of people from all walks of life have been pouring into Berbera to pay their last respect to the late president who was later given a hero's funeral.

"What we have seen in the last three days since President Egal has passed away is the smooth transition of power in Somaliland. What we have seen is that Somaliland has very robust institutions of government. This is a lesson to the people of the sub-region and to the people of Africa as a whole. We in Ethiopia take this very seriously.

Because the peace and stability that have been achieved in Somaliland over last 12 years, has been extremely critical for us, for Ethiopia and as far as I am concerned for the sub-region as a whole. This is the legacy that Egal has left behind. And he and his colleagues have made a historic achievement. It's our hope that these achievements will be nurtured, and that the people of Somaliland will continue to show the necessary resolve, the necessary determination to protect their peace and stability which is so important not only for themselves but for the sub-region as a whole. This is how we look at President Egal and his achievements. He has been a towering political figure in Africa for the last 5 decades. He has been active in Somali and African politics for 50 years.

He was one of the greatest statesmen in Africa without any doubt. He has been the leading statesman in our sub-region without any doubt. And his achievements we see today here in Somaliland.

Any person, who sees this outpouring of emotions, can't ignore how the people of Somaliland are committed to their peace and stability. As I said earlier, the smooth transition has demonstrated how much the people of Somaliland have done for the last 11 years, to put in place the necessary institutions of governance. And that is not easy for any country in Africa. We know what the consequences are when a state falls apart. Therefore this historical achievement which we see confirmed today, we feel should be given its due importance".

The people of Somaliland have experienced severe tribulations and setbacks: the persecution and the ethnic cleansing of Siyad government, the civil war, the crippling non-recognition and the unexpected loss of the late president, Mohamed Haaji Ibrahim Egal, at a critical moment. To fledgling Somaliland, these are tragedies of epic proportion, with the potential to dismantle the weak institutions and the infant democracy. Despite these adversities, Somaliland has defied the skeptics.

The skeptics and the pundits have predicted that Somaliland wouldn't amount to a viable state; that Somaliland is politically and economically unsustainable; that Somaliland wouldn't survive without Egal's leadership; that Somaliland would crumple and repent after the banning of the livestock export, the primary source of income; and that Somaliland is an enclave of one clan. But the skeptics have under-estimated the depth of the underlying aspiration of the people of Somaliland to preserve the stability and to survive against the odds. The survival of Somaliland isn't accidental: it is buttressed with unremitting resolve to reclaim relinquished sovereignty; it is guided by selfless and astute elders; it is underpinned with a constitution; and above all Somaliland was blessed with a leader who united, stabilized and administered by the rule of law.

Once again, the skeptics have overlooked the resourcefulness and the skill in managing conflicts that the people of Somaliland have developed and utilized again and again. The nucleus of Somaliland stability, peace and negotiations are and were always contingent upon the leadership of Somaliland elders "madarta". For centuries before Egal the traditional constitution of " Xeer" with the elders at the helm had guided the people of Somaliland through thick and thin, and the traditional leaders are more vigilant and determined today than they were ever before. In fact, the Somaliland "xeer" is a textbook of conflict resolutions.

The Somaliland elders have discharged their obligations: they have played a major role in mobilizing the public to dislodge the evil dictator (Barre); they have provided the wisdom and managed the conflict during the civil war; they have negotiated a traditional system of power sharing; they have sustained peace amid troubling times, and most importantly, today, they have arranged and administered an orderly transition of power. This is a record no one can dispute. Frankly, the missing role is the one of the so-called intelligentsia. The elders have displayed a sense of duty, integrity, righteousness and devotion to constitutional urgency and compliance. No one could predict or delay God's will, but the Somaliland elders have averted chaos. In spite of the diligence of Somaliland elders, many have derisively labeled the elders as clannish-minded, unschooled and corrupt. How unfortunate.

The orderly transition of power is a manifestation of the system that has been put in place and the maturity of the people of Somaliland. For the most part, from birth, Somaliland has never known another leader except Egal. Egal was a fallible, benign leader, who has become a "father figure" unlike the cult-like Dr. Banda and the invincible Haile Salessa. Indeed, it is an end of an era: Egal was in the same league with Jomo Kenyatta, Nyrere and other distinguished leaders who steered their respective Nations to independence.

The tribulations and hardships the people of Somaliland have experienced might be eclipsed by what lies ahead: the introduction of the challenging multi-party elections, the new effort spearheaded by Egypt to destabilize Somaliland, and the on-going effort of marginalizing Somaliland by the Arta faction and the Djibouti government. Somalilanders have witnessed some of the new efforts and attacks in the last week. For example, the refugees from the South in Pretoria (South Africa) have demonstrated in front of the hospital where Egal was hospitalized, demanding that the South African government shouldn't provide medical services to Egal. What they have uttered is inhumane, un-Islamic and against international laws. We are brothers, right?

The self-styled faction leader Abdiqasbaye didn't send condolences to the people of Somaliland, let alone send a delegation. It is worth mentioning that it has been widely reported that Abdiqasbaye stopped by in Hargeisa on his way to Djibouti where he was a guest for the late president. According to some reliable sources, Abdiqasbaye was broke but when he left, he was financially better off.

President Kahin has rightfully instructed the Somaliland authorities to advise the delegation from Djibouti not to land in Somaliland. Djibouti can't have it both ways. Djibouti considers Somaliland one of the regions of Somalia (northwest). In fairness, Djibouti isn't alone in referring Somaliland as northwest, but it is alone in actively destabilizing Somaliland.

The note Geleh published in the media three days after the death of Egal, expressing condolences, was un-brotherly, un-Somali, and undignified. In his note, Geleh didn't congratulate the new president, nor did he condole the people of Somaliland. If he is truly the friend he is claiming to be, he would have picked-up the phone but he chose not. In spite of all this, the delegation from Djibouti had the guts to attempt to participate in the burial of the late president without the necessary protocol and clearance. The Djibouti delegation departed without contacting Somaliland authorities, just like they were going to Arta. How patronizing.

The unfitting treatment the President of Djibouti directed towards the people of Somaliland on the occasion of the death of President Egal has deeply touched the people of Somaliland. It would linger for a long time. It isn't the first time Somalia and Djibouti maltreated the people of Somaliland. Djbouti collaborated with the evil dictator, Siyad Barre, in the effort of ethnic cleansing exacted on the people of Somaliland. But one might think Somalis wherever they are would share the loss and the grief with the people of Somaliland. Indeed, they have a strange way of showing brotherhood. Somaliland wishes no harm to anyone but Somaliland is vigilant. The skeptics have been proven wrong: Somaliland has transferred power in a constitutional, orderly and peaceful manner; the President isn't a member of the predominant Issaq clan; Somaliland is growing economically and politically by the day, and Somaliland would conduct the coming multiparty elections fairly and peacefully.

The people of Somaliland have lost a leader and a "father figure" but they have gained confidence in the system, the democratic principles and the institutions in place. The people of Somaliland are indebted to the elders, parliamentarians and other leaders, notably, the leaders of Ethiopia and South Africa. Congratulations for the orderly transition of power. This is the best gift the late President would have hoped for.

Since proclaiming independence from Somalia 11 years ago, just a few months after the ouster of General Siad Barre in June 1991, the former British Protectorate of Somaliland has sought international recognition without success. Nonetheless, it is considered by many observers to be a remarkably stable enclave, somehow managing on the volatile Horn of Africa to have escaped the strife that has plagued much of that terrain. But just a week ago, Somaliland President, Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, died in a South African Hospital while to the east, in Puntland, another breakaway Somali state, a coup d'etat unfolded.

AllAfrica's Charles Cobb Jr. discussed the possible impact of these events with Somaliland representative to the United States, Dr. Saad Noor.

Excerpts:

In an unstable area, Somaliland has been considered one of the most stable. With the death of President Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, are we likely to see greater instability? A threat to Somaliland's viability? Of course it is a national tragedy, both for the people and for the government. He was one of the leaders in our part of the world in both politics and nation building from 1960 when the former Somaliland Protectorate became independent from Great Britain. After that he became Prime Minister for all Somalia after the Republic of Somalia, which used to be a former Italian colony, and the Republic of Somaliland unified. Then a military coup d'etat led by the late dictator Mohammed Siad Barre overthrew him as the Prime Minister and ended the constitutional democracy of Somalia at that time and put him in jail for twelve years.

After all that, and after the war of liberation in Somaliland against the system in Mogadishu, he was elected President [of Somaliland] in 1993 and re-elected in 1997. At the end of that term last year, he was given an extension for one year, at the end of which national elections were supposed to be held.

Will the elections happen now?

They will still take place and there is no intention to postpone them. The seven-person election commission, made up of six men and one woman approved by the House of Representatives, will announce the date.

My basic question is still whether President Egal's death destabilizes Somaliland. What happens? Are new political forces unleashed?

No. There is a constitution in Somaliland. And the constitution was passed on the 31st of May last year by a 97 percent majority. The first article of the constitution declares that Somaliland is a sovereign, independent republic. The constitution says that in the event of the death of the president, the vice president will immediately be sworn in and that is what took place - three hours after Egal's death, Somaliland had a new president. In other words, all the things that could have brought instability were negated by the constitution, and also the people are not prepared to go through any kind of turbulence. Now that the mourning period has ended, the new president will be nominating a member of one of the two houses - either the House of Elders or the House of Representatives - and with the support of a majority of the legislature, that person will become the vice president of the republic.

Another component of my previous question is that Somaliland has been engaged in what at least from outside of your country appears to be an uphill battle to gain recognition of its legitimacy as a state or nation. Is this effort set back by the death of such a prominent figure as Egal?

No. The new president and the government and the people as a whole will continue with their quest for international recognition. Of course his passing away at this critical period will have some kind of impact on the psyche of the people in terms of their allegiance, love and respect for him. But when it comes to the nitty gritty and the necessary ingredients for nation building and for the development of the country both politically and economically the people are committed. And barring an unexpected setback, that quest for independence will go ahead full speed, and hopefully will be attained under the new leadership. Of course his [Egal's ] weight and his persona's absence will have some initial impact but I do not believe that will be a severe or far reaching impact.

Of course, the question emerges - what amounts to the OAU question if you will - Why should Somaliland be independent anyway? Isn't it logically a part of Somalia?

No. Somaliland was a republic. It was a sovereign republic recognized by the international community prior to uniting with Somalia. So, what Somaliland has actually done is just to withdraw from the union to which it entered voluntarily. And it withdrew from it because that union was not good enough to bring about the hope and the fruition that was expected. The world has to recognize Somaliland because it has a history of independence. It is not like Eritrea, for example, that has never been recognized as a republic. Somaliland was a recognized republic. It has land. It has a permanent population. It has a democratic government. It has a history of independence. And it meets all the criteria that the international community has set up to be used as a measurement for the granting of diplomatic relations.

What is the attitude of the Mogadishu government?

There is no real government in Mogadishu. The Transitional National Government cannot even control three blocks of the city of Mogadishu. It does not have legitimacy within its own population. Because if it had any legitimacy, it would have transcended the three blocks. It is a government that was created by a conference held in Djibouti which was not a representative conference. If it had been, it would have had no problem with reconciliation or with reaching all the parts of Somalia.

If it had felt that the Djibouti conference had been representative, or if it felt that a future conference was representative, would Somaliland be willing to participate? I am asking if it is possible to foresee a time in which Somaliland decides that it will be a part of Somalia?

Somaliland will not participate in any reconciliation conference to be held anywhere because the constitution of Somaliland does not give a mandate for any Somaliland government, whether it's the present one or a future one, to partake in such a conference in which the purpose will be to determine the political future of Somaliland. Such a future has already been decided by the people in May 1991 when Somaliland was liberated from Siad Barre's Southern army. The decision was made that the independence of the republic be reclaimed. Constitutionally, Somaliland cannot participate in that.

But politically? If Somaliland reached a political decision that it wanted to be a part of Somalia it could presumably amend the constitution and take steps to enable itself to rejoin Somalia, couldn't it?

The people have already spoken. I don't foresee and don't think there will be that day when the people of Somaliland will say that we have changed our mind and we are going to reunite with Somalia. I don't think that's in the books because there is no reason for the people of Somaliland to do that. The people of Somaliland came to this particular conclusion after twenty years of Southern domination, disenfranchisement and destruction. There is no use for the people of Somaliland to go back to be re subjugated by anyone else. I think what Somaliland can do is to encourage the people of Somalia to put their house in order in any which way we can. And particularly if the international community sees Somaliland as a party that can, with their assistance, do that job. Provided that Somaliland is given a special status that is separate from Somalia, Somaliland would be very happy to participate and actually spearhead that kind of international effort. Thus far all the efforts have failed and now the anticipated meeting in Nairobi does not look like it will be different, although we hope that Egal will succeed in having the brothers in that part of Somalia to meet with each other and put their house in order.

What are you looking for or expecting from the United States?

We are looking for the United States to understand the Somaliland situation and I think that has been done already. the United States government understands the reality of the situation. The U.S. should recognize Somaliland because it is a secular democracy that lives in peace. It meets all the criteria of statehood. Even if that is not forthcoming now in the present situation, it should assist in economic development and institution-building. After all, any assistance to Somaliland will further democracy, economic and social development, will be money in the bank - an investment in regional development.

Will you get that kind of assistance? Will you get recognition?

The international community already deals with Somaliland. The more we develop economically and socially, the more we can participate in ensuring peace and stability in the region and sub-region. And the more the international community will see the reason for - we shall say - tieing the knot.

To the east of you, Puntland, seems to be unraveling. Are we looking at a new outbreak of warfare that will continue into the foreseeable future?

First of all the struggle in Puntland has different levels. At one level it is a struggle between two former army officers. Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf and Colonel Jama Ali Jama. At the same time they both belong to two sub-clans of a major Somali clan called Majeerten. Abdullahi Yusuf belongs to the sub-clan called Omar Mahmud and Jama Ali Jama belongs to Osman Mahmud. What has happened since Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf began his sweep to the port of Bosaso, we have not seen any major bloodshed or fleeing civilians. The town has just surrendered, and it seems to me that the militia of Abdullahi Yusuf saw to it that they do not harm property or hurt civilians. That is good news. We in Somaliland were concerned because if such destruction had taken place, a lot of the fleeing refugees would have come to our country and put more burden on us. That has not happened, thus far. Nor have we heard of any active resistance. Apart from the irrationality and constitutionality of Colonel Abdullahi's move, I think at the present time the situation seems to be calm.

So, although this is a coup d'etat, you're seeing stability?

I hope. I hope there will be some kind of understanding among the major sub-clans and that further bloodshed, bloodshed that could be far bigger than what we have seen, and many other calamities will be avoided.

All of this raises the broader question about Somalia. What we're seeing in Puntland, clan tension or violence, is repeated across Somalia. So is Somalia viable at all? And the flip side of this question is how has Somaliland managed to escape this?

I think Somalia - that is Italian Somalia - is viable as an entity, provided that the clans there will sit down and just forget about dominating each other and let us use the rules of traditional law. What has happened in the South, particularly in Mogadishu, is just that one sub-clan wants to take power by any means. And that sub-clan is Haber Gider. It looks like the problem lies with the Haber Gider insisting to have the presidency in Mogadishu and to have dominant control. The leadership that came from that group began with General Mohammed Farah Aideed. After he died [in 1997] you have his son young Hussein Mohammed Aideed. You have another man called [Osman Ali] Atto. You have another guy who is called Abdulkassim Salat Hassan, who is the interim president of the TNG (Transitional National Government). All those men are from the sub-clan Haber Gider. Unless that clan decides to share power equitably with others who are more numerous than they are, there will be no solution.

Can they reach agreement among themselves or will it take some sort of outside intervention?

It has been taking a long, long time - since 1991. And they all failed. This reconciliation conference that is supposed to be held in Nairobi sometime this spring or early summer, under the auspices of Kenyan President Daniel Arap Moi and with the full support of the IGAD (Intergovernmental Authority on Development - Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan, and Uganda)- group with particular responsibility given to Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya it looks like the three governments don't have the same view. Because Djibouti is still trying to impose its will on the two others, claiming that they are Somalis and they know more about Somali affairs than the other two countries. Of course, Kenya and Ethiopia both have big Somali populations. Unless people use traditional laws and unless Haber Gider ceases and desists from this relentless quest for power, I think the prognosis is not going to be good.

So now, why is Somaliland different? After we declared independence we had our own share of unrest. What we did was to go back to our traditional jurisprudence. And we selected our leadership from all the clans and sub, sub, clans - even from the nucleus of a family up to a sub-clan and to a major clan. We selected a group of people who have the trust of people in households. And they sat in a conference for four months. All the problems and all the issues that were pending were nailed down from the grassroots to the top, and we selected a parliament and then the parliament selected the government of Somaliland in 1993. That is what you call home-grown time-honored, traditional jurisprudence. We have succeeded in using that - institutions from within our own culture.

We share with the people of Somaliland their shock and grieve over the terrible loss of our President, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, who died yesterday morning in a military hospital in Pretoria, South Africa.

Death is an inevitable event that every creature is bound to meet. Mohammed Ibrahim Egal's soul, may Allah rest it in eternal peace, was of course no exception. But one cannot fail to notice the feelings of total disbelief that his countrymen and women have already shown in reaction to the news of his death. Despite being overwhelmed by feelings of shock, loss and sorrow, Somalilanders however have once again demonstrated their maturity and wisdom in dealing with times of national calamity. Shortly after the news of Egal's death arrived in Hargeisa yesterday, Vice President Dahir Riyale Kahin was sworn in as President of the Republic of Somaliland. It is not the first time that Somaliland has accomplished a smooth succession of power in the country's leadership.

In fact, Somaliland has never experienced a power vacuum since its inception in 1991.

At this juncture, we are confident that the people of Somaliland will heed the calls of unity from their government leaders and across the nation, and uphold the country's peace and stability. This is a time for atonement and reconciliation.

We also commend the responsible way in which the leaders of the political opposition parties and civic groups have reacted to the unfortunate loss that this country has sustained in the death of its president. The people of Somaliland take great consolation in this expression of patriotism and unity of purpose.

To the enemies of this country, we say that President Egal is dead, but the Republic of Somaliland is here to stay.

By Anne Johnstone

First of all the struggle in Puntland has different levels. At one level it is a struggle between two former army officers. Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf and Colonel Jama Ali Jama. At the same time they both belong to two sub-clans of a major Somali clan called Majeerten. Abdullahi Yusuf belongs to the sub-clan called Omar Mahmud and Jama Ali Jama belongs to Osman Mahmud. What has happened since Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf began his sweep to the port of Bosaso, we have not seen any major bloent 12 years in prison. Though, he changed allegiances several times during his career, he eventually took up opposition to the military regime.

When clan-based political factions ousted Siad Barre in January 1991, Egal and others in the Somali National Movement set up a government for a separate Somaliland in the area covered by the former British Protectorate. Clan elders and a constituent assembly elected Egal president of the Somaliland Republic in May 1993 as the rest of Somalia descended into chaos while clan-based warlords fought each other for control. But Egal was never able to gain international recognition for the republic. He blamed this on the insistence by the international community that Somalia, although without a central government, should remain a unified nation.

I met Egal in 1994, while on a fact-finding mission to Somaliland with the Scottish Labour MP Tony Worthington. Egal had developed rheumatism and diabetes, probably a legacy from his incarceration but he retained his statesmanlike bearing and an avuncular manner. (His pleasures in life included good food and fine whisky.) He spoke of the importance of international recognition, without which his country could not qualify for bilateral aid.

Without it, he said it would be hard to improve security and rebuild his shattered capital.

Asked which countries were Somaliland's best friends, he declared: ''Until this happened, I thought you guys were!''

Egal brought a measure of stability to his troubled land. He was re-elected in 1997, and his final term was to have expired this year, but presidential elections were postponed until next February. Egal refused to throw in his lot with a transitional national government for Somalia that was chosen by clan representatives in August 2000.

He died in Pretoria on May 3, aged 73. Married five times, he is survived by his last wife and five children. This week his body made a last journey, the length of Africa, to a final resting place in his beloved Hargeisa.

Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, politician; born August 15, 1928, died May 3, 2002.

The new Somaliland president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, today at the presidency in Hargeysa held talks with a delegation comprising intellectuals, politicians, clan leaders and traders from Mogadishu. For more details on this here is Banaadir reporter Ali Muhammad Adan, alias Madobe, who is now in Somaliland:

[Adan] The new Somaliland president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, today at the presidency in Hargeysa held talks with a delegation comprising politicians, clan elders and traders from Mogadishu. The delegation, which arrived yesterday in Hargeysa, was warmly received by officials from the Somaliland administration.

The Mogadishu delegation included Dr Husayn Haji Muhammad Bod, Ali Ugas Cabdulle, Gen Muhammad Shaykh Usman, A'qil Ahmad Rage Abdi, Lawyer Gabyow and 20 others.

The delegation also held talks with members of the cabinet, MPs and the council of elders in Somaliland. They expressed their heartfelt condolences on the death of President Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal...
Source: Radio Banaadir, Mogadishu, in Somali 1700 gmt 8 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

The new leader of Somaliland has vowed to bring international recognition and continued stability to the breakaway Horn of Africa country, hours after long-time president Mohamed Ibrahim Egal was buried.

President Dahir Riyale Kahin, the former vice president who was sworn in as president after the announcement of Egal's death, worked into the early hours Tuesday preparing for his first cabinet meeting.

There will be no sudden moves, Kahin said in an interview late Monday night, declaring he would continue down Egal's path. Gaining international recognition for the breakaway state and ensuring its continued security will be his two main goals, he stressed.

Egal, who came to power in 1993, had made Somaliland an island of peace in the war-torn region. But his presidency and Somaliland's independence have not been recognized by any other country, thus depriving it of foreign aid.

Fears by the international community that Somaliland would fall into chaos after Egal's death had proved groundless, Kahin said.

"In fact we have shown that we have applied the peace and governance that (Egal) has instituted," he said.

"Nothing bad happened in Somaliland after his death. I hope the international community will realise that we are not a fragile state," he said.

"We are a real state that (rules by) a constitution. Not many African countries can do what we have done. We ask for recognition from the international community for this."

He also said Somaliland's voters would go to the polls for municipal, parliamentary and presidential elections within eight months.

"We will have municipal elections and then parliamentary or presidential elections -- I have not decided in which order these will be -- in the next eight months," Kahin said.

Kahin was a high ranking military officer in the Somali government of late General Mohamed Siad Barre which was toppled in January 1991, five months before Somaliland unilaterally declared independence from the rest of Somalia.

More than 3,000 people attended Egal's funeral Monday in the Gulf of Aden port of Berbera.

Some had reportedly walked 155 kilometers (96 miles) from the capital, while others arrived on a charter flight from the Gulf.

Information minister Abdillahi Mohamed Duale said the funeral had registered an outpouring of grief unseen since the war in the 1980s against Barre's military regime that reduced this and other cities to rubble.

An Ethiopian delegation to the funeral was led by Deputy Foreign Minister Tekeda Alemu.

"We are saddened by (Egal's) passing but we take consolation in the fact that when he has left behind is an institution that has the capacity to protect the peace and stability of Somaliland.

"That has enormous implications for the sub-region and particularly for Ethiopia,' said Alemu. Berbera is a vital outlet to the sea for Ethiopia, landlocked since Eritrea declared independence in 1993. Port fees from Ethiopia are Somaliland's primary source of revenue.

The official mourning period for Egal will last for a week from last Friday, when he died in Pretoria, South Africa, from complications after undergoing bowel surgery.

Kahin, 49, the former vice president, was sworn in as president here on Friday within two hours of the announcement of long-time president Mohamed Ibrahim Egal's death.

Egal, who died in Pretoria last Friday from complications after bowel surgery, was buried on Monday at Berbera, some 155 kilometres (96 miles) northeast of the capital, Hargeisa.

NAIROBI: The death of a man that some describe as the "father figure" of Somaliland is being marked with a week of national mourning.

Some 3,000 mourners gathered to witness the burial of Somaliland president Mohamed Ibrahim Egal in the port town of Berbera, Monday. In accordance with his last wishes, the 74-year-old ruler was buried alongside his father, Haji Ibrahim Egal, a wealthy businessman.

Despite the grief, analysts are confident that the tiny country -- which has not been recognized by any other state -- will survive his demise. "It is significant that they moved very swiftly to elect a new leader. There was no dangerous power struggle as some people had thought would occur," says Ahmed Rajab, editor of the London-based newsletter Africa Analysis.

"Egal's personality was stamped on Somaliland, but Somaliland was there before Egal, and I think it's safe to assume that it will remain after him," says Matt Bryden, coordinator of the War-torn Societies Project in Somalia, a U.N.-funded body that helps post-war countries rebuild their political institutions.

Vice-President Dahir Riyale Kahin was inaugurated late Friday at an emergency meeting of senior government officials soon after Egal's death. Egal died after undergoing bowel surgery at a military hospital in Pretoria, South Africa four days after he was first hospitalized.

The self-declared republic of Somaliland broke away from the rest of Somalia in 1991. Egal was elected president by clan elders and a constituent assembly in May 1993. His term of office had recently been extended by one year.

Somaliland is a remarkable success story in the midst of the chaos that dominates the rest of the impoverished, war-torn Horn of Africa nation. It is relatively peaceful and well run.

While the Somali capital, Mogadishu, remains a lawless, dangerous place, terrorized by competing armed factions, Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa, is one of the safest cities on the continent. Several airlines and telecommunications companies operate out of the dusty little city, which also offers the cheapest internet access rates in the region.

Somaliland has its own flag, its own coinage, its own car number-plates, and a competent police force. All of this on a shoestring budget -- because it is unable to access donor money or loans.

The breakaway state has failed to win recognition from the international community, which insists that Somalia, although without a central government, should remain a unified nation.

This reluctance to endorse Somaliland's independence is based on the principle -- enshrined in the Organization of African Unity charter -- of the inviolability of colonial borders. In reality, everybody is afraid of a proliferation of mini-states, which would be unsustainable and could lead to endless border disputes.

The most immediate fear is that Egal's death could swiftly undo the remarkable achievements this fledgling state has achieved. If there is a power struggle, the resulting instability could see a return to armed conflict.

However, Bryden believes this is unlikely. "Egal's was an administration and not a faction. Somaliland is in the process of establishing institutions of government that are young and weak, but they are not dependent on a single personality," he says.

The danger point here is Somaliland's neighbour, Ethiopia. Tens of thousands of Somalis, including Somali President Abdiqasim Salad Hassan, held protest in Mogadishu, Sunday, accusing Ethiopia of helping to divide the country.

"The Ethiopians are meddling in Somali affairs," says Rajab, pointing to their involvement in a power struggle in another breakaway Somali mini-state, Puntland, to the west of Somaliland.

"They are using Puntland to disrupt any semblance of unity suspecting that there are elements within Puntland that want to destabilise Ethiopia," he says. Some Ethiopian secessionists, called the Oromo, maintain bases in Somalia.

"They would like to have someone in power there who is sympathetic to the Ethiopian cause. I think that is a possibility that must be taken note of," agrees analyst Herman Hanekom of the South African-based Africa Institute.

However, Rajab is skeptical of Ethiopia's chances of success. "They would have to find allies in Somaliland and I don't think they would find it easy to do so. There is peace in Somaliland and that is the norm and I don't think people want to give it up," he says.

Another big question is whether Egal's death could precipitate reunification with the rest of Somalia.

Egal repeatedly opposed efforts to reunite Somalia, which he saw as a threat to Somaliland's autonomy and threatened to drag Somaliland back into the country's long-running civil war.

"As far as we are concerned we have nothing to do with Mogadishu. We are sorry about what is happening to them and their failure to solve their own problems, but we have solved ours. There is no reason why we should be lumped with them," he said.

Egal refused to support the Transitional National Government (TNG) for Somalia that was chosen by clan representatives at the Arta conference of August 2000.

This TNG is at the centre of efforts to organize a national reconciliation conference, scheduled to take place in Kenya later this month. Will Somaliland now join in? Analysts think not.

"Egal's death won't drastically change the set up because the people of Somaliland are resolved to maintain their independence. I don't think there will come any counter force to force a return to Somalia immediately," predicts Rajab.

However, he is quick to add "that doesn't mean that Kahin will not be challenged in the future".

Many Somalis still support the concept of a Greater Somalia. "They are essentially one people, although different tribes. Egal, personally, was an ardent Pan-Africanist. So the question of unity has been in their minds," Rajab explains.

"But I think they will only consider reuniting with Somalia if their status is safeguarded, for example in a confederation," he says.

It is important to remember that Somaliland voluntarily joined with the rest of Somalia. Under colonialism, Somaliland was ruled by the British, unlike the rest of Somalia, which was an Italian colony.

Somaliland was granted independence in June 1960, four days before Somalia, to its south. The two united the next month to form the Republic of Somalia.

Egal served as Prime Minister of Somalia from July 1967 until Oct 1969, when Major General Mohamed Siad Barre overthrew the government and imprisoned Egal and several others.

After 12 years in prison under Barre, Egal took up opposition to his military regime, overthrowing the dictator in Jan 1991.

The minister of information and national guidance, Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale, who was speaking to Channel Four of Johannesburg, South Africa, has said former Somaliland president, Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, who passed away unexpectedly, May Allah Have mercy on him, had left a sound political legacy for his people.

The minister said the quick transition of power which was completed within few hours manifested the political legacy. He said most third world countries would be unable to achieve what was achieved by Somaliland - a young country seeking international recognition.

The minister said the government and the people of Somaliland were asking the international community and were looking to advanced African countries like South Africa, Ethiopia and Nigeria to be on the forefront in the recognition of the country and its people.

Asked who took part in the burial of the late president, he said the country had received condolences from the president and the Foreign Affairs Ministry of South Africa, the US State Department, and foreign organizations in Somalia, and Somaliland. He said the burial was also attended by the Ethiopian deputy foreign minister, delegations from Somalia and hundreds of thousands of people from regions in Somaliland.

The minister said the BBC Somali service has received up to 10,000 letters of condolences to the people of Somaliland.
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 8 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

On hearing the sad and shocking news of the death of President Mohammed Ibrahim Egal, we the undersigned members of the Somaliland Community in the United Arab Emriates, would like to express our deep sorrow and grief on the country's loss of not only its leader, but a world known statesman, and one of Africa's independence heroes.

On behalf of the Somaliland community in the United Arab Emirates, we would like to extend our sincere condolence and heartfelt sympathies to the family, relatives and friends of President Egal, and to Dahir Riyale Kahin, Acting President of Somaliland and to the people of Somaliland as a whole.

It is time to remember Egal's good legacies as the hero of the struggle for Independence from the British colonial rule and as the man who stood firm and resolutely against all odds for the sovereignty and independence of our country as the President of present-day Somaliland. Egal was a man of destiny and his name will forever remain synonymous with that of Somaliland.

As the Somaliland Community in the UAE, we would like to reiterate our unequivocal support for the sovereignty, peace and stability of Somaliland and our unwavering loyalty to the constitution and leadership of our homeland.

We have a firm belief that with the wisdom and great resilience of our people, Somaliland will prevail over this calamity, and will continue to safeguard its unity, sovereignty, peace and stability. We also call upon all Somalilanders in the diaspora to renew their support and loyalty for our country's unity and sovereignty at this critical juncture of our country's history.

We belong to Allah and to him we shall all return.

Signatories:

Sultan Mohammed Abdi Ali, Ibrahim Barre Nuur, Mohammed Saeed Egeh, Dr. Omer Ibrahim Huseein, Mohamoud Hassan Sa'ad, Warsame Dirie Muse, Omar Abdi Shire, Noah Amin Arre, Bashir Sh. Omer Goth, Abdurahman Omar Sh. Ibrahim, Noah Barkhadle, Hussein Warsame Siyaad, Awil Gooh Abdi, Abdi Dhiilood Ali Shire, Amiin Abdillahi Ali, Mohammed Farah Gureh, Barre Adam Abdillahi, Saeed Dirir Eid, Mohammed Abdi Awl, Hykal Abdi Mohammed.

After a measure of relief with a better than expected Deyr, the Jilaal season has placed increasing strain on many vulnerable groups. After the 2001 Gu analysis, the FSAU predicted that pastoralists in the North and Central parts of the country would become increasingly stretched if the Livestock Import Ban, particularly to the major market of Saudia Arabia, continued. This month field reports increasingly highlight the plight of small groups needing emergency relief. The insecurity in many parts of the country and particularly in Puntland as well as areas in southern Somalia have contributed to the problems and prevented essential seasonal activities that further threaten the food security of poorer groups. The timely arrival of good Gu rains and a period of reduced conflict will be vital if a further decline in the food security status is to be avoided.

In Somaliland, the situation faced by returning refugees is highlighted again along with information on activities designed to improve humanitarian conditions.

SOOL and SANAG: The FSAU Field Monitor reported a few scattered showers on 19th March in Dhahar district of Sanag region but food insecurity remains acute in the Sool Plateau, with the long dry season compounding the failed Deyr rains. This has produced severe shortages of water, which is being trucked into the area, and pasture depletion, resulting in significant losses of cattle and shoats. It has also extended to the lower Nugal valley and the local consensus is that around 2,000 poor households in Sool Region now have inadequate food intake and require support. A similar situation exists in the Sool Plateau and Gebi Valley of Sanag region, except that WFP have been distributing food in this area which is ongoing at the time of writing.

LIVESTOCK EXPORT UPDATE BERBERA ** Jan 02 Feb 02 March 02 CAMEL 1369 1922 1018 CATTLE 3324 3468 2390 SHOATS 23000 59349 22932 Totals 27693 64739 26340 * Source : UNCTAD
SANAG & TOGHDEER

Starting in Togdheer around Burao, the food security situation is normal, becoming progressively worse as one moves east into Sanag and finally is critical in the area around the Sool plateau and Gebi valley. The latter are experiencing severe losses of income, which is being compounded by high prices for water that diverts expenditure away from food and other essential purchases. Water prices continued rise and the commodity is being trucked in from areas outside. Middle and better-off households have been able to move their livestock to other areas (thus increasing the stresses there) but the poor have had to remain where they are. Options for coping are very limited (gums and resins) and nutritional status among pastoralists is said to be poor.

This has continued despite the erratic and scattered rains that have fallen in the Golis mountain range in the second half of the month. Livestock disease, compounded by animal malnutrition, is a major concern, as is the depletion of important rangelands. Cross-border trade (to Yemen and Egypt via Ethiopia and Djibouti) increased to a limit of 1,400 head per week. Animals are only expected to return from the Hawd once the Gu rains have become established. WFP have distributed food in Dhahar and Badhan districts -- corresponding to the Sool Plateau and Gebi Valley respectively. UNICEF and FSAU will undertake nutrition surveys in Sanag, Sool and Bari when security situation allows access
SOOL

Despite reports of a few scattered showers on 19th March in Dhahar district of Sanag region, food insecurity in the Sool plateau (NE of the region) has become acute, with the long dry season (called Kaliil locally) compounding the failed Deyr rains. This has produced severe shortages of water, which is being trucked into the area and sold at Sshs. 50,000 per drum or about three times the dollar-rate of this time last year. Pasture is depleted and this contributed to the death of a significant number of cattle and shoats.

Shortages of milk have pushed the price of this commodity up to almost twice its normal rate. Reduced incomes for the poor, coupled with the large proportion of expenditure that is diverted into water purchases, has rendered cereal purchases inaccessible. Vulnerability has extended to the lower Nugal valley and the local consensus is that around 2,000 poor households in the region now have inadequate food intake and require support. The Hawd part of the region is now approaching this situation but this will depend on the coming Gu rains. Although goats have started kidding, the offspring are often destroyed to reduce stress on the mothers.

NW & AWDAL

The onset of relatively minor rainfall (Todob) in the sub-coastal parts of Awdal provided relief to pastoral households in that area. Despite that, livestock condition is still poor. Elsewhere, scatterings of early Gu showers also helped replenish water supplies has raised the water levels for shallow wells. This has improved the availability and access to drinking water for both livestock and human populations. It has also led to farmers beginning their tillage activities. The supply of live animals to the main urban markets decreased, pushing up price towards the end of the month. Simultaneously, there has been a decline in the availability of cheaper cereals. This has resulted in weaker purchasing power for urban households, poor agro-pastoralists and returnees (those who lack significant numbers of livestock).

Zeila and Lughaya districts remain food insecure. Interventions in food aid, selective feeding and health are in progress. Nutrition status of children is being montiored.

Pretoria (SABC): The South African government has expressed its condolences to Somaliland over the death of its president, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal. Egal died after undergoing surgery in the South African capital, Pretoria, yesterday. He was admitted to One Military Hospital last week for a medical check-up.

Officials said at the time the 73-year-old president was experiencing numbness in his legs, which rendered him unable to walk. Somaliland obtained independence from Britain in 1960 and later voluntarily united with Somalia. Its withdrawal from this union in 1991 has not been recognized by the international community.

Hargeisa: All Somaliland opposition parties have called upon the people and government of Somaliland to exercise vigilance in order to safeguard the country's unity, peace and stability.

The opposition parties, HORMOOD, ASAD, SAHAN, UCID and BIRSOL have all appealed for caution and protection of the country's independence and sovereignty.

In a condolence message to the public, a group of prominent politicians, Suldans and community leaders from Buroa said this critical period could only be overcome through solidarity and broad-based consultations.

As the news on the death President Egal spread to every corner of the country and the globe, the electronic mail address of Haatuf Media Network, which publishes Haatuf, The Somaliland Times and Al-Haatef Al-Arabi, have been jammed since yesterday afternoon with messages of condolences or inquires on the situation in the country.

We regret for not being able to publish all the condolences received due to space constraints.

BY RICHARD GREENFIELD

ON MONDAY the body of the first President of an African country quietly left a hospital in Pretoria on a last journey, back to his capital city, Hargeisa, in the Republic of Somaliland - a country recognised not by the United Nations, not by the regional organisations, nor any other nation, African or otherwise. But Mohamed Ibrahim Egal did have status. In 1993, the elders and citizens of what was once the British Somaliland Protectorate chose him as President of the "Republic of Somaliland" precisely because of the supposed influence his name might have, due to the high standing he had earned amongst that generation of African leaders who first steered their countries from colonialism to political independence some half a century ago. But today, especially in the West, few comprehend the significant sense of history that pervades the Third World.

Egal was born in 1928 at Odweyne, midway between the historic northern Somali trading centre and port of Berbera and the old escarpment town of Sheikh. His father, Ibrahim Egal, from the Habr Awal section of the Isaaq clan, was a wealthy merchant owning much property in the days when Berbera had served as the British colonial capital. To the west lay French territory - now Djibouti. To the east and south-east was Italian Somalia - now "Puntland" and the chaotic Somali Republic. To the south lay the Haud and the Ogaden, also in process of "pacification" but by the armies of the then empire of Ethiopia: their first governor, based in the walled city of Harar, was Ras Makonnen, the father of emperor Haile Selassie.

Thus on every frontier the population was also Somali. To the proud nomad such boundaries meant little and indeed were largely ignored, but to Mohamed's generation of schoolboys they were real enough. They all dreamed of a new Africa where a "greater" Somalia which might one day incorporate all Somalis, even as far as the NFD - the forbidding desert scrub lands of northern Kenya.

From his youth, Mohamed must have been conscious that such an aspiration could not be easily achieved, for he was one of the few lucky ones whose family could pay for further schooling in Manchester, England. For instance, he spent some time studying with the brilliant young Kenyan Tom Mboya, whose Pan-Africanism certainly did not extend to the further dismemberment of Kenya any time in the future. Britain had already handed over Jubaland with the southern Somali port of Kismayu to Italy to ensure the latter's anti-German stance in the First World War. However, when modern political expression in the form of clubs and embryonic parties began throughout the Somali lands, no aspiring nationalist could fail to address the seemingly alien and unjust colonial division of the Somali nation.

Mohamed Ibrahim Egal married Asha Said Abi in 1946 - who was to bear him three sons and two daughters - and was soon in the thick of political struggle. In 1956 he was elected to head the Berbera branch of the Somali National League. Although later he seldom hesitated to change from party to party, he was ever careful to pay more than lip service to the prospect of eventual Somali independence and unity. He was a compelling orator possessed of considerable charisma. Yet from the beginning astute observers detected an occasional lack of consistency and determination. However, by 1958 he had risen to be the SNL general secretary.

After the Second World War, Italian Somaliland was returned to Italy but as a United Nations Trust and the unanticipated prospect of their eastern neighbour's early independence startled the Somali elite in Hargeisa almost as much as it did the hitherto complacent British colonial administration. With hindsight, many see enthusiasm for unity on the part of the northerners as naive as the more numerous and politically experienced southerners quickly acquired most of the plum appointments. However, Egal and four colleagues journeyed to London and agreed that the British Protectorate should become independent on 24 June 1960. For five short days, Egal was Prime Minister.

On 1 July, former Italian Somalia followed suit: the two legislative assemblies met and merged in Mogadishu. Southerners held most of the keys to power and patronage but Egal became minister of defence in the new Somali Republic, and it was agreed that a referendum was to be held within a year to ratify a constitution in which all Somali people had a place. At the time few bothered that that never happened, rejoicing meantime that the first two of the symbolic five points of the white star on the azure background of their flag were united.

Radio programmes and determined young ministers and diplomats set out to persuade Arab and African leaders, the United Nations and, after 1963, the OAU of the justice of the Somali cause. But, in the real world, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya and Haile Selassie of Ethiopia - not to mention the governments of France and Britain - did not share the Somali euphoria. Undeterred, the Somalis opened offices and training camps for "freedom fighters" were set up. All this against the ominous background of the Cold War. Development of the Somali military agreements, discouraged by the West, was entered into with the Soviet Union.

Aden Abdulla Osman was President with Abdurashid Ali Shermarke, then Abdurazaq Haji Hussein, as Prime Minister. Egal left the government in 1962 to form the Somali National Congress. In 1963, following a refusal to accept a Commission report which suggested the population of the NFD might favour independence under the Somali rather than the Kenyan flag, diplomatic relations with Britain were broken off. Ambassador Lancelot Pyman described it all as "a very civilised rupture" - and well he might since he had even been consulted in the abstract as to how it should be effected - but angry Somalis set fire to the British Council library.

From 1962 until 1964, Egal led the opposition but in that year he disappointed many friends by unexpectedly joining the governing Somali Youth League, dominated by southerners. It proved a good career move. Some 62 political parties contested, but the SYL retained a majority and all the opposition with the exception of Abdurazaq Haji Hussein crossed the floor. Then, in 1967 Abdurashid Ali Shermarke was elected President and he appointed Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal Prime Minister. One foreign observer noted that the government remained riddled with "demagoguery, nepotism and sensational corruption" but at home it was condemned more for lack of progress in promoting "greater Somalia".

Egal, however, proved a pragmatist. Without renouncing the eventual irredentist aims of Somali foreign policy (which were in any case enshrined in the constitution) he skilfully used the OAU - and the good offices of Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia - to ease tensions with Kenya. Alarmed at the growing influence of the Soviet Union, the Ethiopian military had provoked serious frontier clashes in 1964, causing Egal to turn his undoubted charm on the United States, Haile Selassie's staunch ally. In return for some aid and a visit by Vice-President Hubert Humphrey, he quietly reined in pro- Somali insurgencies in the Ogaden and particularly Bale. In 1968, low- key diplomatic relations with Britain were restored.

Segments of the Somali military and to a lesser extent the police and intelligentsia were becoming restive. Egal had a minor confrontation over the incompetence of the government, with the army commander, Major-General Mohamed Siad Barre. He discussed sending the general on a course to the Soviet Union as a prelude to shunting him aside politically. It would have been easy: Somalis were the only Africans allowed, for example, to attend the Soviet Union's elite tank schools beyond the Ural mountains. But the wily Siad avoided the posting.

Egal was in Washington when disaster struck. On 12 October 1969, President Abdurashid Ali Shermarke was assassinated. Egal rushed home. A colonel - Mohamed Farah Aideed - reported the imminence of a military coup but again Egal failed to take incisive action. On 21 October 1969, he and others were rounded up and detained at the presidential palace at Afgoi, south of Mogadishu. A popular Supreme Revolutionary Council repudiated all frontier agreements, abolished the existing constitution and judiciary and decreed the formation of new organs to manage the state.

Egal and others were arraigned and disappeared. Years later Mohamed Barood Ali, a long-term political prisoner, described the dreaded secret maximum- security prison Labaatan Jirow, where there were strict orders not to write on cell walls. One day he discover the word EGAL scratched in an obscure corner, and was elated by the thought that he was inhabiting the same cell as had his prime minister.

Egal was eventually released and made ambassador to India. But after a year was recalled for consultation, accused of conspiracy and reincarcerated. He developed diabetes and rheumatism. In 1985, Siad Barre again ordered his release and, it is said, gave him a million US dollars. He became chairman of the Mogadishu Chamber of Commerce and joined those few favourites who, on the President's signature, benefited from access to Somalia's then fast-dwindling foreign-exchange reserves.

Who is to judge what years of harsh solitary confinement do to the mind? Suffice it to report that Egal toured the Gulf countries, warning expatriate Somali communities to resist calls to fund guerrilla movements - specifically including the Somali National Movement (SNM), sponsored largely by his own Isaaq people - who were taking up arms against the dreadful tyranny of Mohamed Siad Barre's regime.

The Cold War ameliorated. Both foreign aid and refugee assistance were curtailed. Rebellion was widespread. The Somali government collapsed in 1991. The ever-impetuous north unilaterally declared its resumption of the independence it had enjoyed for those vital five days in June 1960. Thus the Republic of Somaliland was reborn.

In 1993, a council of elders thanked the SNM for their role in the struggle and, in a desperate plea for recognition, handed the presidency to their sole surviving statesman. Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal restored security, introduced a new currency and brought back a semblance of sound internal self-government but remained unrecognised. Never a dangerous extremist - enjoying good food and a glass of whisky - he was re-elected for a further five years in 1998. But now he is gone and the world, and Africa, still do not welcome the break-up of states.

Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, politician: born Odweyne, British Somaliland Protectorate 15 August 1928; Prime Minister, Somaliland Republic 1960; Minister of Defence, Republic of Somalia 1960-62; Minister of Education 1962-63; Prime Minister 1967-69; Ambassador to India 1976-78; Chair, Chamber of Commerce, Mogadishu 1985-91; President, "Republic of Somaliland" 1993-2002; five times married (three sons, two daughters); died Pretoria 3 May 2002.

The president of the republic of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, last night at the Presidency held talks with journalists from South Africa who had arrived on board the plane carrying the body of the late Somaliland president, Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, may God have mercy on his soul. The journalists were representing various South African radio and TV stations. President Kahin told the journalists that the adoption of the national constitution and the adherence to it [by the people] in Somaliland had greatly attracted the focus of the international community and proved Somaliland's democratization system.
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 7 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

Garoowe, 3 May, 2002 Press Release : Loss of a National Leader, Condolence to the Somali People The President of Puntland State of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad, was saddened by the sudden passing away of a national figure, the Late Haji Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, President of Somaliland and formerly, the prime minister of Somalia.

Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad would like to send his heartfelt condolence to the family of the Late Somali leader, to the people and administration of Somaliland as well as to the entire Somali people wherever they may live.

Abdullahi Yusuf has asked the religious leaders of Puntland state to pray for the late leader, Muhammad Haji Ibrahim Egal, for Allah's forgiveness. Amiin!

Isma'il H Warsame, Chief of Cabinet
Source: AllPuntland.com web site in English 6 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

The newly-appointed President Dahir Riyale Kahin was born in 1952 in Qulujed village, west of Boorama [western Somaliland] District.

He attended a Koranic school between 1957 and 1960 in Qulujed, and a primary school in the area between 1960 and 1963. He attended a Boorama day middle school between 1963 and 1967. He left after three years and joined Amud secondary school between 1973 and 1974. He was in Halane [teachers' college] between 1974 and 1975, where he worked and was trained by the government. He served in various capacities in the former Somali Republic and rose to the rank of a colonel in the army.

He took part in the 1991 Burco conference that reaffirmed the independence of Somaliland. He was the governor of Awdal Region between 1991 and 1992. He worked fostering brotherhood between the people of Somaliland between 1992 and 1997. He took part in the country's election in 1997 and was chosen vice-president of Somaliland. He was appointed today at 6 p.m. [local time] as the president of Somaliland.
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 3 May 02/BBC Monitoring

Hargeisa: Vice President Dahir Riyale Kahin was sworn in yesterday afternoon as the new President of the Republic of Somaliland, following the death of the country's President Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal yesterday morning in a hospital in Pretoria, South Africa.

The swearing in of Riyale was done in accordance with article 86 of the Somaliland constitution which says that if the incumbent president dies during his last two years in office, the Vice President will automatically assume the position of President. Immediately after the Somaliland government received the news that President Egal has passed away, an emergency meeting was held in the Somaliland Presidency.

The meeting was attended by Riyale, leaders of both Houses of Parliament and Supreme Court Justices.

In this meeting, it has been decided that Vice President Dahir Riyale Kahin should be immediately sworn in as President in order to avoid any power vacuum in governance.

The body of Somaliland's President, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, has been buried in the port town of Berbera in front of a large crowd.

His three sons laid him to rest next to his father in accordance with his last wishes.

Egal, 80, died in South Africa on Friday while undergoing surgery at a military hospital.

The self-declared republic of Somaliland broke away from the rest of Somalia in 1991.

Egal was elected president in 1993 but the break-away republic was never recognised by the international community.

Holy words

Around 4,000 people attended the funeral, an eye-witness told the BBC's Hassan Barise in the Somali capital, Mogadishu by telephone.

The governments of Ethiopia and Djibouti were represented, said businessman Abdullahi Aden Hirsi.

The Ethiopian delegation was led by the deputy minister of foreign affairs.

Our correspondent says that Ethiopia is trying to divide Somalia and supports Somaliland's independence, while Djibouti is pushing for Somali unity.

Egal's long time opponents, Suleman Gal and Ahmed Silanyo, were also there.

The vice-president of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, was inaugurated as the new leader on Friday.

Although seven days of national mourning have been declared, our correspondent says that flags are not flying at half-mast because the emblem includes holy Islamic words.

Power-struggle

Egal, who had been undergoing treatment for a number of ailments - ranging from rheumatism and hypertension to diabetes and cancer - died from what are described as complications following surgery.

Mohamed Egal had just had his term of office extended for another year in a final bid to secure the international recognition he craved.

Somaliland managed to avoid the descent into anarchy seen in the rest of Somalia but our correspondent says that Egal's death raises fears of a power-struggle and possible instability.

Kahin comes from the Gudabirsi clan, whereas Egal was a member of Somaliland's dominant Issak clan.

Thousands of Somalis attended the funeral and burial Monday of Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, the late president of the breakaway republic of Somaliland who died last week from medical complications in a South African military hospital.

His three sons lowered Egal's shroud-wrapped body into a grave in a cemetery in the port of Berbera as religious leaders read Islamic prayers.

Egal's body was flown to his home town on the Gulf of Aden early Monday where it was met by an official delegation led by Dahir Riyaleh Kahin. The former vice president was sworn in as president hours after Egal's death on Friday. Representatives of the governments of neighboring Ethiopia and Djibouti were present at the ceremony.

Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991 as civil war raged across much of the southern part of the country, has never been internationally recognized. But it does have close ties with Djibouti and Ethiopia, which recently sent an ambassador to the capital, Hargeisa.

A military band played Somaliland's anthem as the coffin of dark wood, draped in the green, white and red flag of Somaliland, was driven slowly in an ambulance from the airstrip to the cemetery at the edge of Berbera, 910 kilometers (565 miles) north of Mogadishu.

In keeping with his wishes, Egal was buried in a grave next to his father's.

Under Somali tradition, the male relatives closest to the deceased lay the body in the grave. Women are not allowed to be close to the grave during the burial.

"I was not even employed during the presidency of the late Egal, but I still feel I lost something big," Abdi Ahmed Adan, a mourner, said in a telephone interview from Berbera.

Egal, 73, was active in the movement for independence of British-administered Somaliland. Independence came in June 1960, four days before the Italian colony of Somalia to the south gained its independence. The two united the next month to form the Republic of Somalia. <> > He served as prime minister of Somalia from July 1967 until October 1969, when Maj. Gen. Mohamed Siad Barre overthrew the government and imprisoned Egal and several others.

When clan-based political factions ousted Siad Barre in January 1991, Egal and others in the Somali National Movement set up a government for a separate Somaliland.

Clan elders and a constituent assembly elected Egal the second president of the Somaliland Republic in May 1993 as the rest of Somalia descended into chaos while clan-based warlords fought each other for control.

Egal was re-elected in 1997, and his final term was to have expired this year. But presidential elections were postponed until next February.

Egal had refused be part of a national transitional government that was elected at a peace conference in Djibouti in August 2000.

No representatives of that government, which sits in Mogadishu, attended the funeral.

President Abdiqasim Salad Hassan's government did, however, send a message of condolence to Somalilanders, describing Egal as a great politician.

Egal is survived by his wife, Khultun Haji Dahir, the three sons and two daughters.

The president of the republic, Ismael Omar Gelleh, this afternoon sent a message of condolences to Dahir Riyaleh, the vice-president of the administrative region of Somaliland following the death of Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, the president Somaliland.

In his message to Riyaleh, the head of state expressed his sincere condolences on behalf of the people of Djibouti, his government, and his own behalf, praying to the God to grant the departed his clemency and mercy.
Source: ADI news agency web site, Djibouti, in French 3 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

Pretoria, South Africa: The President of the Republic of Somaliland, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, died Friday in a military hospital in Pretoria, South Africa.

Egal arrived in Pretoria last week, for medical treatment. He was admitted into a military hospital on Thursday April 25 for a medical check up after experiencing numbness in his legs.

Initially his condition was so bad that he had to be taken from the plane to the hospital in an ambulance.

Iqbal Jhazbhay, a South African who represents Somaliland affairs in his country, was at the side of President Egal during the treatment.

Egal was also accompanied by his wife, Kaltum Haji Dahir, and five children from another wife, Asha Saeed Aabi, in addition to a delegation comprising foreign minister Mohamed Saeed Gees, information minister Abdillahi Mohamed Dualle and governor of Bank of Somaliland, Abdirahman Dualle.

Jhazbhay said Egal had responded well to initial treatment and was walking on crutches. He was in good spirit and sharing Jokes with members of his delegation that had accompanied on the trip.

In their attempt to determine the cause of the numbness, doctors at the military hospital then performed an exploratory bowel operation known as colonoscopy.

During the procedure in the early hours of Friday President Egal, 74, sustained laceration and died from a complication arising from pressure on his heart and lungs.

Jhazbhay added that Egal's advanced age had also been a factor leading to his death at 10am Pretoria local time. He said the Somaliland delegation members did not suspect negligence on the part of doctors or hospital staff. President Egal's body is expected to be flown back to Somaliland on Sunday; a Somaliland government said last night.

In fulfillment of his will, President Egal will be buried near his father's grave in the port city of Berbera.

The late President was born in 1929 in Odweine about 75km southwest of Buroa. In the early fifties, Egal went to England on a 2-year college education course on the subject of commerce.

In 1956, Egal became the Secretary General of Somaliland's independence Party, the Somali National League.

When Somaliland gained its independence from Britain on June 26, 1960, Egal was elected Prime Minister of the new independent state of Somaliland.

After the independent state of Somaliland merged with Somalia on July 1960, Egal became the Union's first minister of defense and later its minister of information. He resigned in 1963 to form an opposition party, the Somali National Congress (SNC).

In 1964, Egal was re-elected to Parliament and then became Somalia's Prime minister from 1967 up to October 1969. His government was toppled by General Siyad Barre on Oct 21 1969; the military regime put him in prison for 8 years.

On May 18 1991, Somaliland won 10-year-old liberation struggle against Barre's regime and proclaimed its independence.

Abdirahman Ahmed Ali (Tur) was the first President of Somaliland. Egal was elected President of the new republic in Boroma's National Reconciliation Conference on May 3, 1993.

He was returned to office on Feb 23, 1997 in the wake of another National Conference held in Hargeisa on Oct 1996 - March 1997 for a term of 5 years.

Last January, his term in office was extended for a period of one year.

By the BBC's Rachel Harvey

The president of the self declared republic of Somaliland, Mohamed Egal, has died in South Africa.

Officials say Egal, who had been undergoing treatment for a number of ailments - ranging from rheumatism and hypertension to diabetes and cancer - died from what are described as complications following surgery.

We have not received what we really wanted most, and that was recognition of Somaliland.

Mohamed Egal

He was elected as president of the break away republic in 1993, but neither his position nor the independent status of Somaliland have ever been internationally recognised.

Reports said Mohamed Ibrahim Egal had been undergoing treatment at a hospital in the South African city of Pretoria for the past 10 days, but he had not been responding to treatment.

He died early on Friday morning, aged around 80 - although no-one seems to know his precise date of birth.

National anthem

Mohamed Egal was elected leader of the self-declared republic by a council of elders drawn from the region's main clans.

But despite having its own army, police force, flag and national anthem, Somaliland has never been recognised by an international community fearful of further instability in the Horn of Africa.

In an interview with the BBC three years ago, Egal said he was disappointed that Somaliland's development as an independent state had not been acknowledged, and he rejected any suggestion of reunification with Somalia.

"They are split into 20 parts you know (referring to Somalia), each one ruled by a warlord who knows nothing but killing and mayhem.

"Our people are prepared to talk to Somalia - we are prepared to help them find their way - to try to give them the benefits of the lessons we've learned here.

"We have not received what we really wanted most, and that was recognition of Somaliland"

Old rivalries

Mohamed Egal had just had his term of office extended for another year in a final bid to secure the international recognition he craved.

But he did not live to see his dream realised.

The fear is that after a decade of relative stability, the death of Mohamed Egal might prompt old rivalries to re-emerge.

After a period of mourning in Somaliland, observers say they expect a fiercely contested political battle for the presidency.

Dahir Riyale Kahin who was the vice-president of the Republic of Somaliland was today sworn in as the president of the Republic of Somaliland by the judge of the supreme court, Shogi [phonetic] Ilmi Ali at, the presidency.

This is line with the constitution of the Republic of Somaliland, article 86 section 4, and article 89 section 2, which deal with the filling of the vacancy of the presidency in the final two years. Prior to the swearing in ceremony, an emergency meeting was convened by the [new] president. The meeting held by the Council of Elders, the House of Representatives and the ministerial cabinet, concluded that the constitution stipulates that the vice-president is sworn in immediately. This was done this evening.

A 10-member committee comprising the three state councils, led by the minister of internal affairs, will be in charge of the burial of the late president, which will be carried out in Berbera tomorrow. This is according to the will of the late president Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, who wished to be buried next to his father's grave.

A seven-day mourning period which will involve the recitation of the Koran and prayers, will be held in the country, otherwise everything else will continue as usual.
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 3 May 02 /BBC Monitoring

Johannesburg, 3 May: The South African government on Friday [3 March] expressed its condolences to Somaliland and its people following the death of Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, the president of breakaway Somaliland.

Muhammad Egal belonged to a generation of leaders of Africa dating back to the time of independence from colonialism and was a respected contemporary of the first Kenyan president, Jomo Kenyatta, a statement released by the South African Department of Foreign Affairs said.

Egal died after undergoing an operation in a Pretoria hospital on Friday.

He was admitted to One Military Hospital on Thursday last week for what the ministry described as a rigorous medical check-up.

Officials at the time said the 73-year-old president was experiencing numbness in his legs, which rendered him unable to walk.

Egal underwent a bowel operation early on Friday, but died after developing medical complications.

Somaliland received its independence from Great Britain on 26 June 1960, and later voluntarily united with Somalia. Its withdrawal from this union in 1991 was not recognised by the international community.

In May 2001 a referendum reinforced the sentiments of the people of Somaliland for self-government.

May Allah bestow his mercy on him, the former president of the Republic of Somaliland, Muhammad Ibrahim Egal passed away today at 5 a.m. [local time] at a military hospital in Pretoria, South Africa, following a surgery. This was announced today by the vice-president Dahir Riyale Kahin.

Kahin added that the late president will be brought to Hargeysa tomorrow, Saturday, and will be buried in Berbera. The vice-president sent a message of condolence to the state councils, the people of Somaliland, especially his family. May Allah grant him paradise and give us faith and patience.

Kahin added that history will never forget what he achieved for this country and its people. We belong to God and we shall all return to him.

HARGEISA -- In the center of this dusty town of stone houses with corrugated iron roofs intermingled with thorn bushes, the rusting shell of a Chinese-built fighter jet perches on a brick platform.

Officials of the self-declared "Republic of Somaliland" put up the monument last June as a reminder of what happened the last time they were part of a united Somalia.

In 1988, as Somalia's civil war intensified, dictator Mohamed Siad Barre sent warplanes - including the one made into a memorial - to bomb Hargeisa, killing an estimated 40,000 people and forcing 400,000 more to flee.

"We can never stand again to reunite with the rest of Somalia. We can stand no more destruction," said bus driver Ahmed Hassan, echoing the views of most people in this northern region. In the years that followed Siad Barre's ouster in January 1991, Somaliland has pursued its own path in relative peace and prosperity, while much of the rest of the Horn of Africa country has been ravaged by clan-based fighting and banditry.

Despite its 1988 war scars and more fighting in 1992 and 1994-96, Hargeisa boasts Somalia's only working traffic lights and has a semblance of normalcy absent in much of the country.

Other Somali towns are filled with young gunmen huddling in the shade or zooming around on the back of pickup trucks, but Hargeisa's bustling streets are empty of militiamen and bandits.

Residents attribute the stability to the leadership of Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, Somaliland's president, who declared the region independent shortly after Siad Barre's ouster.

When the anti-Siad Barre faction leaders in southern Somalia fell to fighting among themselves, Egal stayed out of the war, set up his own administration and created a police force.

The region's borders are based on colonial maps. Dominated by the Issak clan, Somaliland was a British protectorate that united with Italian Somaliland in 1960 to form Somalia.

The international recognition Egal craves has never come. But most Somalilanders are convinced their leader is right, and that reunification with the rest of Somalia would bring clan-based fighting.

"We just want to live in peace and we are worried that reintegration with the south might bring us instability," said Ahmed Ilyas, a businessman.

Last May, 97 percent of the 1.2 million voters in a referendum opted for Somaliland to stay separate from the rest of the troubled country, officials said.

The vote was a rebuff to a transitional Somali government led by Abdiqasim Salad Hassan that had been elected at a peace conference in neighboring Djibouti in August 2000.

Egal shunned the conference and refused to recognize Abdiqasim's administration, which has little influence outside Mogadishu.

"I believe southern Somalia should sort out its problems first, then the two sides - south and north - can sit together to discuss the future of Somalia," said Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, a veteran Somaliland politician.

Despite Somaliland's success, analysts say the region is not so different from the rest of Somalia. It too is ruled by an old political elite backed by a business cartel, creating riches that benefit a few.

While Egal's administration finances the security forces, Somaliland depends on aid agencies for development and rehabilitation programs. Many people in Hargeisa are unemployed. Others survive by trading in khat, a semi-narcotic leaf chewed as a stimulant.

"In the end, Somalia will be reunited, but under a sort of federal system," predicts Farah Abdi, an intellectual in Hargeisa. "The secessionism cannot work; it has been 10 years and we still have no international recognition."

Others say Egal has been using the ghosts of Somaliland's past to scare people into supporting his cause.

The memorial of the fighter jet "is just a way of hammering the minds of the Hargeisa people with the idea of telling people that their enemy is in Mogadishu," said Ali Mohamed, another intellectual.

A press statement issued today by Somaliland's Ministry of Information and National Guidance says the delegation led by the president of Somaliland, Haji Ibrahim Egal, which is in South Africa for medical and official functions, has been received well.

The statement released by the ministry said in respect for the president's delegation, the Somaliland flag is flying over the Sheraton Hotel which is opposite the South African presidency. The Somaliland flag is also flying over the hospital in Pretoria where President Egal is admitted.

The statement added that the delegation's mission was going on well

SCARBOROUGH CIVIL CENTRE -- The meeting, attended by close to 300 Somaliland community members, was organized and managed by Somaliland Affairs International (SAI). Farah Khayre and Hassan Kamil both members of SAI alternated the master of ceremony activity. Abdi H. Deria, the SAI Interim Chairman explained the purpose of facilitating the meeting and SAI's readiness to extend the same hand to any other Somaliland party that needs it. He touched on the mission statement and objectives of SAI. He thanked all the participants and in particular those who had a role in arranging this meeting.

Farah introduced the guest of honor, Faisal Ali, the Chairman of UCID Party and invited him to the floor. Chairman Faisal Ali eloquently spoke about Somaliland in general and his Party in particular. His speech covered:

• Somaliland achievements and the grounds still left to cover
• the shortcomings of the present government
• the difficult times and the experience gained
• his vision for the future

• equality and equity
• democracy and social justice
• accountability and transparency
• public participation and collective decision-making
• good governance and separation of powers
• the need for the rule of law to reign

When the Chairman of UCID finished his outstanding speech, the audience expressed their appreciation of the message by strong applause and cheerful acclaim. Hassan Kamil and Farah subsequently led the question and comment part, which took close to two and half hours and addressed numerous subjects. Some of the most prominent issues included:

• A call to all parties in Somaliland to maintain the prevailing peace in the country.
• the transitional period from tribal to multi-party system
• the need to unite the opposition parties to face UDUB
• concerns about the fairness of the forthcoming elections
• fears of power abuses by the current government-turned-UDUB
• the Parliament's delay in passing laws governing the elections
• the possibility of need for another extension
• the need to educate the public on the voting system

• The need to separate the duties of the government branches, Executive, Legislative and Judiciary.
• The need to empower the autonomy of the Accountant General, Auditor and Elections Commission to limit the government's ability to manipulate the election process.
• The two houses have to set up joint committee to oversee the activities of the government to enhance and maintain public confidence in the fairness of the electoral process.
• The Government has to come clean by accountability and transparency with the management of public assets

The Chairman of UCID Party, Faisal Ali has met with several Federal Parliamentarians from the ruling Liberal Party. He shared with them the accomplishments the people of Somaliland have made and their need for assistance, including recognition by the international community. They were impressed with his statesmanship and they pointed out that the local Somaliland-Canadian community organizations could play a vital role in establishing ongoing contacts with the Canadian government offices responsibility for international aide and development. Samsam Ismail of Somaliland Women's Organization has arranged the meeting.
Recorded by the Secretary for the Meeting.
Mohamed Beergeel
Source: Somaliland Net web site in English 26 Apr 02

Dear Citizen Siilanyo,
Sir, it is with some trepidation that I write to you because you neither are a political appointee of the current government nor a politician who has openly declared his candidacy for political office. However, given your recent interview to Jamhuriya, in London, England, I have no choice but to share my thoughts with you.

I write to you Sir, as well, as you are a witness - as I am - to what is happening politically in the country that we are both citizens of. In this new century, citizens have role, a role opposite to the politician. This role is about agitation, and more importantly it is about campaigning for a democratic dispensation. Given that the whole country is now in the process of changing the political template of this country from a mostly backward and regressive system towards a multi-party system, the individual's rights of citizenship become more robust, more assertive, in a word: the citizen aquires legality. The individual's acquiring of these powers of citizenship is as important to the country's political development as the process towards multi-party politics. These include open and critical discussions of politics and politicians; debating public issues in a transparent way; privileging the press as a site for national discourse; and hopefully setting the standard for a more inclusive and democratic culture in the country.

Additionally, as part of the process of agitation, particularly for those fortunate enough to snatch education in the centers of Anglo-Saxon civilization, is to write as a civic duty. Indeed, to write on political matters as a matter of political responsibility even though the majority of the people will not read the contents of this letter, education and learning being what it is in the country today. This tragic dispensation being a major obstacle to democracy, for, without a literate population it is nearly impossible to have an effective democracy.

As well, I write - and I have never written to you before - publicly because it is the most concrete way of creating a dramatic place for the exchange of ideas and for debate to occur. I hope this process will not receive the usual refrain, ignorant as it is, that, that here be camels and poetry! All else is westernism! I do not have to remind the literate classes in this country that history has not ended, and that this tradition of writing and debating about our public issues has had an outstanding tradition in the country long before the dictatorship put and end to democracy. This process must occur in the most public way, in the opinion pages of our national newspapers.

During the 1st to the 3rd Somali Republics, sons and daughters of the northern portion of the Somali nation, now the self -declared Republic of Somaliland, distinguished themselves in the country as newspaper editors and columnists of the highest caliber. Many of these men and women reside in the country today can testify to this tradition. I believe it is crucial to reassert this tradition of critical journalism even though I am not journalist.

Sir, I am of the opinion that political developments in this country require urgent political interventions. I would be confounding confusion if I were to call on politicians to stand for principal, no one would condemn me much for this statement, for, that breed is not known for it's candor and integrity. But this is to anticipate.

As a leading politician in this country, and the fourth chairman of the Somali National Movement, and, given your recent comments on the political developments in the country, I am of the opinion that now more than ever politicians must be called to account for their political record as well as their visions of what this country ought to look like. As a citizen of this country and a patriot I believe it is my duty to ask the political leaders of this country, particularly at this critical time where the balance of forces in the country has been stretched to the limit, where they stand.

Today in Somaliland there is a battle of ideas and will. On one side of the field stands a small force of progressive people who wish to articulate a democratic vision for the people of this country. Mostly, they are what are now called civil society. They are business people, educators, organized professional groups, and so on. Although they naturally should be at the lead of the country's development politically speaking, they have completely recoiled from politics given the lack of rules so dear to the middle classes or in our case the urban elite. Even in the current transition, little has been heard from them except when the government confronts their interests directly. They have not participated in the national discourse with the vigor and panache that is needed. They have concentrated on "development work" as if politics does not need any kind of development itself. This has lead to the complete domination of politics by the administration. Given the reaction of traditional leaders recently, no one can deny that there is a political vacuum that needs to be filled by forces that I have repeatedly termed as progressive even though they hardly speak!

On the other stands a large army of politicians. In this rather imposing camp, there are politicians of all stripes, their elements reside in the opposition and in the ruling elite in the country, they hold high positions, they are well schooled in the antics of colonial politics as well as those learnt in the age of the former dictator. Their love for power and control is legendary, their moral and ethical disposition is circumspect, indeed so twisted and jaundiced is their psychological make up that more times than not, they have let loose the dogs of war in this country leaving nothing but tragedy in their wake. The people of this country have not forgotten these political games that politicians have wrought on their lives. Yet, they have rebuilt, stunning even the deepest cynics with their resolute determination to keep their head high and maintain modicum of dignity in an ocean of poverty and profound pain. They have re-built their lives and have paid the least bit attention to politics, their message seems to be that radical and historical message of people who feel dispossessed; the message of bread and democracy.

This camp of aged men and their followers are living in a historical anti-time. Even in this blighted and forsaken continent where the struggle for democracy is slowly but surely emerging from the darkness that has been imposed on it, every country has produced a group of people equal to their historical time. In most of the over 50 countries that make up this continent, the forces of democracy are gaining back lost ground. In places complete reversals have occurred giving democrats the steering wheel of the state for the first time since independence. In a word, change is occurring and men and women are standing up to accept their time and place.

Not so in Somaliland, we have in our country today an administration - of which you were an active member of until quite recently - which is sleeping with the enemy. The enemy of course is a form of anti-democracy, pro-authoritarian, pro-politics of the belly, anti- representative politics that smacks of Robert Mugabe's politics, which surely continues to send that beautiful country in the abyss of another failed African state. However predatory this administration is, however politically ruthless their political ambitions, the administration is committed to fighting out the election because it has the best chance of winning in that political equation as opposed to a clan conference where surely their chances of re-election are slim given the current political environment. Those calling for a clan conference know this, this is why they see this as the best way out of the political impasse.

The administration has maneuvered itself to a position that is advantageous, both ideally and politically. Clan conferences have a way of changing the political guard, not so with multi-party politics. In the latter system, one could conceivably return to government over and over again. The rein of Daniel Arap Moi, and Robert Mugabe and among others shows that one party rule can exist in a plural system for some time. This depends on the balance of forces. However, we cannot adopt too much of the Anglo-Saxon system, we must find our own way, we must dig deep into our collective political memory and find what is suitable for our place and more importantly our time.

Sir, I argue that administration is pointedly correct in trying to move to a multi-party political landscape. It is the best way to find a political solution to our politics. However, progressive forces ought to support a meeting of all political stripes to debate national issues. This will test the administration's commitment to the rule of law, i.e. the right of assembly as well as test all political elements in society and their commitment to form stonger civil association. A national conference can be held to decide how to create an opposition, indeed finding ways of replacing the administration through the ballot box is not only correct it is needed. There it must stop; this administration must be defeated politically, and through a democratic basis. This will set a tradition, a template, and more importantly, a future for this troubled country. Those calling for a clan conference should quietly refrain for they are at the very least defeating their own chances of getting elected! Their politics simply astounds me, politicians I hear are supposed to live to fight another day. These politicians want to commit a form of Japanese political hara-kiri (suicide). When the populace wants them to leave do we have to go through another clan conference to replace our leaders? We need a system, we need representative politics based on that oldest of democratic principals, one man one vote! The opposition whatever it believes in must at the very least believe in the building of a process, herein lies their best chances of attaining power legitimately.

Sir, your attempts at reconciliation I believe hamper the democratic process in the country. There is no need to bring the opposition and the government together, this is not a marriage that has broken down. We need to treat politics, as it really is, an attempt by some human beings to gain power. In our current dispensation we need a political process that is transparent and accountable to the people. These words are not liberal white man politics, these are human issues that a germane to every peoples who are seeking a political system in the image of their own people. No faction is willing to give in and throw in the towel. Sir you should support a process and not mediating between groups who simply do not agree on the basics of politics. I am happy to know that you have made public comments in support of multi-party politics.

Last but not least there are criticisms of you Sir that must be mentioned in closing. Your role during the past few years when political events in this country were completely engorged in a fiery social oven, and you lack of distance from the current administration puts you an awkward position given the peoples demands in this country's political events. I am concerned that every politician in this country after a sojourn in western capitals can return - during a time of electioneering nonetheless - with promises of redemption and change. Sir, your political record is clearly no shinier than the current occupant of the presidency. Your alliance with the administration when progressive forces were searching for a national leader and your rebuff of them during a critical time for democratic forces in this country flies against your current attempt to broker a political settlement for this country. It is no secret that you have challenged the current occupant of the presidency several times. I remember you calling the current president nothing short of a controlling personality. "He is the cabinet, customs manager, revenue officer-he is everything, said Axmed Maxamad Siilaanyo, a then-member of parliament, now minister of finance". You should institutionalize this challenge by joining a political party.

I ask you to at least declare your interest and join a political party, this will at the very least re-align political forces in the country. You sir are able to articulate a certain position that may in fact help bring down the administration which simply does not have popular support. Contrary to the mirage that has built up the President does not have political machine behind him at all. If he does its feet are made of clay. Moreover, your involvement in the process will be legitimating this current occupants last political act in this country. You will be a witness, like all of us watching political events in the country. This last term will make this occupant of the presidency he's swan song if UDUB wins this election. Given that the opposition has yet to show the population that it has a ruling consciencesness and the ability to mount a campaign, I urge you sir to run in this election. It will be part of our history and set a tradition. Indeed this will make politics in Somaliland more interesting than the current specter of the current president where it seems, as time goes by, another paramount chieftaincy has become the meaning of politics in this country.
Dhimbil (Dallo57us@yahoo.com)
Source: Somaliland Net web site in English 26 Apr 02

Three people, two of them children, were killed today at 1.00 p.m. [local time] in Burco [Burao, central Somaliland] by a land mine, one-and-half kilometres from the 15-Mile High School.

Officers from Burco police station, which is close to the place where the incident took place, said the explosive was an anti-tank mine which was buried at the site. The mine was detonated when a goat herder and two children accompanying him stepped on it.

Santa Barbara Foundation had carried out demining in the area, which is South of Burco, for one-and-half years. People living in Toghdeer Region have suffered for long from land mines, according to our reporter, Yusuf Ilka Ase.

The children killed by the mine were identified as a 12-year-old Mubarik Suleyman Hasan, and Abdikarim Said Hasan, aged 18 years. The man has not been identified. Their bodies are laying at the Burco hospital.
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 26 Apr 02

In a written statement we have received, some Ogaden clan elders in Mogadishu have strongly condemned [Somaliland President Muhammad Ibrahim] Egal's administration for handing over a Somaliland resident to the Ethiopian government, which they termed it as an enemy of the Somali people.

The elders said Egal's administration handed over some 37 innocent Somali people to the Tigray regime [Ethiopian government] under the leadership of Meles Zenawi in 1996, 1999, 2000 and 2002.

The Ogaden clan elders further said Egal and Meles Zenawi's administrations have signed an agreement to hand over the Ogaden people living in the self-declared republic of Somaliland.

Lastly, the elders urged the Somali people to oppose the Ethiopian conspiracy against the country at large and against Somaliland in particular.

The elders further urged the Somaliland people to oppose Egal's targetting of the innocent Somali people...
Source: Ayaamaha web site, Mogadishu, in Somali 25 Apr 02

The president and his delegation which includes first lady Kaltun Haji Dahir, ministers of foreign affairs and information Muhammad Sa'id Ges, and Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale, respectively, and the governor of Central Bank of Somaliland, Abdirahman Du'ale, were received at the airport by high-ranking South African officials from the ministries of foreign affairs and defence.

On his arrival, President Egal was immediately taken to a hospital belonging to the South African ministry of defence for a medical check-up.

The president decided to go to South Africa after consultations with his personal physician Dr Ali Shaykh Ibrahim, who is the chancellor of Hargeysa university and a member of the delegation. President Egal thanked the South African government on his own behalf and that of Somaliland...
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 25 Apr 02

It said he left the Somaliland capital, Hargeysa, on Wednesday for a 10-day visit. "Since Arab countries have a low estimation of us, the Somaliland president refused to go there," a statement by the president's spokesman said, referring to the check-up. "Consequently, the president requested the South African government, which has a diplomatic representative in the republic of Somaliland, to accept him, which it did."

After his treatment, Egal would follow up on political issues, his spokesman Abdi Idris Du'ale added. < o> Diplomatic sources told IRIN this was Egal's second trip abroad in three months. In February, he visited Ethiopia. He is accompanied by his wife, Foreign Minister Muhammad Sa'id Ges, Information Minister Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale, and the governor of Somaliland's central bank, Abdirahman Du'ale. The president was reportedly taken from Berbera on a chartered plane to South Africa, where he checked immediately into a hospital.

According to the sources, Egal has been trying to go for a medical check-up for at least two years, but was unable to do so because of the political situation in Somaliland. Egal, who is known to have contacts with the South African authorities, will use his trip to brief South African officials on the current situation in Somalia.

Copyright UN Integrated Regional Information Networks. Distributed by All Africa Global Media(AllAfrica.com)

Reports from reliable sources close to the family of self-declared Republic of Somaliland President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal say his health is rapidly deteriorating.

The reports further said, President Egal is experiencing intense pain and consequently, cannot walk resulting in great concern over his health.

The cause of the president's illness is unknown. However, it has been confirmed that Muhammad Ibrahim Egal is to be flown to Johannesburg, South Africa, for further diagnosis.

President Egal is said to have close ties with the South African authorities.
Source: Radio Banaadir, Mogadishu, in Somali 1700 gmt 23 Apr 02

Government of Somaliland position on the IGAD peace process for Somalia

Summary

1. The GOS [Government of Somaliland] welcomes plans by the IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority on Development] member states to convene peace conference for Somalia in Kenya towards the end of April 2002. The government and people of Somaliland desire an end to the suffering of our Somali brothers and sisters, the achievement of a lasting peace, and the establishment of a legitimate, representative government for Somalia. However, Somaliland is an independent state and not a party to the Somali conflict. The GOS therefore will not take part in the IGAD peace process, nor send observers. Any claims to sovereignty over Somaliland that arise from the peace process will be viewed by the GOS as an indication of hostile intent.

General

2. In the lead-up to the IGAD Reconciliation Conference for Somalia, currently scheduled for late April (though likely to be delayed), Somaliland's views and intentions vis-a-vis the process will be sought by governments, the international media and Somalilanders resident abroad. This message is intended to clarify the GOS position on this issue and provide guidance to all missions in their response to future queries.

3. The government and people of Somaliland desire an end to the suffering of our brothers and sisters in Somalia, the achievement of a lasting peace, and the establishment of a legitimate, representative government for Somalia.

4. The GOS believes that terrorism, extremism and political violence have their roots in the poverty and upheaval of the region. In this regard, Somaliland urges the United Nations and its member states to consider the restoration of peace and governance to Somalia as a priority in the international campaign against terrorism.

5. Somaliland has complied fully with the arms embargo on Somalia established by UN Security Council resolution 733 (1992) of 23 January 1992 and calls on all states to do likewise.

IGAD peace process for Somalia

6. The GOS is encouraged by the efforts of the IGAD member states, especially the "front-line states," to reinvigorate the Somali peace process with a conference to be convened in Kenya, under the auspices of President Moi, towards the end of April. The GOS also welcomes the support extended to this initiative by the Organization of African Unity and the United Nations.

7. The GOS urges all authorities, factions and groups in Somalia to participate constructively in the upcoming Reconciliation Conference without preconditions.

8. Somaliland is not party to the Somali conflict. There are no Somaliland military forces operating on Somali territory and the GOS has refrained from interfering in Somalia's internal affairs despite numerous provocations.

9. The GOS is prepared to join other governments of the region in bringing peace to Somalia. However, Somaliland will not take part in the IGAD peace process, nor send observers, unless accorded by IGAD the status due a sovereign state.

10. When a legitimate, representative government is established in Somalia, the GOS is prepared to enter into talks with that government concerning the nature of the relationship between the two states. The GOS seeks to establish peaceful co-existence and fraternal relations with a future government in Somalia.

11. The GOS regrets the attempts of some governments to utilize the peace process as a means o undermining Somaliland's stability, sovereignty and territorial integrity an urges them to channel their energies in a more constructive way towards the restoration of peace and governance in Somalia.

12. Any claims to sovereignty over Somaliland by a future Somali authority will be viewed by the GOS as an indication of hostile intent. The GOS urges Somali leaders; member states of IGAD; the AU and the UN to abstain from any unfriendly declaration or act that could bring further conflict to the region.

Somaliland's sovereignty and independence

13. Somaliland received its independence from Great Britain on 26 June 1960 and was immediately recognized by the international community as a sovereign state. Somaliland's subsequent, voluntarily union with Somalia was dissolved on 18 May 1991 when Somaliland retrieved its sovereignty and established a separate government.

14. Somaliland's independence is based upon the right to self-determination entrenched in the Charters of the Organization of African Unity and the United Nation. This right was freely and democratically expressed on 31 May 2001 in a referendum. An overwhelming majority of the electorate voted in favour of a new constitution that affirmed Somaliland's independent status. International observers described the process as free, fair and consistent with international norms for referenda and elections.

15. The GOS has no mandate to compromise Somaliland's sovereign status. Any modification of Somaliland's sovereign status requires endorsement by referendum and the approval of an absolute majority in parliament.

16. Somaliland's demand for international recognition is consistent with Article III of the OAU Charter and Article IV of the Constitutive Act of the African Union, which pertain to the integrity of borders existing on achievement of independence. Other African states have been united with neighbouring states and subsequently reclaimed their independence in accordance with these principles, including Eritrea, Gambia, Sao Tome and Principe, and the Sahrawi Republic. The dissolution of the United Arab Republic followed a similar pattern.

17. Somaliland's declaration of independence is predicated upon the territory's prior existence as a recognized, independent state. It therefore does not set a precedent for the break-up of Somalia or for other secessionist groups in Africa. To the contrary, Somaliland fully respects the unity and territorial integrity of (former Italian) Somalia.
Source: Somaliland Net web site in English 21 Apr 02

Editorial

By all indications, the struggle for political power in Puntland between Abdillahi Yusuf and his archenemy, Jama Ali Jama, has reached the point of exploding into a bloody civil war. After all local attempts to mediate a peaceful solution to their power struggle had failed, the two men are now preparing their supporters for war against each other.

Abdillahi Yusuf thinks that it's his divine right to rule the Majerteen. He has never concealed this firm self-conviction, not even in the days of the SSDF in the eighties when he refused to yield to widespread demands from the rank and file of the organization calling for his replacement as chairman. And even when in 1984, the SNM pleaded with him to step down for the sake of averting an imminent collapse of his organization, Abdillahi Yusuf kept arguing until the end that the SSDF was his horse, and his alone, and that no one except himself was entitled to lead it. As a result, the SSDF totally disintegrated by the end of 1984, leaving the SNM to bear alone the burden of continuing the armed resistance against Barre's regime until the bitter end. As then, Col. Abdillahi Yusuf now considers Puntland (proclaimed as a regional state in 1998) as an entity of his own making. Although there is considerable truth in that assertion, however it didn't deter another equally power-hungry former colonel, Jama Ali Jama, from seeking Abdillahi Yusuf's position as the unopposed political leader of the Majerteen enclave in North Eastern Somalia.

Of course, Jama couldn't have dared to proclaim himself President of Puntland in mid last year, had it not been for the active encouragement and support he has been receiving from the Mogadishu-based Arta group and fundamentalist groups in the region. But even with such support, Jama failed to establish any meaningful authority beyond the port city of Bosasso. Thus his increasing resort to seeking help from his tribal group of the Majerteen.

It would have naturally been more sensible if the people of Puntland were allowed to develop their own political formula for unseating Abdillahi Yusuf peacefully. But the Arta group's desperate, though unsuccessful, drive to secure the undisputed support of at least the Majerteen constituency, has ended any such hope.

What is happening now in Puntland is that there are two former military officers each claiming the political leadership of the regional state. And both claimants are determined to continue inciting their tribal supporters into violence.

Somaliland's increasing anxiety about the explosive situation there is understandable. Puntland is a neighbor and whatever happens there will have, at the very least, some security and economic implications for Somaliland. In this respect, Somaliland's government should take all the necessary precautions for protecting Somaliland's stability and territorial integrity, should a large-scale civil war erupt in Puntland in the near future. The critical question of how to avert a violent power struggle in Puntland should not be avoided. The Somaliland government should do whatever it can to defuse the highly tense situation in that region.

The sponsors of the 15th peace conference on Somalia, scheduled to take place in Nairobi at the end of this month, will surely serve the Somalis better if they also tried to mediate a peaceful settlement of the current crisis in Puntland.

Galka'ayo -- The two claimants for Puntland's leadership, Col.Abdillahi Yusuf and Col. Jama Ali Jama have brought the regional state in North Eastern Somalia to the brink of civil war.

Abdillahi Yusuf has been throughout last week seizing private trucks to use them for transporting logistics, ammunition, weapons and troops to army barracks at Garowe.

Abdillahi Yusuf's militiamen operating in the area of Galka'ayo intercepted the vehicles. About 50 of the trucks seized belong to citizens of Somaliland.

However, Yusuf has reportedly told some owners of these trucks who contacted him from Burao that vehicles found to be owned by Isaak Somalilanders will be released soon.

"I will retain those belonging to the Harti," Yusuf was quoted as saying.

In the meanwhile, weapons from Eritrea have been arriving at locations near Bossaso. Reports about these arm shipments, paid for by Libya, circulated last week in Djibouti.

According to reliable sources, the shipments first arrived in Djibouti from Eritrean ports. Dhows were then used to ferry the weapons to the Puntland coast. The Prime Minister of the Arta faction Hassan Abshir has also managed to convince Abdiqassim Salad to send small arms belonging to his Ayr militiamen to Jama Ali Jama. Abshir is from the same Majerteen tribe as Yusuf and Jama. But Abshir vigorously supports Jama Ali Jama.

Unlike other parts of Somalia that have been engulfed in wars, the regional state of Puntland or Majerteenia has been a peacefully stable place. Since the establishment of the Arta faction in August 2000, however, Puntland's tranquility has been undermined by strong interventions by leaders of the so-called Transitional National Government of Somalia, headed by Abdiqasim Salad and Hassan Abshir. Despite being accorded a short lived international legitimacy, the TNG failed to secure internal legitimacy among the Somalis. Desperate to acquire a foothold in at least one more Somali territory, other than a segment of southern Mogadishu, the TNG has embarked on a policy to dismantle the Puntland administration headed by Abdillahi Yusuf with the view of replacing it by a leadership allied to the TNG.

Jama Ali Jama who was picked by Hassan Abshir was supposed to announce Puntland's allegiance to the TNG.

During a 5-day visit to Ethiopia last Thursday, Jama was quoted as saying "we want both Ethiopia and Puntland to live in very normal conditions and for that reason we have a common view on terrorism".

Jama has been long suspected of maintaining ties with extremist groups in the region. Meanwhile, reports reaching Eastern Somaliland, have indicated that Abdillahi Yusuf is about to launch a military offensive one week from now to take the port city of Bossaso.

Hargeisa -- A new dispute over registration of eligible voters for the next general elections has arisen between the Government and Somaliland's opposition parties.

The new dispute has emerged in a meeting held last Tuesday between Somaliland's Vice-President and representatives from six political parties.

In the meeting, the government had suggested to hold the forthcoming elections without a prior registration of eligible voters. This proposal however, enraged the representatives of opposition parties who insisted that voters should register before the elections are held.

On Thursday the government announced that it has withdrawn the proposal.

Hargeisa -- The municipality of Hargeisa is undergoing severe financial problems.

Payment of the staff salaries is frequently delayed due to dwindling revenues. Last week, the rift developed between the Mayor Awl Elmi and the Municipality secretary Abdirahman over Sl.Shs 8 million subsidy to one of the government newspapers.

The Secretary has apparently refused to authorize the payment of the amount. Instead, he decided to hold the payment of the sum allocated to the newspaper until the entire municipality staff was paid their salaries.

The municipality's financial problems are believed to have been caused by the rampant corruption within the institution.

Hargeisa -- President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal has sent a congratulatory message to the newly elected President of East Timor, Xanana Gusmao.

The news about the message was broadcasted by Radio Hargeisa on Thursday.

President Egal has congratulated President Gusmao of East Timor, who is the first elected Head of State of this island country, which is expected to gain its full independence from Indonesia next month.

East Timor voted for independence from Indonesia two and half years ago. The vote triggered serious violence. About 1,000 people were killed by pro-Indonesian militias opposed to independence.

Since then, the territory has been administered by the United Nations. Gusmao won 83% of the votes cast in last Sunday's election. And he will take up his largely ceremonial post when East Timor gains full independence in May 2002.

Hargeisa -- The IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority on Development] member states' delegation left Hargeysa on Thursday, after discussing with Somaliland's government the issue of the Somali Reconciliation Conference to be held in Nairobi.

The delegation arrived on Wednesday in Hargeisa. Somaliland's minister of foreign affairs, . Muhammad Sa'id [Muhammad] Ges, said the republic of Somaliland would not attend the Nairobi meeting organized by IGAD for Somali factions.

In a press statement, Somaliland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it welcomes IGAD's peace initiative for Somalia. The statement said the government of Somaliland and its people would like to see the accomplishment of peace in Somalia and a solution to the problems facing our Somali brothers.

The statement further said, Somaliland is an independent state and is not part of Somalia and its problems; hence, it would not attend the IGAD peace conference or send observers.

Letters to the Editor

As a Somali citizen who was born in Hargeisa and later grew up in Mogadishu (teen age yrs) I welcome the kind words of Shatiguduud toward the Somaliland people. But we should not make of it a major development, because as Ali Gulaid said, we need the mutual agreement of the Somali people (Somaliland and South Somalia) before international recognition comes to our shores. I would suggest that the Somaliland leaders call for a national conference for all those who believe they are looking after the interest of their people, including those who are part of the TNG but are from Somaliland. The conference shall be held outside Hargeisa where people are less likely to be influenced by the big city activities. This conference shall be based on two things. First how can we have one voice as Somalilanders, even if we don't agree on everything, and second, what'll be the outcome of not getting recognition for a long time, and what are the other options that are available to the Somaliland people.

If recognition is not attainable, can Somaliland last long as a separate or de facto state as it's now and how long? In conclusion, we shall be very careful not to antagonize other people who might have sympathy for our cause.

Eng. Abdi M. Farah, Oakland, CA USA

The above saw is not unique to the Somali people; other cultures have similar adages too. In English it is often said `old habits die hard' and `you cannot teach an old dog new tricks'.

It seems to me the messages contained in the above proverbs/sayings/saws- whatever they maybe called- are perfectly applicable to Somaliland politicians. Our politicians are, simply, unable to grow up; they cannot learn from anything and, as a result, they reduced our land to a playground for their clashing egos.

The news that comes from home is very disconcerting and disappointing, to say the least. We often hear, through the media, politicians and the highest government officials insulting each other! I mean, literally, insulting each other. What would one expect from people with such low levels of adab? How could one expect such people to re-build a ruined land? The word `adab' may sound old-fashioned and out of date to some ears; but, from a certain point of view, it is what gives taste and texture to life. It is like the spices one adds to food to give it flavour. Adab or lack of it differentiates human beings from two-legged beasts. After all, animals have no adab.

In Islam everything has its own adab. The way one goes to bed at night has its own adab, the way a country is to be run has its own adab, and even how one approaches one's wife has its own adab. Every conceivable thing one needs to do has its own special adab. Nothing is to be done haphazardly. Orientalists have discovered long time ago that there is no equivalent English word to adab. Some have translated it as `manners' or `courtesy'. Still they confess that these words do not convey the full meaning and import of adab.

One thing is for sure, pounding a table with one's fist and saying to the other side `I am stronger than you' (as was done in Hargeisa recently) is not a sign of a mature man let alone the sign of a minister or a politician worthy of the name. It is a sure sign of lack of adab.

We hear that the President has `succeeded' or `did not succeed' in winning Sultan hebel to his side! Now, I ask you this question: is this a proper way to run a country that aspires to be `a democratic country'? Indeed, old habits die hard. After all he has been through and after witnessing the calamities and devastations this approach bequeathed to his people, our President, still cannot do with it! What would it take for our President to understand, at last, that this approach is not going to work? It has never worked. If there were any lasting efficacy to this approach it would have worked for Mohamed Siad Barre and his clique. He had more resources and many more opportunists (from every clan) eager to get their hands into the pot. But, alas, it did not work for him. Why? Because, simply put, this approach, which he was using and which our president is using today, is against the nature of things. Anything that does not conform to the nature of things is bound to fall and fail sooner or later.

The fate of Afweyne should be a lesson to every aspiring `macangeg'. He tried every trick in the book to cling to power- until he ran out of tricks. I remember, when I was in high school, in Mogadishu, singing the praises of Afweyne every morning before entering class. Instead of beginning the day with `bismilah', we were forced to begin with bismi Afweyne. A mere creature! A whole fictitious history and biography was invented for him. Sometimes I shudder at how low man can go. Indeed, Allah, swt, Says in the Noble Quran that He created man in the best of stature but that he reduced himself to the lowest of the low.

At any rate, that man (Afweyne), who people used to heap praises on day and night, perished in the middle of nowhere. Not a single tear was shed for him. I bet even his Marehan felt relief when they heard that he expired. For people who have `eyes to see' this is not surprising. After all, we are still in the `dunya', literally, the `lower' world.

I want to conclude by saying that I am NOT a `Cigal basher'. Bashing anyone, let alone the President, does no good at all. It is counter-productive. I only commented on what I see. Neither am I a pro-mucaarid. If my words sound harsh to the President, it is because he is there in the field.

Suleimanmohamoud@hotmail.com, Sweden.

Food security in Somaliland becomes vulnerable due to recurrent droughts, ban on livestock and disruption in their productive routines. Food aid in Somaliland was targeted in line with the PRRO through it's a) support to Social Institutions, b) Rehabilitation and Recovery Activities and c) Emergency Relief Assistance. A total of 8034.613 MT of food commodities were distributed under these heads reaching 279,526 beneficiaries.

Under Social Support Institutions 2053.53 MT of food commodities were distributed to feeding centers for street children, elderly and handicapped people, general and TB patients and some training for civil protection programme since the inception of PRRO in July 1999 till March 2002. It reached to 62,296 beneficiaries. The social support programmes are mainly implemented through local NGOs, Ministry of Health and Labor, Ministry of Education, UNDP/SCPP and international NGOs. The objective of the social support institutions was to provide nutritional supplement to poor children, elderly people and patients. About 25% of the total food distributed in the region went to social support activities.

Under rehabilitation and recovery activities, WFP has implemented roads, nursery, agriculture land preparation, water dams & reservoirs, school rehabilitation, municipality building rehabilitation, skill and human resource development programme. Same implementing partners like social projects are involved in recovery activities. Approximately 22,285 persons were directly benefited from the programme, which used about 2541.719 MT food commodities from July 1999 till March 2002. About 32% of the total food distributed in the region went to recovery activities.

Lack of rain, crop failures, depletion of coping mechanisms of the poorer pastor lists in the northern regions and a second time ban on livestock necessitated several drought emergency relief distributions. Most of the affected people are without food or less food and depleted most of their resources to cope up with the hard situation. WFP distributes food directly to the affected population. Approximately, 3439.364 MT of food was distributed under emergency from July 1999 till March 2002 covering about 194,945 persons. It was 43% of the total food distributed in the region.

Kaniz Khan, 13.4.02

The following is the full text of a press statement released by the Somali Aid Coordination Body on April 18, 2002:

"The Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB), comprising non-governmental organizations, UN agencies and donor governments, is deeply concerned about the deteriorating situation in Somalia's Northern Gedo region. In recent days there has been an upsurge in violent fighting, which has caused death, injury and displacement to many Somalis and is seriously impairing the delivery of urgently needed humanitarian assistance to thousands of people in increasingly desperate need.

The SACB strongly condemns the assassination of Nur Mohamed Yusuf, a senior local staff member of an international NGO who was killed on 11 April as a result of the current fighting, and the deaths of other innocent civilians caught in crossfire.

Of particular concern are reports of the increasing movement of arms in Gedo region, indicating that preparation for further fighting is ongoing. The SACB calls upon the warring parties in Gedo to desist from the fighting, so that humanitarian access to the area, presently lost, is regained. Without the reestablishment of this humanitarian access many more people could die.

Gedo region has been acutely affected by three consecutive years of crop failure, compounded by continued insecurity. The population is extremely vulnerable and relies heavily on food aid for survival. The current violence has caused thousands of people to flee their homes, exacerbating an already difficult situation.

The SACB is compelled to note that those in authority in Gedo region have an obligation under international humanitarian law to look after the welfare of the people under their control, and are obliged to ensure humanitarian access, security of humanitarian workers, as well as the protection of humanitarian supplies and the beneficiaries themselves.

The SACB expects that local authorities, businesses and others who play an active role in the affairs of Somalia's southern regions will recognize their moral and legal responsibilities to those whose lives depend so desperately upon timely and appropriate humanitarian assistance.

Finally, the SACB supports and encourages peace initiatives that seek to sustain and build upon humanitarian relief assistance and calls for an increase of peace building efforts in this region."

The IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority on Development] member states' delegation which arrived yesterday on a visit, left Hargeysa today.

Somaliland's minister of foreign affairs, Muhammad Sa'id [Muhammad] Ges, said the republic of Somaliland would not attend the Nairobi meeting organized by IGAD for Somali factions.

In a press statement, Somaliland's Ministry of Foreign Affairs said it welcomes IGAD's peace initiative for Somalia. The statement said the government of Somaliland and its people would like to see the accomplishment of peace in Somalia and a solution to the problems facing our Somali brothers.

The statement further said Somaliland was an independent state and was not part of Somalia and its problems, hence it would not attend the IGAD peace conference or send observers.

Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 18 Apr 02

A news conference by Somaliland's Ministry of Information says [Somaliland's] Hargeysa and Amud universities are cooperating with a South African university, Unisa [University of South Africa], in higher education.

The news conference said the a memorandum of understanding was signed by Unisa and Amud university to cooperate in higher education and at "university level".

"In reality, this is a historical opportunity since the era of apartheid and that of Siyyad Barreh. This is the first time that a South African university is entering into an agreement with a Somali organization. I believe this is one of the achievements of the increasing cooperation between South Africa and Somaliland," said Iqbad Jhazbay of Unisa.

Source: SomaliNet web site in Somali 15 Apr 02

Some members of the Transitional National Assembly have accused [Somaliland leader Muhammad Ibrahim] Egal's administration of allegedly handing over some 45 Somali nationals to the Ethiopian government. Our reporter Abdiqadir Nadara has more details:

[Reporter] The MPs issued a statement accusing the administration of Muhammad Ibrahim Egal of handing over some 45 Somali people to the Ethiopian forces, after being arrested in the northwestern Somalia region.

The MPs said the arrested Somali people were handed over to the Ethiopian forces and would be brought before a court.

The MPs said it was not the first time that Muhammad Ibrahim Egal's administration was handing over Somali people to the Ethiopian government. Egal's administration had in the past handed over some Somali people whom later the Ethiopian government brought before the courts...

Editorial

The International community, Muslim countries included, never hesitated to express sympathy and support for America's declaration of war on terrorism in the wake of the September 11 attacks on New York and Washington. There was world unanimity in the condemnation of these criminal attacks and nobody in the Muslim world, except the insane few, thought they were justified. As the American campaign against terror got under way in Oct. 2001, Muslim countries, from Pakistan to Turkey and across the Arab world, came out publicly in support of President Bush's effort to punish the perpetrators of Sept 11 attacks.

However, there is a growing worldwide concern over US government attempts to confuse the legitimate struggles of peoples for national liberation with terrorism. Bush's recent statements labeling the Palestinian resistance movement as terrorist have already dismayed America's friends, not only in Muslim countries, but also around the world. The international community still cannot comprehend why the Bush administration likes to call Palestinian suicidal bombers who take Israeli lives "terrorists" while at the same time it describes massacres carried out by the Israeli military against Palestinian civilians as actions of self-defense. This double standard in the US position on terror has played well into the hands of extremists who, to prove the righteousness of their cause, only need to point out America's uncritical support for whatever Israel does.

Bush's bitter denunciation last week of Yasir Arafat sharply contrasts with his silence over the atrocities committed by the Israeli army in Jenin. It reinforces a suspicion held by some people that American leaders in both the administration and congress, deep down in their hearts, vindictively approve of Israeli brutalities against largely Muslim Palestinians.

Though suicidal bombing of civilians cannot be justified, it must not be forgotten that what drives young Palestinian men and women is desperation. Palestinians have been treated as non-people for a long time. Now according to the Israeli logic that the US supports, they are required to tie up their hands behind their backs and accept to have less rights and aspirations than all other peoples of the world. What the Americans should do to prevent Sharon's present incursions into the West Bank from developing into a full-scale regional conflict, is to convince their Israeli friends that it is in their short as well as long term interests to end the occupation of Palestinian lands now.

Any further delay in withdrawing their presence from Palestine will only offer incentives to the forces of extremism on both sides. Already moderate Arab states such as Egypt and Jordan are under enormous pressure from the streets to end their stance of engagement with Israel. And there are a lot of people in the Muslim world now who believe that America has facilitated Israel's re-occupation of the West Bank. It will therefore be easy for anyone to exploit such an explosive situation to provoke a devastating anti-American backlash in the Middle East. But the United States with its leverage with both sides, can avert a doomsday from happening if it chooses to play the role of an honest and impartial peace mediator that is not only preoccupied with Israel's right to exist, but also fully recognizes the right of the Palestinian people to live in free and independent Palestine with East Jerusalem as its capital.

On April 8,1983, SNM Colonel Abdillahi Askar while on a secret military mission was apprehended by suspicious NSS - (National Security Service)-men in Hargeisa. He was identified and then taken to a maximum-security prison cell located within the compound of Military Officers Club in Hargeisa.

Askar was supposed to be flown to Mogadishu to be executed on the occasion of the Somali Armed Forces Day of April 12. He was however rescued on the afternoon of April 11, 1983 by 11 men SNM commando squad that raided the officers club. The mission was led by the legendary SNM commander the late Ibrahim Koodbur. Two members of the rescue mission were fatally wounded. Few hours later, Askar and his rescuers returned safely to one of the SNM bases.

Abdillaahi Askar now serves as Somaliland's representative in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

For more details on this story see Sunday's edition of our sister newspaper Haatuf in Somali. All the pictures accompanying this story have been provided by Aden Sahar, a former SNM Mujahid, who is now a member of Somaliland's House of Representatives.

London -- The following press release has been released by Dahabshil in response to a misleading news item circulated by IRIN on April 8, 2002: "We are surprised to learn that on 8 April 2002 IRIN published a news item stating that the closure of Dahabshil Company was averted by interventions from UNDP. IRIN compared this with the closure of Barakaat and analysed the impact it could have on the Somali economy. Quoting an anonymous economist, it argued that the "closure of Dahabshil after Al-Barakaat would probably kill what is left of an already fragile Somali economy". It added that the greatest impact would be felt in Somaliland.

Dahabshil has never faced a threat of closure from any of the 50 countries where it operates as a remittance company. The closure threat as reported by IRIN is entirely unfounded. The news created panic at a sensitive time following the events of September 11 and closure of Barakaat.As the oldest Somali remittance company in the Horn of Africa with the largest network, Dahabshil provides unparalleled money-transfer services throughout the Somali regions. Dahabshil is the largest company and biggest private sector employer not just in Somaliland as IRIN claims but also in Somalia.

Dahabshil was one the first companies to meet the new stringent regulations imposed on money transfer companies in Europe and North America. In the USA, Dahabshil was the first Somali Company that received the new license in January 2002. In the UK, it fully complied with the new regulations well before they came into force. This is one of the reasons why Dahabshil has earned the reputation as the most trusted company by the 3.5 million Somali customers who rely on remittances for their livelihoods.

IRIN has partly attributed the news to a press release issued by the UNDP office in Nairobi. However, the press release was about one bank account at a local branch in the State of Minnesota, USA. It was not about a closure decision comparable to that faced by Al-Barakaat in November 2001. The UNDP press release simply stated, "following its recent consultations with all involved parties, the Wells Fargo bank in the USA has delayed its decision to close down the accounts of Dahabshil".

We are grateful to the UNDP, Somali community members and others who have helped us to maintain our accounts at this bank. However, it is important to note that this was a highly localised issue, which would have only affected our accounts at Wells Fargo and the clients who use this bank and not the worldwide operations of our company."

Hargeisa -- The Somaliland National Commission on the prevention of HIV/AIDS met last Monday at the Mansour Hotel in Hargeisa. Members of the Commission comprised Ministers of Health, Education, Information and Endowment.

A strategy for dealing with the HIV/AIDS problem was reportedly discussed at the meeting. A technical Committee to address the issue is to be formed by the Commission.

Members of the technical committee will include some doctors and senior government officials from the above Ministries.

Berbera -- Four police officers were arrested in Berbera on Wednesday after being accused of negligence in discharging their duties.

A reliable source from the Berbera Police Station said that the arrest of these police officers is related to the recent murder of a prisoner called Hassan Jama Mohamed, who was killed while in police custody last week.

The source said that the deceased had fought earlier with the alleged killer, called Abdi Haibe, and wounded him slightly. However, the aggravated person came back the next day and threw a large stone weighting 3kg on Jama's head resulting in his death.

Hargeisa -- Counterfeit US Dollar in the denominations of $50 and $100 were reportedly found in circulation in Hargeisa.

Amounts of the false money were seized by the police, after receiving a tip from the central Bank.

Several people are now being investigated by the police to trace the original source of the counterfeit dollars intercepted last week.

The result of the investigation is expected to be shortly announced by the Police authorities.

Hargeisa -- Somaliland's security authorities have deported 20 people to Ethiopia last Monday.

The deportees, who were all men, belonged to the Somali zone five of Ethiopia and were arrested during their stay in Hargeisa city.

Hargeisa -- The Local Government of Hargeisa has started inspection for cleanliness in the teashops and restaurants of the capital during last week.

The Head of the Hygiene section of the Local Government, Abdiwahab (Nakruma) has told the (SL Times) that 2000 sets of cups and plates used by these shops were destroyed for unsuitability for human use.

The inspection campaign that was the first of its kind in Hargeisa, has received applause from customers of these teashops and restaurants.

Nkrumah has also warned entrepreneurs of teashops and restaurants to desist from using dirty and unhygienic materials in their places, adding, that the inspection campaign will be continued.

Hargeisa -- In an effort to strengthen cooperation between the University of South Africa (UNISA) and Somaliland Universities (Amoud University and Hargeisa University) in different fields, UNISA has recently concluded a memorandum of understanding with Amoud University, to kick off a long term cooperation with South African Universities and Somaliland institutions of higher learning.

"This is truly a historic moment. Since the collapse of apartheid and Siyad Barre regimes, this is the very first time a South African institution of higher learning has entered into a formal agreement with a Somali intitution. I believe this reflects the measured and growing contact between South Africa and Somaliland," said Iqbal Jhazbhay, an academic at the UNISA.

"The University of South Africa is the largest University in South Africa and one of the top ten acclaimed mega Universities in the world. In addition, it has a keen interest to link with select universities on the African continent as part of the African renaissance project, called NEPAD (New Partnership for African Development). 'We believe this concurs with our goals, and we look forward to active intellectual exchanges in research and teaching," said Professor Sulaiman Ahmed Gulaid, of Amoud University.

In this respect, UNISA'S Iqbal Jhazbhay, a noted political analyst and specialist on North Africa, Middle East and Islamic studies, is scheduled to visit Amoud and Hargeisa Universities in early May, as part of the joint cooperation agreement.

Hargeisa -- Representatives from the two Ministries of Health of Somaliland and Ethiopia conferred on Wednesday to discuss ways of eradicating malaria disease from both countries, at the Mansour Hotel in Hargeisa last week.

The Director General of Somaliland's Ministry of Health, Abdi Axmed Jama has declared, during the conference, the need for the exchange of information between the two countries on the causes of the malaria disease, and the situations of affected areas, so as to coordinate efforts on better ways to eradicate and control the disease.

He also emphasized on the necessity of eliminating mosquitoes, which are carriers of the disease.

The 3-day conference was also attended by international agencies concerned with Health issues, and working in Somaliland.

Opinion

I am probably wrong, but my gut feeling tells me that the politics of Somaliland is facing an important crossroad. We are about to abandon a system of balance that has served us well and move into a democratic system of election. Somaliland has a constitution, and the constitution calls for a democratic election. That is nice and good. But it seems that a number of political parties in Somaliland seem to suffer a crisis of confidence. It seems that they have given up, and believe that their only chance to power, and thus the only way to defeat Cigaal is through traditional clan system. Thus, what are the message and the signal that they are sending to Somalilanders inside the country and in Diaspora?

One implicit message is if Cigaal and Somalilanders want peace, Cigal has to relinquish his hold on power by hook or crook. They always emphasize that as long as Cigaal is in power there will be no fair election. Fair (ness) is a relative concept in a plural democratic state. I do not understand what they mean by fair. Realistically how can a state like Somaliland organize and run a fair election- we have no such tradition, nor the financial capabilities to undertake such mobilization effort that an election requires. But this does not mean that we should not follow the constitution. The argument on whether the election will be fair or not is a smoke screen. A smoke screen on the part of some the opposition parties. It seems as if they preparing the ground to explain and rationalize their defeat in the forthcoming election.

Their problem is that they have no message; they should focus on why Somalilanders should put them in power and not Cigaal. It is time for them to stop whining about Cigaal, and present a political platform that delineates an alternative vision for Somalilanders. Cigaal and Somaliland are two different things. Nobody should, because of his/her personal hatreds or vendetta, be allowed to jeopardize the peace and stability of Somaliland. This should be sacred. No more blood should be spilled for political opportunism. Look at our brothers in the South, this should be pretty good example to avoid taking the road of political opportunism and personal gains.

Instead of whining, the political parties should instead build a strong foundation for a political system that would never allow any individual to concentrate political powers in his hand.They should enlighten the population that these minister etc, are their servants and not vice versa; and that, we should never allow to put the fate of the country into the hands of a few self-serving politicians. What we need are enlightened citizens who know what their rights and responsibilities are.
"Ali Osman" Ali.Osman@niwl.se

When it decided to reopen its border with Somaliland last year, the Djibouti government modified the crossing point from Loyada, where it had previously been located. It is now a dozen kilometers southwest, at a place called Dheggo Dameer, but which users have given the nickname "Tora Bora" (in reference to the Al Qaeda stronghold in Afghanistan), because it is such a source of distress for them. Indeed, the Djibouti government only authorizes car crossings by the new post, which is refused by Somaliland, which insists on keeping Loyada as the border station. The result is that no vehicles can pass the border. They come to a halt at Loyada from one direction and at Dheggo Dameer from the other, forcing their passengers to continue on foot for the intervening dozen kilometers, their luggage in hand.For Djibouti, the unilateral decision is a means to contain the contraband of villagers living close to Loyada. A common practice entailed the fraudulent crossing of jerry cans from Somaliland to Djibouti. Imported at Berbera by TotalFinaElf and distributed in Somaliland by tank trucks, the gas is less expensive than that sold in Djibouti.The Hargeisa government is not keen to its neighbor's decision. What with the summer approaching, it wants to avoid people to suffer from the heat during their forced hike between the two border posts, and may decide to purely and simply close the border. www.africaintelligence.com

Somaliland envoy to Ethiopia, Abdillah Askar is about to be replaced, reliable sources said.

Askar has been Somaliland's representative in Ethiopia for the last six years. There was no official confirmation yet of Askar's dismissal from the Somaliland government.

However, reliable sources have told The Somaliland Times that Askar is about to be sacked as a result of Ethiopian displeasure with him. "A request to this effect has been conveyed to the Somaliland authorities," the sources added.

Askar is a former military officer who took part in the liberation struggle against Barreh's dictatorship during the eighties. He is considered one of the heroes of the resistance movement of that era.

Somaliland Net web site in English 9 Apr 02

A member of the House of Representative, Muhammad Ahmad Barreh (Garad), harshly criticized President Egal's policy for proclamation of new districts in Somaliland, and called them unfair and unjustifiable action, here on Tuesday [2 April].

Garad, who is among the most critical members of the Lower House of Parliament said out of 20 new districts announced by government only one was offered to his constituency (Awdal). Garad said this shows how Egal is biased against Awdal [northwestern Somaliland].

Garad further said that the selection of these new districts is not justifiable and might create unwarranted disputes, crisis and conflict between citizens because of their lack of lawfully drawn borders.

"My criticism of the president for naming these new districts are based on two major factors, which are the random selection and the unfairness made against the Awdal Region," Garad added.