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In a move that went unrecognised internationally, Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991. On Saturday, 250 people from 51 families who had been living in two camps in southern Djibouti began their journey back to the Somaliland towns of Hargeisa, Borama, Lug-Haye and Abdelkader.

In all, the month-long programme, carried out with the help of Djibouti's interior ministry, the United Nations refugee agency and Somaliland officials, will involve some 2,000 returnees.

The two Djibouti camps, Holl-Holl and Ali-Adde, currently house some 24,000 refugees from Somaliland and the Ogaden region of Ethiopia.

The United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) said Monday that it had begun to repatriate refugees from Djibouti to northwest Somalia.

"The first batch of 231 refugees crossed over at Loyaadi border point in Zeila district Saturday after long, dusty drive across the baking Horn of Africa terrain," the agency said in a statement in Nairobi. A total of 47 families were transported in 10 trucks from Hol- Hol camp to the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa, it said.

"This repatriation process marks the beginning of the end of yet another protracted refugee crisis in the east and Horn of Africa," it noted.

"We are particularly encouraged by the support and commitment demonstrated by the authorities both in Djibouti and Somaliland to help this operation move forward," said the statement.

The UN refugee agency appealed for more donor funding which, it said, was urgently needed as the repatriation goes beyond the limited resources of some 500,000 US dollars from the agency's reserve fund.

Over 11,000 Somali refugees have already returned home this year from Ethiopia, said UNHCR, adding that the repatriation from Djibouti to Somaliland will continue every two days until the end of July when there will be a six-week break because of high temperature.

The first batch of voluntary refugees, numbering approximately 14,000 out of a total of 21,700 refugees, were repatriated to Somaliland.

According to the UNHCR spokesman, Jonathan Clayton, "the refugees decided to return to their homes after 10 years of exile in order to take part in the reconstruction of their country".

The pledge is part of a 12.4m-dollar to the WFP to "fill critical gaps" in refugee feeding across Africa.

The 1.7m-dollar pledge will also help with the massive voluntary repatriation programme for Somali refugees under way in eastern Ethiopia. Tens of thousands of Somali refugees flooded into the country to avoid war at home and have been living in makeshift camps for the past decade. So far three of the eight refugee camps in the region have been closed down and the refugees assisted to return to their homes - the majority returning to Somaliland.

The donation will also "allow the repatriation of Somali refugees from camps in eastern Ethiopia to Somaliland to proceed as scheduled", said Sheila Grudem, the refugee programme officer at WFP in Addis Ababa.

The US statement said many refugees were facing difficult times due to "burgeoning" emergency food needs across the globe.

It also called on other donors to "contribute generously" to WFP to help meet food needs for the rest of the year.

Most of the pledge is made up of "commodity contributions" such as wheat from America through the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and the US Department for Agriculture.

The dismissal of the court officials follows the sacking of the supreme court chairman. The action is part of ongoing radical changes by the president of the administration aimed at streamlining the country's judiciary.

The removal of Supreme Court Justices can only be considered as a first step in the right direction. It will be unrealistic however to expect even a modest improvement in the way justice is administered in this country, to materialize from the new appointments to the top of the judiciary hierarchy, unless this step is an integral part of a comprehensive plan to overhaul the judiciary system. Surely, there are a number of key factors that may decide the success or failure of any effort to restore integrity, fairness and effectiveness to the justice system.

First of all, the administration will be required to substantially raise the salaries of Judges and to show in practice a real commitment to respect the independence of the judicial department. With the official incomes that they bring into their households being so low, Somaliland Judges are actually required to work in an environment that is highly conducive to corruption. We however believe that this government can afford allocating some decent salaries to the judiciary staff. It will be cost effective, from social and economic point of view, to spend on meeting the needs of the Judiciary, considering the huge amount of damage that a miscarriage of justice would entail.

If the integrity of the system is to be restored, the Executive must publicly acknowledge that it will bring all sorts of intervention to a complete stop. In this respect, it is also important that laws, which can be interpreted in ways that reinforce the ability to commit violations with impunity, be discarded with or replaced by clear explicit legislations.

Training of justice officials is another imperative to ensure professional excellence. The UNDP with its vast network of human resources and experience can help in bringing the legal expertise needed for developing the capacity of Somaliland's Judiciary system. Both Amoud and Hargeisa Universities should be encouraged and assisted to meet the long-term training needs of this country's future lawyers and Judges.

Finally, for this process to succeed, the administration must engage in a parallel reform of the law-enforcement authorities and government institutions.

Hargeisa regional court of Appeals Judge, Mohamed Saeed Hersi, Hargeisa regional court Judge, Abdi Jama, and Hargeisa district court Judge, Fouzi Sh. Younis, have also tendered their resignations, while citing similar reasons, it was reported.

In a public address to the nation on 18th of May this year, President Rayale promised to reform the country's Judiciary system and eradicate corruption from government institutions.

During the last 5 years, corruption has engulfed the whole government functions in Somaliland. The widespread corruption has rendered the judiciary system devoid of integrity.

As a result, many citizens now take their litigation to private Customary or Sharia courts. Frequent government meddling in judiciary affairs, in addition to poor qualifications and relatively low salaries of judges, have also contributed to a systematic violation of the right of citizens to a fair trial, which is otherwise guaranteed by the constitution.

So far, Somalilanders have shown support for Rayale's dismissal of the Supreme Court Justices. There has been no public sympathy either for the protesting judges who voluntarily resigned their jobs, or with a justice department under which many citizens suffered injustice over the years.

Apparently, an article I wrote few days ago regarding the Mayor's visit to The Sudan titled " The Mayor's visit borders on treason" has generated the following criminal investigation against me. This inquiry of criminal investigation confirms a threat the Mayor has made during a press conference he held on his return. As Haatuf reported, the Mayor made this threat: " Cawl, waxana uu ku hanjabay inuu sharciga horgeyn doono arrintan, ciqaabta ay mudan tahayna la marin doono". In English, the gist of the Somali quotation, is that Cawl threatened to take this matter to the court and the courts would accordingly dispense the corresponding punishment.

The text of the inquiry from the Commander of the CID, which came via email, is cited below:

"Please confirm if you wrote this article which concerned the mayors visit borders with treason dated 6 June 2002, as soon as reply"

Signed by: Daahir Muse Abraar, Division commander criminal department,Hargeisa Somaliland

I have privately confirmed to Daahir Muse Abraar, Division Commander Criminal Department (CID) that I wrote the article and that I stand behind it. But I decided to make it public so that Somalilanders could judge themselves how public servants are hiding behind the veil to escape the critical scrutiny. In relation to this article, the editors of Somaliland Times have been summoned to the Commander's office several times. As some one who consistently states that the press is free in Somaliland, I am disappointed to find the harassment leveled at the press.

My article under inquiry was spurred by another article in Haatuf (issue 87), written by Canfari. Canfari's article asserted the following:

1. The Mayor was invited by an NGO called AL-Dawa Al-Islamiya in Abu Dhabi. The NGO is run by former President of The Sudan, Abdirahman Mohamed Hassan (Suwarrul-dahab)
2. The invitation was extended while the Late President was in office
3. The late president over-ruled the invitation when he found out that the objective of the hosting NGO was less than desirable and in conflict with the foreign policy of Somaliland.
4. Cawl who is currently the Mayor of Hargeisa had a secret, unauthorized relationship with the Libyan Embassy in Addis during the S.N.M. struggle, which he served jail term for his collaboration with the enemy.

According to Canfari's assertions, I have raised the possibility that unqualified "wannabe" foreign minister like the Mayor even with the best intentions could damage the foreign policy of Somaliland. Additionally, reflecting on the similar Libyan incident during the SNM struggle in which Cawl has collaborated with the enemy, I have questioned the integrity of the Mayor and pointed out the probability that the Mayors intentions were as sinister as the Libyan gate. Collaborating with the enemy at times of war as the case was on the prior incident, is treason and there is no other word for it.

I have also raised the following questions, and I am raising them again, to give the Mayor a second chance to extricate himself from this unholy Sudan-gate:

a. Who initiated this mission?
b. What is the relationship between the Mayor and the former President of the Sudan?
c. Where did the Mayor of Hargeisa meet with the Mayor of Khartoum to receive this invitation?
d. Who was the intermediary?
e. Who gave the Mayor the authority to conduct foreign policy?

According to the press conference the Mayor held on his return, the Mayor stated `...Socdaal aanu ku soo guulaysanay buu ahaa in Siyaasiyan aanu wax ka soo dhaadhicino Sudan," In translation, the mayor stated that he succeeded in convincing politically the case of (Somaliland) to The Sudan. The Mayor didn't specify what he convinced The Sudan of, but it is understood the Mayor meant the withdrawal of Somaliland from the union and the pursuit of recognition.This statement attests that the Mayor has conducted political foreign affairs, a field in which he is neither authorized nor qualified. Contrary to what the Mayor claims, some Somalilanders fear that the true objective of the Mayor's visit to The Sudan, a country hostile to Somaliland, was to exploit the Mayor's office for personal gain.

The Mayor isn't qualified to conduct foreign policy. He is functionally literate and he has served time for contacting foreign governments without authority during the SNM struggle. Contrast that with the credentials of the current foreign Minister, Mohamed Saeed Gees. Gees has a degree, graduated first in his class in the United Kingdom. He is a man of integrity, loyalty and intellect. To re-iterate what I have said before, only the foreign Minister and his delegates are authorized to handle foreign policy under the direction of the President unless Somaliland has a different policy. The question Somalilanders are asking is who gave the Mayor the authority to negotiate and to conduct foreign affairs with hostile Sudan? Was it the parliament or was it the President or was it someone else? The public has a right to know and wants to know.

What we have in here is a Mayor masquerading as a foreign Minister but what we don't know is the extent of the damage the Mayor's visit inflicted on Somaliland. This is what the Commander should be investigating, and the government should unequivocally enunciate only authorized officers would carry out the foreign policy. If the Mayor has nothing to hide, he should calmly answer the above questions under oath. The Mayor is a public figure and if he can't take verbal punches, he should get out of the ring.

As to the criminal investigation, If the intention of the threat is to silence the freedom of expression, it has failed. This scare tactics are misguided, and I might add that, I don't intend to malign anybody, but I intend to examine the issues of the day, to point out inconsistencies, to expose malfeasance, to evaluate the evidence and to draw conclusions. I consider this as part of my service to Somaliland and I would continue to do so. For your part, Commander, as a public servant you took an oath to Protect the constitution. The freedom of the press, not muffling it, is one of the pillars of the democratic principles you took an oath to defend and uphold.

Commander, I appreciate the effort you put in this "case" but I question your priorities. You have summoned the editors to your office several times, you demanded my email, which they complied, you requested Mustafe Axmed, the owner of Hargeisa Internet Caf, to email this message on your behalf, which he did. This effort indicates the priority you have attached to this flimsy `case", and I can't help but assume that you have nothing more important than this, and that law and order is under control in Somaliland. But, in reality, there is an upsurge of lawlessness in Somaliland, particularly Hargeisa and Burao. A case in point, the lawlessness chronicled under the title " law & order in Hargeisa: who is in charge?" by Rakiya Omaar on Somaliland Times , issue number 24, and the allegations of corruption in Real Estate dealings and land acquisition in Hargeisa Municipality are only few of the immediate tasks that might be worth looking into, rather than wasting your energy in protecting officials.

Among speakers were Ibrahim Ismail Jibaxo of Bay Area Communities, Abiib Jama of San Diego and for the Greater Los Angeles area Communities, Adan Hassan (Dhegay), and Saeed Maygag Samater. Each made a brief patriotic speech, encouraging the participants to remember their motherland and act as ambassadors of Somaliland people and government. The MC of the event, Omer Mohamed Haji Ali Guhad (Omer Sanyare), coordinated the program very well, and kept each speaker on schedule.

An emotional and beautiful poem "Rebirth Under the Acacia Tree" by Saeed Omer Muse of San Jose Somaliland Community who is also a Somaliland Forum member, made brought tears into everyone's eyes, while all the ladies gave their best "MASHXARAD". And Abdi Samater, Somalilander from the San Jose Communities also cited a beautiful Somali poem.

Professor Amina Aden cited two of her own very beautiful and emotional (buraanbur) commemorating the SNM. The Songs were naming places and the heroic commanders who led our troops into battle in those places. She also composed and read a song about her return to Hargeisa in 1998.

To thank the sacrifice that the SNM veterans had made for the independence of our nation, the community awarded the veterans an appreciation plaque. Since there was no known veteran among the participants, Professor Amina was honored to present the plaque to Abdisalan Kosar to accept it on behalf of SNM veterans. In addition, the County of Los Angeles' Supervisors sent a congratulatory certificate of solidarity and recognition of the event which was read to the participants.

The participants, who were also entertained by live band and cultural dances, were very satisfied, and an agreement of making events like this annually for both May 18th and June 26th was reached.

Hassan Mogeh Hirsi, member of the event coordinators

BBC Monitoring, July 8, 2002/Source: Somaliland Net web site in English 8 Jul 02 / BBC Monitoring

The resignation comes as result of the formation of the independent judiciary board. The board was supposed to improve the improper justice practices that are current today. This board was announced earlier by the Somaliland president, Riyale Kahin , at the "Khairiyah ground' on 18 May. The appointment of the board was met by the Somaliland public with delight.

The judges who resigned stated that the forming of the committee was illegal and it messed with the judiciary system as some of the members of the board had grudges with the present judges.

The judges stated that some old-timer judges were terminated and replaced with some incompetent people. The minister of justice said that the judges might have some truth in their resignation complaints, but he added that the constitution gives the president the right to take steps.

The dismissal of the court officials follows the sacking of the supreme court chairman. The action is part of ongoing radical changes by the president of the administration aimed at streamlining the country's judiciary.

The President has also correctly prioritized what Somaliland wants from the international community in general and Britain in particular: recognition for Somaliland and provision of a meaningful assistance to this country to enable it overcome its immediate and long term needs in the fields of repatriation, reconstruction, reintegration, democratization and socio-economic development.

From the outset it could be said that there is nothing new in . Rayale's latest statement on the issue of Somaliland's independence and demand for international recognition and assistance. However, one cannot fail to detect the strong words and unequivocal manner with which the president expressed Somaliland's resolve and determination to preserve its independence, while seeking recognition and assistance from the international community.

This clarity in the presentation of domestic as well as external objectives sharply contrasts with instances in the past when Somaliland leaders, while responding on similar occasions, used to throw everybody into confusion as to where this country really stands. With the region expected to witness a high level international diplomacy related to the convening of the Nairobi conference by next September, it is necessary that Somaliland is not misunderstood within this process.

Free Somaliland needs to reassert itself from time to time for internal as well as external purposes. Domestically, independence is the single most important factor unifying Somalilanders in a common pursuit of freedom and better life. Externally, Somaliland must be on the offensive to reaffirm the country's determination to stay independent and to seek cooperation with the outside world.

UNICEF Somalia Review Jun 2002

During the review period, Mr Kahin signed a decree establishing a council of health professionals at national and regional levels. A ministerial circular was also issued that regulates the importation of drugs in the area.

As part of preparations for the anticipated elections, the Parliament passed a law designating six regions in 'Somaliland.' The six regions reflect zonal colonial administrative boundaries. These regions are Hargeisa, Togdheer, Sanaag, Awdal, Sool and Sahil. Based on their economic importance to the country, the law has graded regions and districts as A, B, C and D.

The election committee started touring the regions and districts as part of a plan to mark polling sites and to make an assessment of the other requirements.

In another development, women across the zone started preparing to take an active role in the forthcoming elections. Representatives of women's groups from all regions met twice in Hargeisa during the review period. In one of these meetings, a strategic plan on the role of women in peace building and political participation was developed.

A nine-member committee representing all regions and districts was set up as a result of the first meeting. This committee will meet on a regular basis to follow up the progress of women's priorities as agreed upon in the meeting. In the second one, women discussed how to take part in the forthcoming municipal elections and how to increase women's knowledge and understanding of the voting system.

Programme Activities

Health : A two day health and co-ordination meeting was held for all stakeholders of programmes in Togdheer and Awdal. The purpose of the co-ordination meeting was to enhance dialogue among the partners, increase mutual understanding, and create a framework in which organisations working in these two regions avoid overlap in their activities.

A two-week Life Saving skills training for five midwives from Sanaag region was held at the Edna maternity hospital. These midwives work in Erigavo Hospital and the health centres in the district capitals of the region. This training was essential for the midwives of the region due to limited medical facilities in this area.

Distribution of 2,470 clean delivery kits to assist mothers at delivery time were distributed to the health centres in the zone.

Expanded Programme of Immunization (EPI) : Around 300 vaccinators were trained for the implementation of the EPI acceleration campaigns in the regional capitals of the zone. The objective of this training was to upgrade the knowledge and skills of the vaccinators. The EPI acceleration campaign is slated for July 2002.

Social mobilisation workshops on immunization were conducted in all the regional capitals of the zone. The purpose of these workshops was to create community partnership in the EPI programmes. Women's groups, religious leaders, youth groups and influential people at the regional capitals participated in these workshops. The workshops are expected to result in increased collaboration from groups in the regional capitals in support of immunization efforts.

Nutrition : In collaboration with Ministry of Health and Labour (MOHL), community based nutrition promotion activities were initiated in some of the internally displaced people and returnees' settlements in Hargeisa. A variety of community groups were involved in assessing the nutritional problems of these communities. Thirty nutrition promoters selected from the community groups were given five days training on basic nutrition and basic communication skills. The purpose of this activity is involving IDP/returnees' community representatives in understanding the nutritional problems affecting their women and children and in participating to finding solutions to these problems.

Water and Environmental Sanitation (WES) : UNICEF undertook social mobilisation and hygiene awareness activities in five villages in Galbeed and Togdheer, namely Qoton, Gogeysa, Habari Heshay, El Bahay and Raribul. Community ownership and sustainability of water projects through timely operations and maintenance were emphasised. Seventy sanitation slabs were distributed to 70 households in Ayaha IDP settlement in Hargeisa. Community input included the labour skills required for the setting up of the pit latrines.

Construction work on the Borama water supply Project has begun.

Education : A total of 243 teachers, head teachers and supervisors were trained in Borama and 262 in Burao on the new curricululum and textbooks being distributed for lower primary level students in NWZ. The total number of teachers trained in this in the zone to date is 1,495. The training of a last group of 343 teachers, head teachers and supervisors will start in Sool and Sanaag regions on July 29, 2002. This will bring the total number of teachers trained in use of the new textbooks to 1,838. The new textbooks will be used in schools at the beginning of the school year 2002/2003, starting from August.

Data was collected from all primary schools in 'Somaliland' for the annual primary school survey. This first draft survey report reveals that the number of functional schools in 'Somaliland' are 307 (a 5 per cent increase) and that 85,000 students are now enrolled (an increase of 11 per cent.). In the last survey 293 schools were functional and 74,000 children were enrolled.

The new curriculum textbooks have been distributed to all primary schools in Gebiley district and Sanaag region. The books consist of four subjects namely science, mathematics, social studies, Somali, and their teacher's guides, and cover class one to four. In Gebiley, 10,774 books were distributed while 14,426 books were distributed in Sanaag. These textbooks are for lower primary school.

Communication for Community Participation, Advocacy, and External Relations : The Day of the African Child (DAC) was commemorated jointly by UNICEF and local communities. The commemoration was organised by 'Somaliland' Football Federation, the Ministry of Youth and Sports, Hargeisa Orphanage HAVOYOCO (Hargeisa Voluntary Committee Organisation) and UNICEF in Hargeisa, Burao and Borama. In Hargeisa, the day was marked with a procession led by the 'Somaliland's national music band from Khayria to Hargeisa football stadium, where the Minister of Youth and Sports, the UNICEF Resident Project Officer and the chairperson of the 'Somaliland' Football Federation launched a football tournament among 12 teams. The tournament ran from June 16-19, 2002.

HAVOYOCO displayed a circus performance at the stadium. The Hargeisa Orphanage also played songs based on the importance of the day and its message for this year. Messages on children and women's rights were channeled through the local media including Radio Hargeisa, Somaliland TV, local papers and BBC Somali section. The media initiative was supported by distribution of IEC materials (T-shirts, banners, and fliers) to the public before, during and after the day.

In Burao and Borama, the day was commemorated with a football tournament inaugurated by their respective regional authorities, with large public audiences.

Julia Spry-Leverton, Communication Officer,
UNICEF Somalia

Riyale's rejection of Somaliland's participation in the Nairobi talks, even as an observer, was disclosed on Thursday, during a conversation between the Somaliland leader and the British Ambassador to Ethiopia, . Myles Wickstead, who arrived in Hargeisa earlier, on Tuesday.

President Rayale has told the British diplomat, who is also responsible for covering Somaliland affairs, that there is no way in which Somaliland will ever consider rejoining the South [Somalia].

"It is the people of Somaliland who decided in 1991 to reinstate their independence and it is them who voted 97% for independence in a public referendum held last year," Rayale said.

The Somaliland leader has also pointed out that the priorities of his government is to gain international recognition for the country, as well as securing assistance from the international community for reconstruction and development.

During the conversation, . Rayale has mentioned the devastating impact brought on the national economy by the continued Saudi ban on importation of Somaliland livestock.

The British ambassador who will be back in London in few weeks time for consultations, promised to report to his government on what he has found here and make recommendations about how relations with Somaliland can be developed. Accompanying ambassador Wickstead were . Tony Berry from the Home Office and . Owen Richards first secretary in the UK Embassy in Addis Ababa.

Asked about the possibility of Somaliland receiving asylum seekers whose applications were rejected in Britain, President Rayale responded by saying, "As we are still unable as a country to have normal interaction with the world and considering that Somaliland is deprived of receiving any meaningful assistance from the international community, it will be beyond the capacity of Somaliland at this stage to absorb returnees from Britain."

During their stay in Hargeisa, the British delegates visited various locations in the city. Members of the delegation also paid visits to a number of business centers including the famous Dahabshil Company where they have witnessed money transfer transactions in action. They also toured Edna Adan Maternity Hospital.

On Wednesday the visiting Britons attended the grand opening of the new Ambassador Hotel.

During their visit, members of the British delegation stayed in Mansoor Hotel.

For excerpts of this interview, see the next issue of the Somaliland Times.

Somaliland has just celebrated it's 42nd year of independence. That is a moment for celebration and thanksgiving. It is also a moment for pause and reflection. The people of Somaliland have fought long and hard to establish what they now consider their greatest treasure-peace and stability. Comparing Hargeisa and Mogadishu, a recent BBC correspondent emphasised again and again the security that reigns in Hargeisa. All sectors of society have made their contribution: the government, the elders, former fighters and politicians. But above all else, it is ordinary people who turned their backs on the politics of the gun. Given recent history, it is indeed an achievement to be proud of, to monitor carefully and to safeguard with all the resources that are available.

Nothing can or should be taken for granted on such an important and sensitive issue. History is all too full of tragedies that have taken people by surprise. Caught off-guard, we lack the presence of mind to respond quickly and in a timely fashion to ward off disasters. And a threat to security would indeed be a tragedy for the people of Somaliland, individually and collectively. Therefore any hint of something wrong in the way security is policed-or not-needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency.

About three months ago, a friend in Hargeisa decided that she wanted to have 24-hour electricity, so she arranged to switch from her supplier. She expressed her regrets and looked forward to the luxury of around the clock electricity. She was not to enjoy it for very long. Another supplier, Ahmed Aw Dahir, was anxious to declare the zone as his. He took the law into his hands, and in the middle of the night cut all the supply lines from my friend and from the homes and offices in the area that had recently become clients of Mohamed Hussein, the owner of a fuel station in the neighbourhood. His men set up camp in the area to ensure that their illegal action was not challenged. Outraged, the affected people and Mohamed appealed for police intervention. The police were slow to react despite numerous visits to their stations. Promises were made but were not fulfilled. In the meantime; the conflict escalated for several days with talk of a bloody showdown if the police did not take decisive action. Former SNM fighters vowed to "settle" the matter if the police continued to drag their feet. Eventually the police called a meeting and told Ahmed in no uncertain terms that his action was both wrong and illegal. The meeting was followed by a circular stating that everyone in Somaliland was free to enter into a contract with anyone of their choice and that suppliers of electricity-or anything else for that matter-had neither a monopoly nor the right to force people to remain their clients.

There the matter remained for a few months. Then last week Ahmed was back in action. While people slept, his men crept in to cut their electrical supplies, plunging homes and offices into darkness. Mohamed waited for police intervention. But none was forthcoming. So Mohamed repaid him in kind, cutting his lines and in turn subjecting his clients to suffer needless inconvenience. He also reconnected his lines. But at 4:00 a.m. Ahmed cut them again. The climax came when the two sides exchanged gunfire at that hour, frightening people. The delay in the response of the police only helped to intensify the conflict. As in the past, former SNM fighters expressed their readiness to intervene in the affair, bringing their military experience and weapons.

It was then that the police took charge of the matter, imprisoning both Ahmed and Mohamed. This was the wrong response. The responsibility of the police was to punish the wrongdoer, which in this case was clearly Ahmed. It was their failure to act at the very beginning, which complicated the issue and finally brought matters to a head.

The police are right to be concerned about gunfire in a residential district and to want to send a message that such behaviour will not be tolerated. But the way to get that message across is not to confuse the perpetrator and the victim. Mohamed's mistake, to a large extent, is that he had faith in the police. He waited for them to sort the matter out which they did not do quickly. When the police do not exercise their duties, they cannot blame citizens for trying to defend themselves and their interests. What else are they expected to do?

Having detained the two men for a few days, the police then committed another major error when they promptly released them, apparently because of pressure and the intervention of elders. So who exactly is in charge of law and order in Hargeisa? Who makes the final decisions? And what is the criteria on which such crucial decisions that affect lives are based? Where were these elders when Ahmed was taking unilateral and punitive action against other people's customers? What did they do to make sure that he complied with the police instructions forbidding him from denying people their freedom of choice?

Everyone in Somaliland has an interest, both immediate and long-term, in helping to build up an efficient, trusted and fair police force. The police have come a long way in the last few years. But as this case illustrates, they also have a long way to go. They need training and resources. But they also need to be given the political space to do their work without interference either from politicians or elders. Creating a parallel system of policing through self-selected groups of elders, who are not accountable to the public but only to their relatives, is a recipe for future trouble. And without a professional, reliable and neutral police force, the stability of Somaliland is being endangered.

And until people have full confidence in the competence and judgement of the police, they will continue to regard former fighters as their only effective rapid deployment force. Foreign donors and the government are due to spend huge amounts of money in demobilisation, as well as effort and human resources. But how then can we talk about a successful and thorough demobilisation exercise if people have more confidence in the fighters they know than in the police? Many young men and boys took up arms in the 1980s because they could not bear to witness the atrocities and humiliation inflicted on their loved ones. These same men are not going to stand by now if they see their families and close friends mistreated by businessmen and ignored by the police.

So before we spend money, time and energy on demobilisation, let's first understand what that means in the context of Somaliland. It means showing people, through the actions of the police and the judiciary, that they are right to trust these institutions. It means demonstrating to them, on a daily basis, that the police can and are willing to act decisively, fairly and speedily against wrongdoers, so that their victims do not have a reason to appeal to former fighters. And it means that the police must be guaranteed independence of action, free of political pressure and from interference by elders.

In the meantime, the people want to know who is going to repair and pay for the televisions and other equipment that was damaged and replace the food that rotted in their fridges? And they want to know what is going to happen. They go to sleep, unsure whether their wires will or will not be cut by someone bent on profit. That's no way to celebrate 42 years of independence; nor is it a basis to feel confident about the future.

* Rakiya A. Omaar is the director of the international human rights organisation, African Rights.

The Ethiopian Ambassador to the UN, Dr. Abd al-Majid Hussein has recently been the subject of an intense smear campaign. Dr. Hussein was described as "the Somali traitor of the century", he was lambasted as someone who hates Somali unity "Waa nin aad u neceb midnimada Somaaliyeed", he was called a turncoat, a quisling. Some even said he is non-Somali posing as Somali. The common thread among these attacks on Abd al-Majid Hussein is that he has been disloyal to Somali nationalism. Two underlying assumptions of the attacks is that there is something called Somali nationalism, and that the people making the accusations are nationalists, while Abd al-Majid is not.

The charge that Abd al-Majid Hussein is not a Somali is so silly it is not worth discussing. So, let's talk about the question of Somali nationalism (I mean nationalism in a political rather than cultural sense) and whether it exists. Most specialists in Somali history agree that much of the history of Somalis in this century is the history of the evolution of Somali nationalism, which culminated in the merger of two of the territories inhabited by Somalis, namely, the State of Somaliland which got its independence from the British in June 26, 1960, and the Italian Trust Administration (a.k.a Somalia), on July 1, 1960. The hope then was that the three remaining Somali-inhabited territories would eventually join the Somali Republic. But no such outcome materialized. Instead, Somali nationalism (or pan-nationalism, the two are often synonymous) suffered deadly blows as time went on.

Somali nationalism began to show signs of trouble immediately after the union, when citizens of the former British Protectorate of Somaliland began to feel that the Italian Trust Territory was determined to secure all the benefits of the union without bearing any of its costs. This sense of injustice prompted a majority of Somalilanders to vote against the proposed constitution in the June 1961 referendum. Six months after the failed referendum, Sandhurst-trained officers from the British Protectorate of Somaliland staged a coup. The immediate cause of the coup was that officers from the British Protectorate were incensed at having to serve under officers from the Italian Trust Administration who had no military training, and who were only trained in police work. But the larger cause for the coup was, of course, the sense of injustice the officers from Somaliland shared with the rest of the people from Somaliland.

But be that as it may, it was really under Siyad Barre's regime that Somali nationalism suffered the deadliest blows. The first blow was when Djibouti rejected union with the Somali Republic and opted for independence in June 1977. Djibouti's defection undermined the very logic that led to the merger between British Somaliland and the Italian Trust Administration. Once Djibouti opted out, many Somalilanders began to ask themselves if little Djibouti could stand on its own, why not us? The second blow to Somali nationalism occurred when the Somali Republic lost the Ethiopian-Somali war of 1977-78. The crushing defeat of the Somali army made Somali nationalism synonymous with defeat and failure. The third blow was the agreement reached by Siyad Barre with Ethiopia on April 1988, in which Siyad Barre basically gave up Somali territorial claims on Ethiopia in exchange of Ethiopia kicking out the S.N.M from Ethiopia (anyone who doubts that Siyad Barre gave up Somali territorial claims, should listen to the recent interview with the BBC's Somali section in which Siyad Barre's own half-brother and then Foreign Minister, . Abdirahman Jama Barre characterized that agreement as "grand treason"). The fourth blow was the genocide committed against Somalilanders (the people who had sacrificed the most for Somali nationalism) by the Somali state, and in the name of Somali nationalism. The final blow was when Somalis in the former Italian Trust Administration killed, raped and starved each other, making it plain to the whole world that all bonds that tied Somalis were broken.

Now let's turn to the other question: are the people accusing Abd al-Majid Hussein of betraying Somali nationalism themselves nationalists? To answer this question, we have to identify who these people are. As far as I can tell, there are two groups who are the most vocal against Abd al-Majid Hussein. The first group is the Arta Faction and their supporters. Many of these people were high ranking members of Siyad Barre's regime and bear a great deal of responsibility for the disintegration of the Somali state. Their adoption of the rhetoric of nationalism is just a smokescreen through which they want to regain power. They have also repeatedly shown in their dealings with Ethiopia that they are ready to abandon their nationalist rhetoric if Ethiopia would accept them, or just turn down the heat on them.

The other group that has been trumpeting the rhetoric of Somali nationalism is the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF). This group's use of Somali nationalism is not credible either, because, as one can tell from the name of the group, it is fighting for the interests of one clan, the Ogaden. Listening to some of the representatives of this group, one gets the impression that they live in a time warp, as far as they are concerned this is 1960 not 2002. They seem oblivious to all the things that Somalis have gone through and done to each other, as well as the realities on the ground. How else can one explain the ONLF's Foreign Affairs Representative, . Mohammed Sirad Dolaal's shouting in the midst of an interview with the BBC (April 13, 2002): " no one can stop me from going to Hargaysa (Hargaysa la ima diidi karo)." They never seem to ask themselves if they are fighting for the interests of the Ogaden, why should Abd al-Majid Hussein, or any non-Ogaden Somali for that matter, support them?

Anyone who knows the least about Somali affairs will also notice that, while these two groups constantly castigate Dr. Hussein for being a high official in the Ethiopian government, they never criticize the non-Issaq Somali members of the Ethiopian and Kenyan government. They also have nothing but praise for the government of Kenya, even though from a Somali nationalist perspective, Ethiopia and Kenya should be treated the same. Moreover, according to their logic (or lack of), Djibouti, which was the first territory to betray Somalis by choosing independence over uniting with the Somali Republic, is a shining embodiment of Somali patriotism.

One can see this sort of crass opportunism and selective memory in the statements of . Abdullahi Mohamed Sadi who condemned Abd al-Majid for holding high office in the Ethiopian government, although he himself served that same government as the head of the Somali zone. Clearly, the problem is not whether one works for Ethiopia or not, as the ONLF would have us believe, the problem is that Ethiopia has apparently committed the unforgivable sin of giving high office to an Issaq, or a non-Ogaden. . Sadi more or less admitted this much when he said in an interview "it is they [the Ogaden] who can bring peace or block it (ayagaana nabad ka keeni kara, ayagaana diidi kara)."

The pattern followed by . Hussein's detractors is this: first they try to get Ethiopia to accept them as Somali leaders, if Ethiopia refuses, then they start portraying themselves as hard-line Somali nationalists and accuse those who work with Ethiopia, especially if they happen to be Issaq, of being traitors. This is, essentially, what the Arta Faction did, and is still doing. Many members of this group have been trekking to Ethiopia for more than a decade now. Ethiopia even paid for the tent which was set in Arta to protect them from Djibouti's searing sun. Abdi Qasim Salad Hasan himself went to Ethiopia soon after being picked as "president" to win Ethiopia's support. He even made statements through his then spokesman, . Dinari, in which he said there were no Ethiopian troops in Somalia, when other members of his faction were saying the opposite. When none of Abdi Qasim Salad Hasan's tricks worked, he started painting himself as an uncompromising Somali nationalist, and began depicting Ethiopia as the sworn enemy of Somalis. This is the same, by now very predictable pattern, followed by successive high officials in the Arta Faction, such as the previous "Foreign Minister", Ismail Hurreh Buba, as well as the current "Prime Minister", . Hassan Abshir Farah.

Abd al-Majid Hussein's opponents can denounce him as much as they want, but the truth is, many of them are known to shamelessly sing and dance for the Ethiopians when they think its in their interests to do so. A high point in this song and dance routine came in one of those interminable Somali conferences in Addis Ababa, when . Abd al-Qadir Hirsi Yam Yam who is now a member of the Arta Faction's "parliament", payed tribute to Meles Zenawi in the following lines, from a poem called "Thank you Addis Ababa (Addis Ababa Mahadsanid)":
Madaxweyne sharaflow
Malasow Sanawow
Afrikada Madoobe
Addunyada ku kala maqan
Shacbigawgu mudan

orable President
Meles Zenawi,
[Whose country] is the most honored
Of all Black African nations
Dispersed in the world [including those in the Diaspora]

This is the same Yam Yam who used to mouth Siyad Barre's propaganda. It is the same Yam Yam who reportedly said in Djibouti: "Soomaalidu waa geel; geelana waxaa iska leh Geele." For the benefit of those who do not know Somali, this roughly translates to: Somalis are camels, and camels belong to their owner. Since the Somali word for camel-owner (Gelleh) happens to be the last name of Djibouti's president, Yam Yam is flattering the president by portraying him as the owner of Somalis, in the same way he lavished praise on the Ethiopian Prime Minister.

Somali nationalism is clearly being used as a whore (if memory serves me right, this is not an entirely original statement, Senator Patrick Moynihan was the first to call the Somali Republic "that one time whore of the Soviet Union"). Like any other politician, Abd al-Majid Hussein should be held accountable for what he says and does, but to attack him for not embracing a dead Somali nationalism is like attacking someone for saying no to necrophilia. Fortunately, most Somalis are not buying the Arta Faction and the ONLF's nationalist rhetoric because they know the huge damage done by demagogues and charlatans in the name of Somali nationalism. The prevalent attitude among Somalis these days is one of giving priority to rebuilding their communities from the bottom-up, the way Somaliland is doing, which is the Ethiopian approach to the Somali problem, which was also the UN approach until it was diverted by the Arta conference. Since Dr. Abd al-Majid Hussein has done nothing more than articulate this Ethiopian policy which is in harmony with the wishes of most Somalis, it is the people attacking him who are out of step with the Somali people. A good indication of how out of touch with Somalis are Abd al-Majid's critics, is the fact they have so far miserably failed to garner any substantial support among Somalis. The average Somali may not have heard of Samuel Johnson's dictum: "Patriotism is the last refuge of a scoundrel," but the good doctor's observation sums up how Somalis view Abd al-Majid's critics. No wonder that these critics can't find support among Somalis.

Yam Yam's poem as well as the English translation are from Ali Jimale Ahmed's book: Daybreak is Near (Lawrenceville, N.J: The Red Sea Press, 1996), pp160-61

Alice Springs, Australia, June 27 (Bloomberg) -- Australian rancher Ross Morton, like his father before him, has just begun his annual roundup. The difference is, Morton junior has swapped a horse for a helicopter and is herding camels, not cattle.

Morton scans his 2,500 square kilometer (1,000 square mile) outback property, about 1,800 kilometers west of Brisbane, from the skies. He herds camels toward holding pens where they will wait before being trucked to ships bound for Asia and the Middle East. Camel is a favored meat of some Muslims.

Australia, which has the only wild camel herd in the world, shipped A$400 million ($230 million) worth of the animals to Asia last year and this month sent its first shipment of 118 to Saudi Arabia, a market that may be worth double that in 2003.

``It's like selling ice to Eskimos,'' Morton said. ``The potential for this market is huge and this client alone wants 5,000 camels a year. The customer wanted 500 now, but we only had time to get 118.''

Australia's 600,000 wild camels roam across the center of the country in areas straddling the Simpson, Great Sandy and Gibson deserts. About 12,000 camels, first introduced here in 1840, were imported between 1860 and 1907 as draught and riding beasts for people exploring the rugged interior, where temperatures regularly reach 48 degrees Celsius (118 degrees Fahrenheit).

``They thrive in the conditions here and the herd just ballooned,'' said Peter Seidel, director of the Central Australian Camel Industry Association. ``They have been regarded as feral and there have been culls. Now we are trying to turn it around and make it a viable business.''

Economical Ride <> Until now, the live camels have been bound for Asia, Kuwait and Jordan, where they are slaughtered according to religious traditions. More sales in the Middle East will add to the economy of the Northern Territory, which is twice the size of Texas with 214,000 inhabitants and two-thirds of the wild camel herd.

The northern-most state's economy is forecast to grow 5.9 percent in the year ending June 30, faster than South Korea, which grew 5.7 percent in the first quarter from a year earlier.

Key to growth is a A$1.3 billion railway being built between Alice Springs in the center of the country to the northern capital of Darwin, and the development of $30 billion in gas reserves in the Timor Sea, off Darwin.

Darwin's Chief Minister Clare Martin estimates gas developments by Phillips Petroleum Co., the Royal Dutch/Shell Group and their partners will boost state production 46 percent and create some 5,200 jobs.

``We want to support industries that are going to let the territory stand alone,'' Martin said at an oil conference this month. ``We don't want to be the mendicant territory.''

Export Opportunities

At the Tjuwanpa Outstation, covering 8,000 square kilometers of land belonging to indigenous Australians east of Alice Springs, steel fencing has arrived in preparation for 800 Aborigines entering the camel business.

Men living in the 40 Tjuwanpa communities will be trained starting in July to put 82 kilometers of custom-built camel fences on part of the land, managed by central Aboriginal trusts, to capture some of the wild herd.

``We'll use helicopters to herd them in,'' said Ron Lisson, general manager at Tjuwanpa, adding it will ``give us a slice of the export market.''

Middle Eastern countries have had to look elsewhere for camels because of civil wars in traditional markets such as Sudan and Somalia as well as foot and mouth disease.

Tastes Like Lamb?

Australia has an abundant supply of camels and the country is disease free, prompting orders from Jordan and inquiries from the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain, Seidel said.

``The first load of 118 camels gets to Saudi Arabia there in a matter of days, and we will find out in the next few months whether the meat is suitable,'' Seidel said.

Australia is already the largest exporter of beef, although cattle farmers in the Northern Territory are looking to diversify as drought threatens stock and disease concerns turn consumers off the red meat.

``Cattle prices are going up and down and the drought can hit you hard,'' Morton said. ``Camels are easy to handle and if the meat proves suitable, there is huge potential for us to make it a viable part of our business.''

Australia's domestic market is limited, with lamb and beef still preferred, said Graham Foster, chef at the Outback Steakhouse restaurant in Alice Springs. Camel is on the menu as part of a platter with emu, kangaroo and crocodile steaks.

``It's a similar texture to lamb but people still haven't quite come around to camel like lamb or beef,'' Foster said. ``It doesn't come back to the kitchen, so it's good to incorporate it.''

The official said the two sides had reached agreement to iron out any differences between "the two brotherly peoples". The provisions of the agreement include ending hostile propaganda by both sides, reopening the common border and "allowing traders from both sides to freely conduct their businesses", according to the official.

Somaliland authorities had confiscated a consignment of cigarettes worth US $800,000, reportedly belonging to a Djibouti businessman, Abdulrahman Bore, in April last year. Bore is reportedly close to Djibouti President Ismael Omar Guelleh, sources told IRIN at the time.

Kahin's trip to Djibouti was his first to a foreign country since assuming the Somaliland presidency last month after the death of Muhammad Ibrahim Egal.

Relations between the two sides soured following Djibouti's hosting of the Somali peace talks, which led to the establishment of the Transitional National Government (TNG). The Somaliland administration boycotted the talks, accusing Djibouti of interfering in Somalia's internal affairs.

However, a Djiboutian government official told IRIN on Monday that Djibouti "will continue to support the TNG and Somali unity in general, and will not compromise on this".

The people on both sides of the border were one and the same, he said, so they "had to take advantage of this new opportunity to eventually solve their differences".

ENA said that there were no human injuries, except for damages to one of the rooms in the building and a train compartment.

The news agency reported the Security, Immigration and Refugees Affairs Authority, as having disclosed that investigation were underway into the identity of those responsible for the crime.

The Authority has called on residents of Dire Dawa, to help by immediately informing the relevant bodies of any suspicious looking persons in the area.

Despite the explosion, railway operations between Addis and Dire Dawa have commenced; ENA quoted Police Commissioner of Dire Dawa, Ato Mebrahtu Gebreselassie.

Residents of the locality are also reported to be going about their day-to-day activities as usual.

Dire Dawa has been target of similar attacks in previous times. In 1995, a bomb exploded at the Dire Dawa Ras Hotel. A group that was based in Somalia (Al Ittihad Al Islamiya) claimed the responsibility.

The ambassador said that the international community will now be focusing on what is going on in the regions as well as how the administration Somaliland will be operating.

The UK ambassador and a delegation he led recently held talks with, among others, the president of the Somaliland administration, Dahir Riyale Kahin, and other top officials from the Somaliland's parliament and House of Elders.
Source: Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 0530 gmt 29 Jun 02 / BBC Monitoring

The ambassador whose visit is the first to the country, informed the president that he was on a fact-finding mission to Somaliland and will convey his findings to the British government after his return to London next month.

He said his other function was related to Somaliland refugees who had not been given refugees status in the UK and to see what could be done for Somali experts willing to return to Somaliland. Riyale asked the ambassador to inform his government the fact that Somaliland was not ready to return to its union with Somalia. He said that was a choice made by the people of Somaliland who were not even ready to entertain the idea. He said the government was implementing the choice of its people. He said it is the people who had decided to reclaim their independence in 1991 and this fact was confirmed by the referendum which voted in favour of independence by 97 per cent.

He said Somaliland had fulfilled all requirements of statehood and that the ambassador should convey to his country Somaliland's need to get help from the UK to attain recognition. He said even prior to that the two countries should establish cooperation and formal links under the Commonwealth, and that the UK should help Somaliland in the elections, help lift the ban on Somaliland livestock, in industry, education, health and in other areas of development.

The president said unless the country got assistance from the international community the issue of returning refugees would be impossible, impractical and unfitting. He said the international community had not formally provided what was needed to address the issue, hence nothing has been prepared for them.

The ambassador thanked the president for the manner in which he was received in the country and said he was impressed by the security, stability, and the order in Somaliland, considering that the rest of Somalia was in chaos. He said the impressive democratic process in Somaliland had been an eye opener to the rest of the world and the success had never being attained in many countries.

He said "we are convinced that it is impractical for things to return to the 1991 state, we are firm about the security and stability of Somaliland and no-one should interfere with that. We promise you all that we will convey all the messages we received from you to our government. We assure you that your grievances will be heard."

The meeting was attended by the vice-president and the minister of foreign affairs.
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 27 Jun 02 / BBC Monitoring

The British delegation, headed by the ambassador, is coming to join the Somaliland people on the occasion of 26 June celebrations marking Somaliland's independence from Britain on 26 June 1960 , to be held tomorrow. The delegation was received at the airport by the deputy foreign minister, Mahmud Abdi Isma'il and other officials.

The delegation, which will remain in the country for two days, will tonight attend a banquet hosted in their honour by the mayor of Hargeysa, Awil Ilmi Abdallah, at Hotel Mansur in Hargeysa, where cabinet members and other government officials will join them.
Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 25 Jun 02 / BBC Monitoring

The president of Somaliland, Riyale Kahin, who made an address at the opening of the hotel, spoke about the various stages the country went through and how the independence we now enjoy was realized. President Riyale expressed hope for the people of Somaliland and wished them progress and prosperity.

The ceremony, which marked the 26 June anniversary and the opening of Hotel Ambassador in Hargeysa, was also attended by the vice-president, Ahmad Yusuf Yasin, the minister of internal affairs, foreign affairs, defence, information, resettlement, public works, sports, education and national guidance, livestock and industries.

The ceremony was also attended by the British ambassador to Ethiopia and a delegation he was leading who are taking part in the 26 June anniversary.

The ceremony was also attended by some members of the Council of Elders, MPs and very many people.

The meeting dealt with the functions of various organizations. Soon after the talks, the British ambassador, Wickstead toured Gabiley District for three hours. The delegation had travelled to Gabiley to acquaint itself with the situation in the district and the country at large. They held talks at the Gabiley local council HQ with officials from the district, including Gabiley's mayor, Hasan Haji Yusuf Roble. The mayor said during the meeting that the people of Somaliland welcomed the British delegation and wanted the British government to give this country special attention, considering that this country used to be a British protectorate.

The meeting was also addressed by Ms Marian Haji who is the chairperson of the National Women's Association, Nawa, who spoke at length about the stages which the country had gone through since this country attained its independence from Britain 42 years ago. She said the country had a constitutional order and appealed for recognition from Britain.

Speaking at the meeting, the British ambassador said he was impressed with the order and security in the country and said this was his first visit to the country since he assumed office in Addis Ababa.

He said the implementation of the constitution which manifested itself following the death of the former president was historical and had attracted the attention of the international community, particularly the British government which was keenly watching the country.

This report which we received from our reporter in Gabiley, Usman Abdi Bedem phonetic added that the delegation rested briefly at the house of John Draystal phonetic who is a British citizen resident in Gabiley.

The delegation soon afterwards returned to Hargeysa where they will take part in celebrations marking the 26 June anniversary.

Nairobi, 24 June: Relations between Djibouti and the self-declared independent state of Somaliland, northwestern Somalia, are set to improve following a three-day visit to Djibouti by the Somaliland interim president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, a Djibouti official told IRIN on Monday 24 June .

The official said the two sides had reached agreement to iron out any differences between "the two brotherly peoples". The provisions of the agreement include ending hostile propaganda by both sides, reopening the common border and "allowing traders from both sides to freely conduct their businesses", according to the official.

Somaliland authorities had confiscated a consignment of cigarettes worth 800,000 US dollars, reportedly belonging to a Djibouti businessman, Abdulrahman Bore, in April last year. Bore is reportedly close to Djibouti President Ismael Omar Guelleh, sources told IRIN at the time.

Kahin's trip to Djibouti was his first to a foreign country since assuming the Somaliland presidency last month after the death of Muhammad Ibrahim Egal.

Relations between the two sides soured following Djibouti's hosting of the Somali peace talks, which led to the establishment of the Transitional National Government (TNG). The Somaliland administration boycotted the talks, accusing Djibouti of interfering in Somalia's internal affairs.

However, a Djiboutian government official told IRIN on Monday that Djibouti "will continue to support the TNG and Somali unity in general, and will not compromise on this".

The people on both sides of the border were one and the same, he said, so they "had to take advantage of this new opportunity to eventually solve their differences".

The president and his entourage were warmly welcomed at Hargeysa airport by the vice-president of Somaliland, ministers, MPs, clan elders and a big crowd. Speaking to journalists at the airport, the president said it was very necessary to develop relations with neighbouring countries, adding that they had received official invitation from the Djibouti government. He said they were warmly received in Djibouti where they held talks with government officials.

The president disclosed that they ironed out contentious issues that existed between the two countries. He said they agreed to open a new chapter of relations and open the border between the two countries in order to allow free trade, adding that the historical and brotherly relations should be restored.

The president said a committee has been set to oversee the implementation of the bilateral agreement. The two sides eventually concluded their talks with the following resolutions:

The border line should temporarily remain the same but talks on the issue should begin in the nearest future; Somaliland refugees in Djibouti should be managed by the two sides and prepared for repatriation in the coming two weeks, with effect from July 2002 ; both Djibouti and Somaliland traders should be able to run their businesses freely; the two sides should avoid making provocative statements that could damage relations between the two countries. The two sides also agreed to bolster their relations and exchange high-ranking officials...

However, the currently strained relations between the two countries cannot be improved unless there is a genuine desire on the part of both governments to do so. Unfortunately, there are no signs in the horizon that the ruling elite in Djibouti is actually interested in re-normalization of relations between the two sisterly countries. On the contrary, President Ismail Omar Ghelle and members of his inner circle are still adamant in refusing to recognize the right of Somaliland to exist. In fact there is growing evidence, as shown by intelligence reports that have been circulating in the region for the last 2 months, that Ghelle is planning to stir trouble in the western parts of the Somaliland coast.

It borders on naivete, therefore, to expect that during his current 3-day visit to Djibouti, Somaliland President Riyale will be able to bring about change in the sinister policies maintained by Djiboutian leaders towards Somaliland.

Actually, this visit should have been made only if there was sufficient proof before hand, that Ghelle was ready to admit his previous wrongdoings against Somaliland, and was genuinely interested in a deal that would include the exchange of full diplomatic relations between the two countries. Otherwise, why a Somaliland President should be compelled to go to Djibouti, only to be received in the most undignified way at its airport, and then seen off while being devoid of any accomplishments whatsoever to show the folks back at home?

We believe that the only beneficiary of President Riyale's surprise visit to Djibouti is Ismail Omar Ghelle. The Djiboutian dictator needed Riyale's arrival in his capital for the purpose of trumping up domestic as well as regional support. Tricky Ghelle has always sought to impress upon his internal critics, and Arab supporters, that he is a power to be reckoned with in the region. There is no doubt that President Riyale's visit will help him project that image of self imposed importance. On the other hand, President Riyale stands to be the biggest loser, politically, as result of this visit.

The President, accompanied by his Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mohamed Saeed Gees and Minister of Rehabilitation Reconstruction and Resettlement, Abdillahi Hussein Iman (Direwal) had left Hargeisa early Thursday morning on a previously unannounced 3-day visit to the state of Djibouti.

The visit has, however, stirred widespread public disapproval in Somaliland. The visit came at a time when relations between Somaliland and Djibouti have reached their lowest point ever. The sudden departure of Riyale to Djibouti, last Thursday, has caught Somalilanders off-guard. Most people have been disappointed with the fact that the President chose to make his first trip to a country that, as one critic put it "has already unleashed all the damage that it could possibly afflict on Somaliland."

The lack of an official explanation on the objectives of the visit has also surrounded Riyale's mission to Djibouti with mystery.

A lot of people have expressed concern over the possibility of President Riyale being cheated by Djiboutian President Ismail Omar Ghelle. President Ghelle has apparently worked hard on getting Riyale to Djibouti. According to reliable sources in Djibouti, the Djiboutian President spent a lot of effort in order to convince President Riyale to make the visit. Initially the Somaliland President declined Ghelle's invitation. Then Ghelle sought help from the Djiboutian Minister of Public Works, Saeed Barkhad, who is related to Riyale through clan lineage, Riyale then succumbed, agreeing to make the visit.

On arrival in Djibouti on Thursday, the Djiboutian government accorded a low-profile treatment for the visiting high-level Somaliland delegation, a gesture indicating that nothing has changed in Gelle's long-held policy of marginalizing Somaliland. The Djiboutian sources added, that Ghelle desperately wanted to send a signal to his people and the Arabs, that he is still a man to be reckoned with when it comes to Somali politics.

"He wanted Riyale to show up in Djibouti in order to impress the Arab league's Secretary General, Amr Mussa, and the league's newly-appointed special envoy to Somalia, both of whom are expected to visit Djibouti.

As a result of the controversy raised by his visit, President Riyale's popularity has taken a dive for the first time since assuming the position of Somaliland's President on May 3, 2002.

Mahad - which means "blessing" - will face a lifetime of battles

HARGEYSA, 15 June (IRIN) - Baby orphan Mahad struggles to drink the drops of milk from a pipette, patiently squeezed into his tiny mouth by the nurse. Cradled in her arms, his huge eyes are drowsy with the effort of living. If he survives - and the nurse feels he will - Mahad will face a lifetime of battles. Being without parents and family means he is sentenced to find his way through life without the most crucial source of identity in Somali society and culture: that of clan.

"Clan is everything here. You need clan to marry, to get credit, to get a bank account, to get property, to belong. Without clan, you are a nobody in society," said one of the social workers at the children's home, which is now Mahad's world.

In Somali culture, clan is the inherited patriarchal lineage of ancestors, passed down orally in detail, generation to generation, determining origin, social standing, and access to territory, property and power. In times of trouble, the clan also pays a penalty for inflicting death or injury, which relieves the burden from individuals and families. At its worst, clan leads to conflict, xenophobia and control. "But at its best, the clan works like the western world's social security welfare system. It protects, it means that all actions against you and your family will have consequences," said a Somali source. "Orphans do not have that."

Many of the children in the orphanage in Hargeysa, capital of the self-declared independent state of Somaliland, suffer stress and psychological problems, explains Ibrahim Umar Jur, medical officer and social worker. The orphans find it difficult to fit into society and, once they are teenagers, become increasingly anxious about who they are and whether they will be able to marry or live a normal life. Ibrahim said the children look to the staff for answers that are difficult - or impossible - to give. "We don't answer them directly. We play with them and try and make them feel strong and secure."

Found abandoned outside the Hargeysa Orphanage Centre, Mahad - which means "blessing" - is now about two months old. Some of the abandoned babies are bright, and thrive from the start. Others are tiny, thin - even premature - and die, says the nurse who painstakingly persuades Mahad to feed.

He is one of 355 children who receives care from some 60 fulltime and part-time staff. Found by one of the staff outside the main gate before dawn one morning, tightly swaddled, strict procedures had to be followed before Mahad could be admitted to the home. Abandoned babies are checked out physically on the spot, and any witnesses record a statement. "Next, we take them to the police station, and then on to court," Ibrahim said. The court must issue a letter certifying the baby has no responsible family member before it is taken in by the orphanage.

The next step is to give the baby a name.

"We name orphans in groups, so that they can share a 'family' name like normal children", one of the social workers explained. "Then at least they have brothers and sisters." Mahad has been called Isma'il Muhammad - a randomly selected 'father's' name - along with five other children.

Organising the children for meals in the shaded courtyard, or stepping in to stop fights and squabbles, the staff must grab what time they can to watch over babies and toddlers, who spend most of their day in metal-rodded, mosquito-netted cots. Babies more than a year old lie oddly still, staring quietly at attending staff. "We need more space for the children, more playthings for the babies," said one of the carers. "We need running water and repairs on the buildings," lamented another. "The dormitories need beds, and the children need toys," pleaded another. When a rare visitor arrives, the younger children follow them, holding their arms high, longing to be picked up.

According to the present director, Muhammad Isma'il Abdullahi, of the 355 children at the centre, 285 are real orphans. "We have two types of children here, the poor and the abandoned." Formerly under the Ministry of Justice and the prison service, the centre has just been placed under the Ministry of Education. The ministry provides the running costs, but the centre is clearly short of funds. With some support from the UN World Food Programme and the international NGO Hope World Wide, the orphanage has soldiered on since Somaliland, declared unilateral independence in May 1991. Maize, cooking oil, porridge, and occasional rice and flour, are provided by WFP, and medicine, building repairs, a small playground, and office-support has been provided by other NGOs, including Save the Children-Denmark.

Like other Somali territories, Somaliland, northwest Somalia, has suffered international isolation following the collapse of the central government in 1991 and subsequent civil war. All services and institutions collapsed, including the most basic social and educational structures. Security concerns and donor fatigue in the face of the seemingly endless crisis in Somalia has meant that international humanitarian support has been generally scarce.

As a result, Somali children had been "at the bottom of the pile" in a decade of unparallelled deprivation, lamented one humanitarian worker - "and no-one could be much closer to the bottom than Somali orphans".

There are very few orphans in Somali society. Few children are abandoned, even during the hardest of times. Before the introduction of the modern nation state, the clan structure effectively prevented the very concept of "orphan" - a child would be taken in by relatives. But in the case of a pregnancy without family or clan blessing, child and mother would be unlikely to survive rejection and punishment by the clan, Somali sources said in Somaliland. Even now, for a young Somaliland woman to be discovered pregnant outside marriage would be in most cases "unthinkable". "She would be destroyed, perhaps literally, but certainly emotionally, socially and physically," said one social worker. She may flee across the borders to Djibouti or Ethiopia, or, if from a remote rural area, come to Hargeysa. "Urbanisation, prostitution and drugs are the most common reason now for unwanted pregnancies," said the social worker.

The former regime of Muhammad Siyad Barre developed its own unique way of dealing with the unwanted. Director Muhammad Isma'il Abdullahi said the military regime trained children from the orphanages as soldiers and cadres. "They were not expected to have a civilian life."

Keen though the director is to give those under his care a normal life, the children fight immeasurable battles from an early age. Ibrahim, the social worker at the home, describes how one seven-year old boy became ashamed of his name, which he shared with seven other children, when he started school. His classmates teased him, and told him he was "sharing an orphan name". Teachers from the school alerted the orphanage that the boy had changed his name on the school list. "I met him one day coming from school and I called him, and I asked him to tell me his name," Ibrahim said. Giving the new name, the boy said he had been forced to change the "orphan" name to protect himself from abuse by his classmates: "I have a different name when I walk through these gates." Ibrahim said the orphanage allowed him to keep the new name "because he had enough problems in life".

After 15, Somali children are considered to have reached the age of independence, and are unlikely to be kept in orphanages like Hargeysa. Removing them creates space for the young and defenceless, like Mahad, but leaves the orphaned teenagers without any real support. "This has the effect of removing from school some children who might otherwise have finished their education," pointed out one Somali businessman.

According to the staff, the children usually become increasingly preoccupied with their identity as they grow up. Those who suffer the most serious psychological effects of abandonment and institutionalisation are confused and depressed, and become withdrawn. Some children do not speak to their peers and friends in the orphanage for long periods of time; others become abusive and have social and academic problems at school. "We try to be their family. We avoid answering their problems directly, because it would destroy them," Ibrahim said. The centre concentrates on sports to keep the children active and occupied.

There are success stories, however. Some of the children do well at school, find a job, and some inter-marry from the orphanage. One way or another, a handful will forge a life outside the orphanage.

But only a few are adopted - the very clan structure that the children crave works prohibitively against adoption. Adoption is not a "cultural norm", explains one Somali woman. "If I adopted a baby, people would think, why is she using her resources on that child and not giving to her relatives and clan?"

With its ultra-conservative values, women in Somaliland society are also nervous to brave such a step. "If I adopted, everyone would be suspicious about the baby - where did it come from, whose is it?", said one woman. "I think my husband would leave me."

Interest, however, in the children's home and the fate of the orphans is growing. There are plans by women's groups and humanitarian organisations to increase contact by organising basketball and football matches. And some women are willing to take more risks than others. The director talks of a recent case of an older woman from Awdal Region, near the Ethiopian border, who adopted a baby girl found near the wall of the orphanage. Married but childless, she had come to the centre to look at older girls, but became enchanted with the 50 day-old baby brought in from the cold. Once the court had approved the adoption - which required two witnesses to verify character and financial capability - the baby started her new life. "She was lucky," Ibrahim said. Of Mahad - "maybe he will be lucky too."
Copyright (c) UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs 2001

Mines were laid in the pass at the time of the SNM war of liberation in the eighties, as well as during Somaliland's internal civil war of 1992 and 1995-1996.

Before the eruption of hostilities however, Jarrato served as an essential road for nomads and their livestock en route to, and out of, the Sahil region. When the danger of mines rendered the pass unusable, inhabitants of the area could only move to Berbera either through Buroa or Hargeisa. The road is now safely accessible. It connects Adadley to Mandera. An inauguration ceremony attended by government officials, and DDG officers, was held on Thursday at the demined site. Area residents and nomads have expressed their gratitude to the DDG and the Somaliland authorities for making the road usable again.

A considerable amount of work will however be needed to make the road again fit for use by vehicles. Community representatives present at the ceremony have appealed to the authorities to meet the cost of repairing the road.

An American pressure group, Freedom House, has argued: That free and fair elections were possible to organize only in six countries in Africa; South Africa, Botswana, Ghana, Namibia, Mali, and Benin (Democracy in Africa.. The Economist. January 12-18. 2002).

Well, if the Western understanding of democracy reflects the absolute truth in relation to African realities, then the theory of relativity in science has no room here in Africa.

In spite of this, Somaliland has democratic institutions of its own, not entirely based on the Western models, nor pure traditional institutions, but a mixture of the two. On the basis of which we are hopping that free and fair elections will relatively be successful.

The comparative stability Somaliland has been enjoying for the last decade that followed the collapse of the dictatorial regime of the Siyaad Barre, was due to inborn democratic values, whose roots are closely connected to both before and post colonial stages of our history.

From the British colonial rule we inherited; clean and efficient administration, strong but tiny in size of Anglo- Saxon minded technocratic class, and clan-based traditional system intact. Which, were greatly damaged in later times by the Mafia oriented political values of the ruling classes of the South. But which managed to resist and revive.

From Armed struggle to Reconciliation Conferences:

During the armed struggle led by the Somali National Movement, SNM, organizational patterns have worked well and were practiced democratically. These democratic organizational norms emanate from deep-rooted culture of our society, which proved to be sustainable and consistence, particularly during difficult years of struggle against one of the most inhuman dictatorship Africa had ever experienced, the Siyad Barre regime. Which was fairly comparable with Nazism.

Unlike the other anti-Siyad Barre political movements of the South, SNM political and military capability was entirely based on three main pillars: -

1. Financial, physical, and mental contribution of its people.

2. It was totally independent from any kind of foreign influences, in relation to its internal and external policies.

3. It had a unique internal party democracy. For instance, in five out of the six congresses that were taking place, in the period between 1981 to 1991, the leadership have been changed peacefully and democratically, which came as an outcome of the democratic culture of traditional and modern systems the organization had strictly been practicing.

Worthy to mention, is the fact that many foreign and Somali observers were constantly criticizing SNM democratic system as predominantly a "primitive democracy", `Natural Democracy' and so on, which was inspired by clan values. Actually, the clan values, or traditional dimension of its democracy has played a major role that contributed to SNM to become different and victorious.

One of the most important factor that made SNM viable as an organization was that its ruling body consisted, not only, of the political elite but also of council of elders (Guurti), which was true representative of the clan and sub-clan communities within the Issq family. But which was enlarged after the liberation to include the entire Somaliland communities.

Thanks to this Council of elders, the Guurti, the peace and state building processes had rationally been handled, in spite of periods of crisis experienced from 1991-2, and then 1994-6.

In fact, the major tools for conflict resolution and its management were through clan conferences. Which were conducted on different levels and mandates led by the Guurti. The highest level of which have been the All-Somali land Communities Conferences: Burao, Borame and Hargeisa grand peace and reconciliation conferences constituted the basis of the entire Somali land achievements.

From Egal to Riyale: A Momentum of National Consensus.

The late M.I.Egal, was, not only, a president, but a great statesman, a man whose contributions to the struggle as the leader of the popular movement, the Somali National league SNL in 1960th, that spearheaded the struggle for independence from Britain, were remarkably remembered by many generations of Somalilanders. That is why he was unanimously elected in the Borame Conference for the post of the leader of Somaliland, a post he held 33 years ago.

His resumption of the presidency has added to the process of the re-emergence of the Somaliland State, not only, an element of maturity and wisdom, but largely an element of legitimacy, in his capacity as the leader of internationally recognized state of Somali land in 1960. And thus, his role was conceived as "the history that repeated itself", with new hopes and new challenges.

The period from 1993-2002, of his two terms as president was a time of continuous struggle against great challenges that Somaliland had been confronting from many fronts, local, regional and international levels. In this period of time, his main focus and in fact the principal area of his achievements had been the building of viable national institutions with reasonable degree of representation.

I strongly believe that had it not been the historical aspect of his leadership and statesmanship such remarkable progress in peace and state building could not be easy or even possible. At that time, Somaliland has been facing economic hardships as a result of the Arab sanction of the Somali livestock, the back-bond of the country's economy, an issue that is largely believed to be politically motivated decision by the ruling quarters of some Arab countries.

Somaliland had also confronted and still confronts many other pressures and conspiracies from around. And as a result of the heavy economic burden and constraints, it was not an easy task to solve divers political and social problems. But, nevertheless he made his exceptional contribution in making the institutions of the country running and developing, by containing contradictions and conflicts, particularly those related to the centralization decentralization, and participation and their relation to constitutionality issues. Which theoretically have been attractive but practically difficult when it comes to perfect implementation of the ideals, which stand for the high hopes perceived by people, who have suffered of 21 years of military dictatorship.

The fact that Somaliland has decided to step- up the process of transformation from the clan-based system to multi-party elections was seen as spectacular move, but an ambitious project. Which many of us have shown worries and saw the move as a high risk attempt to step over the stages of historical development, however, the idea has vigorously been accepted by the majority of population.

The referendum on the provisional constitution has put to end a long political controversy over `which way to go' from here, after the transitional period has virtually came to an end, and new phase of multi party based western oriented democracy was to begin. Two critical issues have resolutely been decided at the ballot boxes, where over 97% of the voters have consented: - 1. The Somaliland independence and, 2) Multi party elections as the main political course.

The formation of the UDUB political organization, under the leadership of the late president Egal. Which was founded in June 2001 (only one month after the referendum), was seen by the radical wing of the opposition as a threat to their ambitions. New conflict was instigated to disturb the process and break down the impulse of the consensus generated by the referendum. And severely complicated the relationship between the government and the opposition, in general and that of Suleyman Gali's political group, ASAD, and the government in particular.

This argument was obviously a part and parcel from the main and fundamental issue of `which way to go' from here. In other , should Somaliland continue embarking upon the Clan-based political System, which predominantly was built on traditional Somali way of consensus, or should it take an abrupt and radical shift towards Western multi party democracy or was a mixture of the both the best choice?

In line with the constitution, the government had decided to go ahead, and further accelerated the process of multi-party elections, while Asad political group has refused to buy the idea.Possibility of confrontation and political unrest and even civil war was believed by many quarters to be an open option.

Worthy to notice here, is the fact that the disagreements and disputes between the government and the Asad organization over the political issues have too much been personalized, a problem that have been developing into sort of incurable political malignance.

The sudden and unexpected death of the president, a renowned heavyweight political figure, left a gap in leadership, which was seen as great challenged that ought to be tackled. It was a real national tragedy, but which has generated a new and unprecedented momentum of national consensus for all Somaliland people from Lasaanod to Borame, on the general national issues, included those, which have previously been source of disagreements.

The rift of the political differences had drastically been narrowed. The two legislative national councils, the House of Representatives and the Council of the Elders have elected a new president. And his vice was unanimously approved by the two Houses of the Parliament, that was, in fact a clear expression of the general mood of the people in the country.

The Asad political group and its leader, Suleyman Mohamed Adan, and other politicians who had previously been strongly opposing the multi party elections. And who were refusing to register their organization as legal political organization, have now come to join the main stream of the seven political organizations, to become the number 8. Ahmed M. Mohamoud (Silaanyo) has also formed his political party, Kulmiye, and the mandated the National Commission gave legal status for his party.

All these developments combined signified only one thing, that the option of the multi party elections overwhelmingly overcame the Shir-Beeleed designs, as a result, the controversies over the main issue "where to go from here" were satisfactorily been resolved. All are now ready to participate in `free and faire elections. Which if satisfactorily realized will certainly put Somaliland in the list of the `limited number' of the African democracies. This will open up extra ordinary opportunities for Somaliland to avoid political unrest and to create favorable environment for the reconstruction of the New Somaliland.
Adam Musse Jibril. June 8, 2002. Published in: Walta Information Center, Addis Ababa. As well as The Reporter Weekly News Paper (English edition)

The war the dictator waged against the people of Somaliland was multi-dimensional.
Ali M.Gulaid, CPA, USA

It was designed to inflict maximum economic loss as well as physical pain and mental anguish. The psychological part of the war was laced with derogatory remarks and disparaging treatment like referring Somaliland as Northwest - one out of eighteen (18) regions. Northwest was intended to demoralize and marginalize Somaliland. The psychological effect was as traumatic as the physical pain but the people of Somaliland had the last laugh. Somalilanders took up arms against the tyranny and humiliation and chased the evil dictator out of the country. As a result, the state collapsed and Somaliland has reclaimed its sovereignty on May 18, 1993. Briefly, for those who claim innocence, Somaliland was never part of Somalia from the seventeenth century to June 30, 1960. On July 1st, 1960 Somaliland voluntarily merged with Italian trustee Somalia and formed the Somali Republic. Somaliland entered into this relationship voluntarily as an equal partner and has withdrawn as the State (Somali Republic) collapsed. Despite these glaring facts, the United Nations (UN) is perpetuating the policy of belittling Somaliland by referring the country as Northwest. This insensitive and mischaracterization should discontinue immediately.

What is in a name? A lot, depending on what it represents. A name is identification but depending on the occasion and the circumstances, among other factors, it signifies the attitude of the moment, or the aspirations of the future. It could also resurrect a beloved ancestor or reckon the attributes of an admired one. This symbolism could be something positive like hope, prosperity, gratitude and freedom but it could also be negative, derogatory, defamatory or disparaging. During the "occupation" of Somaliland by Siyad's forces, the expression " Xun yahaw xun ku dhalay" and the name Northwest were part of a psychological warfare designed to dehumanize and debase the self-esteem of the people of Somaliland. Indeed it was an occupation.

What is wrong with Northwest? Northwest is a reminder of subjugation, oppression, humiliation, torture, destruction, refugees, curfew "(bando"), expropriation of private property and most importantly it is a distortion of history. Northwest was designed to refute and repudiate the equal partnership between the North and the South. In Somaliland, offensive and disparaging remarks often spark confrontation and lead to declaration of war. Due to these reprehensible actions and treatment, the people of Somaliland have risen to the occasion and have defeated the evil dictator and his forces. My mother vividly remembers the day a soldier hurled at her the expression " Xun yahaw xun ku dhalay" and her friends chatting in front of her residence at an early afternoon of the care view years. To my mother, the Somali National Movement (SNM) was fighting against these denigrating remarks more than anything else. Rightfully, the people of Somaliland rejected and fought against the marginalization of Somaliland in all forms and at all levels.

A friend of mine who lives in Los Angeles had a baby boy during the SNM struggle. He named his son "Kenadeed". Kenadeed is a traditional name and it comes from the two "Keno" and "deed". "Deed" means defy or defiance but "Keno" is a device designed to force the camel to go faster. The "keno" works like this. A sharp object is forced across the inner soft tissues of a camel's nose and one end of the object is tied with a cord and the cord is wrapped around the camels nose to form thick layer and the other end of the cord is attached to the rein of the camel. When the rein is jerked or pulled to a full stretch, it pains the camel and the camel trots to avoid the pain. Indeed, it is cruel and inhumane practice. Calling Somaliland Northwest - one out of eighteen regions - was as painful as that " Keno" on the camel. When my friend named his son Kenadeed, he did so to register militancy, to defy subjugation, to demand equality and freedom, to reject the marginalization and to stand in solidarity with his people, knowing that the consequences of his action and that of his people would be costly. Indeed, Somaliland has paid it dearly.

Unfortunately the United Nations Organizations operating in Somaliland are perpetuating the denigrating remark of calling Somaliland Northwest. Calling Somaliland (the host country) Northwest - a derogatory name - is politically and historically incorrect, discourteous and insensitive. People as well as countries should be called as they wish to be called. As a protectorate, Somaliland was called British Somaliland. When it gained its independence, it became Somaliland and when it formed the union it was referred to as the North. It was during the last few years of Siyad's occupation that Siyad referred to the North (Somaliland) as northwest as a punishment. To call a partner of equal weight anything other than a name that is proportional to the partner's significance is disparaging. Labeling Somaliland as one out of 18 regions that has no bearing any longer is patronizing and a distortion of facts. This continuing assault and barrage of name-calling from the UN contradicts the principles of self-determination and equality inscribed in the UN charter.

Such demeaning remarks and marginalization are likely to come from insensitive people or organizations that are in a superior position of authority such as an employer or financier who could exercise undue influence economically over another in an inferior position (position of need), like that of a master and a servant. In fact, The UN has a financial clout and a muscle to bully around an economically disadvantaged country like Somaliland. But in reality, the economic aid UN extends to Somaliland is negligible and immaterial. The amount of such aid is so paltry that Somaliland could afford to throw the books and not feel the pinch. Somaliland is in economic crisis and the UN could have done more, a lot more. But the UN considers Somaliland an intransigent spoiler. The UN has spent millions and millions in a misguided effort to bring an end to the protracted civil war in Somalia and has failed one conference after the other. For its failure, the UN has to blame someone and that someone happens to be Somaliland.

Additionally, the success and the stability Somaliland has engineered and has sustained without the help of the UN has made the bureaucrats of the UN look bad, very bad. Naturally, the UN is displeased with Somaliland for its intransigence and lack of cooperation. As a punishment, like the evil dictator, the UN refers to Somaliland as Northwest, and has blocked the road to recognition. Calling Somaliland Northwest is calling "xun yahaw xun ku dhalay" to the people of Somaliland. Somaliland has confronted a bully before; it has triumphed and it is ready to stand toe to toe with this one. Somaliland has learned that appeasing a belligerent bully never pays.

At this point, it is opportune to differentiate the non-governmental organizations (NGOS) from the United Nations Organizations. Somaliland has no dispute with the NGOS but the organizations like the UNDP, UNCHR that come under the UN and as a matter of policy refer to Somaliland as Northwest have to shape up or ship out. A word of caution to the Somalilanders, this is an issue between the government of Somaliland and the policy-makers of UN. The staff of these organizations is dedicated individuals who are working hard to contribute to the development of the country. As a host, Somalilanders should show appreciation and make them feel at home at all times. Somalilanders shouldn't vent out their pent-up frustration with the UN against the UN staff.

It is disturbing to know that Somaliland has tolerated Northwest. Somaliland can't have it both ways. Pursuing a path of recognition is in conflict with tolerating the epithet Northwest. Somaliland's culture is sensitive to belittling remarks and mischaracterization. For example, when a person calls another the name of his father, it is a compliment but when a person calls another the name of that person's brother, it is an insult. Needless to add, derogatory names are inflammatory, regardless of ethnicity and culture.

Somaliland is neither paranoid nor is it making a mountain out of a mole in demanding to be called as she desires. In addition, Somaliland has an obligation to put historical facts in perspective. The people of Somaliland have already sacrificed enough and the negligible aid from the UN shouldn't blind and coerce Somaliland to compromise her principle. It is time to engage in a meaningful dialogue with the UN, and it is time to unequivocally put the UN on notice: the name is Somaliland (Magacaa ha jiro, magacay waa Somaliland).

Nairobi, 20 June: Interview with Ahmed Muhammad (Silaanyo), head of Somaliland's opposition Kulmiye party. Silaanyo was a senior minister in Siyad Barreh's government before he quit in the 1980s, joined the armed opposition Somali National Movement (SNM) and eventually became its leader. From 1991, when Somaliland declared unilateral independence, he held various senior ministerial posts until 2001 when he resigned from the government of the late President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal. Earlier this year, he formed the Kulmiye party and observers believe he is the main contender for the Somaliland presidency when elections are held, either late this year or early 2003.

His relations with the late President Egal, decision to form opposition party

IRIN: You resigned as senior minister of Somaliland during Egal's tenure and left the country. Why did you return? Silaanyo At the time, I decided to retire from active politics and, to be frank, there were also certain matters in which I did not see eye to eye with the former president. So at the time, I decided to resign from the government. But my retirement could not materialize because there was a lot of pressure on me from very wide sections of the public both abroad and from Somaliland itself. A lot of people approached me and asked me - in view of my experience and involvement in Somaliland politics for a very long time, including the leadership of the liberation struggle - to remain involved. Eventually I had no choice but to come back. Also I was a little bit worried about how things were going in Somaliland. When I came back, there was a great deal of tension, so I felt obliged to come back to the country and to use my auspices as an elder statesman to at least try and resolve the crisis that existed at that time in the country.

So I came with the proposal to start a dialogue between the opposition and the government. At some point I was hopeful, but the government unfortunately did not entirely accept my proposal of talks without condition between the opposition and the government. I was continuing with that effort when the president died and then I still continued with that effort. Now the talks are going on between the present government and the opposition, and the situation is different at this point in time. The dialogue is going on between various parties as to the future of this country and how to conduct elections.

Presidential candidacy

IRIN: Are you a candidate for the Somaliland presidency. If so, how do you rate your chances?

Silaanyo Certainly I have intentions of standing for election when it comes to that point. I rate my chances as excellent, as very, very good.

IRIN: What does your party - the Kulmiye party - stand for?

Silaanyo: Kulmiye party stands for the unity and development of Somaliland. And its main objective is to maintain the peace and stability that have become the hallmark of Somaliland. That is of course the very highest priority. And we also hope to make every effort to obtain a secure recognition for Somaliland. At the end of the day we believe that what we do - we, the government and people of Somaliland - can eventually achieve that goal. The people and the government of Somaliland have been very, very patient. They have been trying to put their house in order for a very long time and have come a long way without much assistance from the international community. In fact, I should say, in spite of the objections of the international community, including the UN. I think at this moment there are a lot of people all over the world, and many governments, which at least if they do not recognize the government of Somaliland as a state, they at least acknowledge the tremendous achievements that have been made by the people of this country.

That of course is the first priority. And then we also stand for the development of the country. We want to harness the enterprising spirit of the people for the development of the country in all its aspects.

International recognition for Somaliland

IRIN: It seems the main issue is to get international recognition for Somaliland. If you're elected, do you think can achieve this?

Silaanyo: One thing I can say is if I am elected, then I would leave no stone unturned to work for that goal. But it's not in my hands, of course it will depend on the international community. But I have got a feeling there is a growing appreciation of the achievements of Somaliland by the international community and I can detect a change in their attitude towards Somaliland. I think we are getting more and more sympathy, so I intend to follow up on that and put every effort to secure sovereignty and recognition for Somaliland. I am pretty hopeful, to say the least.

IRIN: What are the main challenges facing Somaliland apart from gaining international recognition?

Silaanyo: Of course, the main challenge apart from gaining international recognition, is development. We are a very poor country. Right now, the main export of our country - livestock - has been banned by Saudi Arabia, and everybody now knows that the diseases which were supposed to have affected our country (Rift Valley Fever) do not exist. We would like the international community to assist by opening up markets for us, and also to engage in development, in partnership with us, to help us with the development of this country in all aspects - education, health, trade, agriculture and so on.

Relations with the rest of Somalia

IRIN: Do you at any stage see the possibility of Somaliland reuniting with Somalia?

Silaanyo: I cannot speak about