Somaliland News archives

That Freedom Shall not Perish

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BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 24, 2007/Source: Somaliland Times, Hargeysa, in English 24 Feb 07

Rayale's Lying Machine

President Rayale's latest spin on the case of Haatuf journalists who are being held behind bars is that the courts are the ones holding them and he has nothing to do with it. Rayale said this in a conversation with some Somaliland reporters who discussed the case with him. If we are to believe Rayale, then we must believe that this case was started by Haatuf uncovering the courts' corruption and not Rayale's corruption; that it was the courts, not Rayale, who sent armed police to attack Haatuf journalists in their work place; that it was the courts that abducted the journalists and held them at the CID headquarters; that it was the courts that ordered the journalists to be transferred to Mandera where they are still being held. Of course, no one in his right mind would believe that.

Although this is the first time that Rayale has tried to distance himself from the case, he is not the first person in his administration to claim he had nothing to do with it. The Minister of Interior, Abdillahi Cirro used to make similar claim. Cirro's claim was not believable, and Rayale's is even less so. The fact that both of these men continue to insult people's intelligence with such transparent lies, shows how difficult it is for former NSS spies to get rid of their old habits.

As if jealous of being left out of Rayale's world of lies and deceit, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abdillahi Duale, has lately been making a lot of noise to take part of that world. It happened during the UFFO uprising commemorations. When the 1st Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Abdiaziz Samale, and the Chairman of Kulmiye Party, Mr. Sillanyo, mentioned the government's violations of the constitutional rights of citizens, the foreign minister jumped to his feet and started babbling about how his government is such a staunch champion of the constitution.

The Somaliland Times had defended the foreign minister when he was attacked, not long ago, by extremists. We defended him because at the time he was right and they wrong. But this time he is clearly wrong. He is wrong because his boss has made a mockery of Somaliland's constitution and shown the world that the constitution and courts function according to his whims. He is wrong because as a foreign minister his responsibility is to promote Somaliland abroad (he has done some of this but not nearly enough) and to build a functioning ministry of foreign affairs (it looks like he has no intention of even trying to do this). He is also wrong because as a foreign minister, he should know the most about the price Somaliland has paid for Rayale's lawlessness.

Abdillahi Duale knows all of this, but like Abdillahi Cirro and most of Rayale's ministers, his number one priority is to keep his job. These ministers also know that in order to keep their job, they have to keep Rayale happy, and in order to keep Rayale happy, they have to constantly spew out a lot of lies and keep feeding Rayale's lying machine.

A conflict transformation mechanisms in Somaliland

Hargeisa (HAN http://www.geeskaafrika.com/somaliland_23feb07.htm) February 24th, 2007 -

To enlighten the Somali elders governing and peace building art. The noble work done by the Somaliland Elders and people, while dealing with their formidable post civil war challenges, they ware a traditional Grass-root Peace building based on trust and confidence among communities. which we think they have come up in 1990's with an indigenous peace and governance building approaches, that made Somaliland unique peacekeeping base in the Horn of Africa. Apart of being a conflict transformation mechanisms in Somaliland, this can be a lesson to include in conflict resolution arena throughout the Southern Somalia.

Ibrahim Adam Ghalib, Borama Awdal . Email: kaalib33@hotmail.com

The Horn of African Journalist Association (HAJA): "The Census issue is very sensitive in Somaliland".

The Somali writer, Ibraham Adam said through his Article: The Census issue is very sensitive in Somaliland, "Demography is the study of statistics birth-deaths and disease etc in order to show the state of a community. In other words studying the population of a country or community is a frame work in which to plan and assess for all political socio-economic development activities of any community or country. Census (tirakoob) is the bases for any power sharing such as parliament and cabinet etc".

In this respect an electoral voter's registration is also required in order to regulate a fair share for our community and to get an accurate data. The electoral college of America is based on the population of the regions or cities and this was assessed from the beginning.

Since I reached maturity age the population of Somaliland was not known or the people were in disagreement about it. All efforts failed to do census in the country. There was and is still no identity cards or birth certificates for the new born When I was entering the school, I was measured against the wall to determine my age. During the British rule and the post independence of Somalia this was a sensitive issue. It was roughly based on the persons registered for each Nabadoon in which he pays the blood money (Mag) The criteria in which the east of Somaliland pays mag is different from the west side. In the east the male babies are counted while in the west only the person who has a family is counted. The female population was always uncertain.

There is always a bitter disagreement in this matter between the east and west of Somaliland. We believe in the west that population of Somaliland is more in the west than the east (this is from Hargeisa west wards) and the east believe the opposite. In this respect the censuses so far arranged was disrupted because they do not want the reality and truth about this matter to be discovered. In 1960 the seats of the parliament was shared not on population but on conciliatory basis. The successive administrations of Somaliland could not solve this matter and now it is the most difficult issue facing this administration. When I was contesting the parliamentary election my teeth was checked for my age. There are no identity cards now to determine the citizenship of a person. Nobody even have birth certificate for his children. There is no electoral registration and any body who speaks Somali language is eligible to vote.

In the last Jna meeting the problem of population was one of the hottest agenda when the United Nations estimated the population of Somaliland as 1,700,000 and Somaliland was fiercely arguing the population to be 3,500,000. Now this problem reached to disrupt even our decisions at higher level for things that are important to the country. In this information age this is easy to be solved unless we have something to hide.

Discipline is the training of the mind and character aimed at producing self control. It is the right time to solve this problem once and for all. We need a specialized consortium to do the census on a computerized network so that people will not cheat and double registration be avoided then and only then our census will be in order and the power sharing will be based correctly on the population of each region.

Opinion: Contributed by Ibrahim Adam Ghalib, Borama Awdal

British Government Urged To Recognize Somaliland

London, February 24, 2007 (SL Times) - Seven hundred Somaliland-Welsh community from Cardiff, joined over three thousand UK Somalilanders in a demonstration outside the official residence of the British Minister at Number 10 Downing Street in London on Thursday to show their full support and unwavering backing for the Somaliland Republic to be free and sovereign Country among the UN Nations.

Somaliland was known as British Somaliland until 1960 when it gained Independence. It then joined with Somalia which led to decades of civil war until 1991 when Somaliland became independent again. Somaliland has since launched a process of democratization and development. It has internationally earned a list of names including "an oasis of democracy in desert of politically instability", "the African Nation that can", " Africa's best kept secret" but no international recognition.

The aim of Somaliland UK communities for holding this demonstration was to urge the UK government to show the world that it cares about democracy in Africa by taking the lead in recognizing Somaliland as an independent country. British Somalilanders from Sheffield, Cardiff, Bristol, Newport, Leicester, Manchester, Glasgow, Birmingham and London, gathered outside the Prime Minister's official residence at Whitehall, London, for the biggest gathering, ever, of British-Somalilanders in an attempt to bring to the British government's attention the success of Somaliland's democratization process and the urgent need for extending diplomatic recognition to Somaliland.

Leaders of the Somaliland UK communities accompanied by Rt. Hon Alun Michael, MP, and Ms. Kerry McCarthy, MP, having presented a written letter and a signed petition to British Government officials, urged the British Government to recognize Somaliland as an independent country so that it can formally engage with the international community as an equal partner in a wide range of relations including banking, trade, development aid, diplomacy, immigration which the Somaliland Government can not currently access.

Hussein Bisad, one of the tallest men in the world walk's tall & proud calling for the world to recognise Somaliland in Thursday's London demonstration

Rt. Hon. Alun Michael, speaking with Somaliland community and the media said: "The thousands of people who turned out in Whitehall today showed pride in the democracy, progress and reconstruction of their country. They showed what Somaliland has achieved within a short time of period without assistance from the international community."

"Having spoken to the Prime Minister, Rt. Hon. Tony Blair, about Somaliland earlier in the week and in detail with Lord Triesman, the Minister for Africa, I am sure Somaliland will be treated with the respect its people have earned," Mr. Michael noted.

Among the Somalilanders present was Nimo Ali, 22, from Cardiff. She said: "I'm proud how Somaliland has done so well. I want to show my support for my country by being here for the demonstration." Miss Ali was chanting and singing with her friends. They sang: "What do we want? Recognition. When do we want it? Now."

Somalilanders alike old, veteran of WWII and young proudly telling the world you will listen to our call

Abdul Mohamed, 38, from Cardiff, said: "We feel much fulfilled after this peaceful demonstration. Our MP came out to support our community and we think this will help to get our country recognized internationally."

The relationship between Somaliland and UK has been growing stronger over the past few years following the official visit of Somaliland president to UK in 2005, and the subsequent visit of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Somaliland Parliament last year.

Abdikarim Abdi Adan, Director of the Somali Community Centre in Cardiff/UK Somaliland Chamber of Commerce, was very pleased with the support from across the UK. He said: "I would like to thank the Prime Minister for receiving our petition. I also thank Rt. Hon. Alun Michael and Ms. Kerry McCarthy MP, as well as everyone who traveled for this historical event."

Another petition will be submitted to Number 10 on March 21. Organizers hope to have 10,000 people signed up before this date. Supporters can sign up at http://petitions.pm.gov.uk/somaliland.

By Mr. Abdikarim Abdi Adan

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 24, 2007/Source: Haatuf, Hargeysa, in Somali 24 Feb 07

Somaliland president said willing to pardon imprisoned journalists

The President of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, in a meeting held last Wednesday [21 February] in his office with the Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA) stated that his government was fully committed to observing the Press Law and he is willing to pardon the Haatuf journalists who are in Mandera prison, if they are found guilty by the court handling their case.

SOLJA chairman, Mustafa Abdi Ise, said the following day in a press conference held by his organization that SOLJA had recently requested an official meeting with the president. That meeting with the president, his Minister of Information (Ahmad H. Dahir Ilmi) and the President's spokesman (Abdi Idris Du'ale), took place yesterday. "The meeting was fruitful and we were pleased with its outcome," said the chairman of SOLJA.

According to SOLJA, the president confirmed that his government is very much committed to the Press Law and that the judiciary should do its best to consult the Press Law in matters relating to the media.

The SOLJA chairman Mustafa Ise explained that they brought up the contentious issue of the detention of Haatuf journalists Yusuf A Gabobe, Ali A Dini and Muhammad Omar, and asked the president to free the journalists from Mandera prison while their case is in court. "The president's reply was that it was up to the courts whether to free the journalists or not, but he did add that he would pardon the journalists if they are found guilty by the court," said SOLJA's chairman.

In their press conference, SOLJA mentioned that they also discussed at length with the president the possibility of establishing a press/media committee made up of the government and SOLJA which would look into press/media irregularities, complaints and conduct of the press/media and refer such cases to the courts when needed.

Amnesty International: Journalists Charged With Offending The Honour Or Prestige Of The Head Of State

AI Index: AFR 52/003/2007/ 19 February 2007

Further Information on UA 26/07 (AFR 52/002/2007, 02 February 2007) - Prisoners of conscience/incommunicado detention/fear of ill-treatment New concern: Legal concern

SOMALILAND

Yusuf Abdi Gabobe (m), aged in his late 50s
Ali Abdi Dini (m) ] Journalists for the Haatuf Media Network
Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim (m)

New name: Borud (m), former leader of the Somali National Movement
Four students (names not known)

Journalists Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and Ali Abdi Dini were arrested at the office of the Haatuf Media Network in Hargeisa on 2 January. They were transferred to Mandera prison, 70km east of the Somaliland capital, Hargeisa, on 3 February. Their trial, which was due to start on the same day, has apparently been postponed. A third man, Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, who is also employed by the Haatuf Media Network, is still being held incommunicado without charge. His place of detention is now known to be Koodbur police station in Hargeisa.

Ali Abdi Dini has been charged with "offending the honour or prestige of the Head of State", "instigating soldiers to disobey the law" by means of the press, and "instigation to disobey the law". Yusuf Abdi Gabobe has been charged with "resisting a public officer" during his arrest. The Haatuf Media Network had published a number of articles since November 2006, alleging corruption on the part of the President, Dahir Riyaale Kahin, and his family. The trial of the two journalists, reportedly due to be held inside Mandera prison, has not yet started. One of their two defence lawyers was briefly detained, while the other withdrew in protest at the decision to hold the trial within the prison.

Amnesty International has learnt that four students arrested last month while demonstrating peacefully against the arrests of the three journalists for the Haatuf Media Network are also being held in Mandera prison. They were sentenced to six months' imprisonment at an unfair trial by a secret "emergency court" in Hargeisa, without being granted the right to legal representation or the right to appeal against their sentence. Two other students arrested with them have been released.

Two other men, writer Ali Dool Ahmed (also known as Ali Qoriolei), and Bo'aud, one of the former leaders of trhe Somali National Movement, were arrested in early February for distributing leaflets calling for the release of the three journalists. Bo'aud is believed to be still detained without charge in Hargeisa police custody. Ali Dool Ahmed was reportedly beaten by police when he was arrested, but was released on bail around 13 February.

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

The Republic of Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991, but has not so far gained international recognition. It is the only part of the former Somali Republic to have peace, an elected government and a multi-party political system.

The Haatuf Media Network was established in 2001 and publishes the daily Haatuf (the "Messenger") - a Somali language newspaper - and two weekly newspapers in English and Arabic. It has frequently been critical of the Somaliland government.

The Somaliland Press Law, which came into force in 2004, holds that complaints against the press are a matter for civil redress, and not criminal prosecution or the penalty of imprisonment. In this respect the Press Law supersedes the existing Penal Code, which had criminalised such cases. However, the

Hargeisa Regional Court ruled on 13 January 2007 that the Haatuf journalists should be prosecuted under the Penal Code, with the result that they now face criminal charges and possible imprisonment.

RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English or your own language:

- expressing concern at the continued detention of Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, Ali Abdi Dini and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, and the reported intention of the authorities to hold the trial of Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and Ali Abdi Dini in Mandera prison;
- renewing appeals for Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim to be allowed access to his relatives and to legal representation;
- calling again for the immediate and unconditional release of Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, Ali Abdi Dini and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim as prisoners of conscience;
- calling for the release of four students held in Mandera prison who were jailed by an apparently illegal emergency court, and for the release of Bo'aud, detained in Hargeisa police custody, as they were all detained on account of their peaceful protests against the journalists' detentions;
- calling for all those detained to be given fair trials in accordance with international standards.

APPEALS TO: There is no postal service to Somaliland and sending fax messages may be difficult. Where possible please send appeals by email.

President. His Excellency President Dahir Riyaale Kahin
Fax: +252 213 8324 or +252 252 3848
Email: sl_victory@hotmail.com, sl_victory@yahoo.com
Salutation: Dear President

Minister of the Interior, Mr Abdillahi Ismail Shabeel
c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or The Presidency
[Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Fax: +252 828 3271 / 252-225-3871, E-mail: slforeign@hotmail.com]

Minister of Justice, Mr Ahmed Hassan Ali Assowe, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency

Commander of the Somaliland Police, Mr Mohamed Egeh Elmi, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency

COPIES TO: Copies of letters can be sent to Somaliland's only diplomatic missions (not recognised) in UK, USA and Italy, asking for them to be forwarded to the authorities in Somaliland. UK: Mr Osman Ahmed Hassan, Representative of the Somaliland Government, Somaliland Mission, 102 Cavell Street, London E1 2JA, United Kingdom, Fax: +44 207 247 5336,

USA: Mr Saad Sheikh Omar Nur, Representative of the Somaliland Government, Washington DC, USA Fax: +1 301 231 5990 Email: snoor@sand.com

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 19, 2007/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 18 Feb 07

Somaliland president urges warring clans to stop fighting

The president of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, has appealed to the fraternal clans [Habar Jeclo and Iidagale sub-clans of the Isaq clan] which are fighting in Daror, in Ethiopia's Somali state [southeastern Ethiopia] to stop fighting.

The president urged the clans to stop the senseless fighting to safeguard the sanctity of the blood of the kindred which is being shed unjustly.

President Dahir Riyale Kahin said the Ethiopian government is making extra efforts to see the fighting which has renewed in Daror is ended. The president said the government has sent a delegation from the Somaliland House of Elders and some elders to mediate. President Kahin speaking on the matter said:

[Kahin] I don't see any sensible justification in this fighting. Somaliland, even in the beginning intervened to help and we shall do the same now. Our brotherly neighbour Ethiopia has allowed us to help in restoring peace. I say brothers stop fighting, stop the unjustified, unfortunate fighting between yourselves which is completely senseless. We don't see any justification. I'm dejected about this matter and urging you to stop fighting.

Messages are also being received at Radio Hargeysa urging the clans to stop fighting [passage omitted].

Africa News, February 17, 2007/The Reporter

Ethiopia; We Have Built a Nation From Scratch

Republic of Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdulahi Duale was in Addis Ababa for the recent AU heads of state summit and the meeting of the executive council.

The republic became virtually independent when former Somalia President Ziad Barre left Mogadishu as rebel forces took control of the city.

Despite its attempt at getting international recognition, no country, so far, has extended that official recognition, although many countries maintain consulates there.

Before leaving for Somaliland, our senior reporter Bruck Shewareged caught up with Foreign Minister Abdulahi Duale and held an interview with him. Excerpts:

It's been more than a decade and a half since Somaliland became practically independent; but so far you haven't been accorded international recognition. Isn't this frustrating?

Well, first of all we recognize ourselves as an independent state and we will do what we are doing as long as it takes. There is no frustration. This is really very exciting. We are checking the moral values of the international community because we do have a case. We have a case that the international community is fully aware of.

Our case is not a mere secession from Somalia. We, in the first place, united with Somalia, Southern Somalia, on July 1, 1960. We were completely independent for four days from June 26 until July 1, 1960, and we had been recognized by over 36 countries at that time.

We united with Southern Somalia for a purpose. Now we are disengaging, disuniting simply because that union was a failure.

There is no frustration. We have built a nation from scratch. It is exciting, in fact. We have built all the necessary institutions. We are at peace with ourselves and our neighbors. We have built a viable democracy as we have changed our leadership at least four times until today. We have a parliament also.

Coups d'�tat and suppression are common in Africa. But how come you were able to establish a working democracy?

It is all about the will of the people. We serve the people. Leaders have to serve the people. Our government structure is built on the basis of ideas emanating from ourselves. We haven't brought ideas from outside.

But you didn't even have that government structure when you started. In a place where you lack proper institutions, isn't that likely to give way to dictatorship?

The Somali National Movement (SNM) is the biggest factor. SNM's idea was not to conquer but to liberate the country. That's exactly what we have done. We have held elections.

For instance, our current president has nothing to do with SNM. He ran for presidency against the longest serving chairman of SNM, and he won.

And SNM gave up power simply?

Absolutely. The party's idea was to liberate the country and leave the decision to elect the leader to the people. We built this democracy by ourselves.

The international community, the AU, IGAD, EU, the Americans, Italians, Norwegians, etc., have been trying to solve the problems of what is used to be called Southern Somalia, the former Italian Trusteeship. All along we were hoping to at least have an interlocutor, somebody we can talk to, a viable democratic institution that we can talk to in Southern Somalia.

Let us hope they will have that democratic institution so that we can go our own separate ways.

We maintain good relationships with Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya and the rest of the international community. The Africa Union believes that Somaliland has something to offer with regard to particularly the nation-building process.

But the problem is that the AU and its member countries haven't recognized you?

The AU is not in the business of recognizing states. That is for member states. We have talked to friendly countries. And as you know the issue was brought forth for discussion by the AU executive. I've written to almost all my African colleagues to raise the Somaliland issue. Rwanda responded at the executive level. The issue was discussed. The AU sent a mission to Somaliland to look into the situation. AU chairman Alpha Oumar Konare sent a high-powered delegation led by his deputy. They visited almost all parts of the country for five days. And they were very surprised and they now know the sentiment of the people.

What we were hoping at the AU summit, that member states, not the commission, send a delegation to Somaliland and look at the situation there.

You know, there are a lot of hot spots in the continent like Darfur, C�te d'Ivore etc. We are part of the solution with regard to the regional geo-political stability. Now that the countries in the continent know the situation we are checking their moral values. History will put all where they belong.

Look, Germany recognized Croatia unilaterally. Everybody was shocked. India recognized Bangladesh first for obvious reasons. Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde were one country but are now two different nations. Take Sene-Gambia, Senegal and Gambia, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Rwanda and Burundi or Egypt and Syria, i.e. the United Arab Republic whose union ended at some point.

We are now watching the African states. Believe me, Rwanda broke the ice. The Rwandans share our experience. Our capital city Hargeisa was bombed by our own government. This is what happened to us: genocide, though not on the scale of what happened in Rwanda.

We also believe that Ethiopia can play a very significant role. Ethiopia seems to be thinking or worrying about what the international community would say, "Oh, Ethiopia is butchering Somalia."

In fact, Somaliland is part and parcel of the solution today with regard to the regional equation.

And we believe that self-determination is the key to the solution.

The OAU, the predecessor of the AU, recognizes colonial boundaries. Isn't it understandable for African countries become reluctant to recognize you?

Look, we are complying with the OAU charter because we are going back to our colonial boundaries.

But in 1960, you gave up that colonial boundary and joined the Union?

That was our case. We joined the union at our own will. Now we want to go back to our colonial boundaries. In order to put a stop to Somali irredentism, an article was put in the OAU charter that respects colonial boundaries.

During the drafting process, Emperor Haile-Selassie of Ethiopia, Jamo Kenyata of Kenya and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania brokered that deal. That article was simply put there to stop the Somalia expansionist policy.

If the Africans say, "let us bring all the Somalis under one umbrella", then we can join. But Somalia's original policy was irredentism. In our constitution at the time of union, there was an article which said that all Somali people must come under one entity called "Somalia", irrespective of where they are by any means, including force. We did that with Ethiopia, and fought two major wars in 1964 and 1977. With Kenya, we had at least four low intensity wars.

Today we are saying that we are a nation that wants to have back its colonial boundaries according to the OAU charter.

Ethiopia has started to use the port of Berbera. Some fear that the instability in the South might spill over to the north. How well are you secured?

The Berbera corridor is working and it is very secured. I and my colleague and good friend Seyoum Mesfin (Ethiopian Foreign Minister) were discussing developing the project of building the road from Togochale up to Berbera port. We are now drafting the project. Ethiopia has done a great deal up to Togochale, the border town.

With regard to security, you are talking about a nation that has over 15,000 security forces, including military, police and custodian police. We are much secured.

We are the only country that has been a victim of terror that has caught all the terrorists red-handed. Ethiopia knows that. We even caught people trained in Eritrea and sent to create instability in Ethiopia. We caught them when they were trying to infiltrate into Ethiopia by using Somaliland as a transit country.

By the way, we have extradition treaty with Ethiopia. Nobody can get away with murder by harming Ethiopia or other neighbours.

There are those in Ethiopia who think that the country is landlocked and has no access to the sea. I say, Ethiopia can use and can have access to our waters.

Ethiopia used to import and export its goods through the port of Djibouti before it started using the Berbera port. Recently, I heard that Djibouti had expelled Somaliland's representative. Does that have anything to do with you now becoming a competition in attracting Ethiopian traders to use your part?

Yes, there is competition naturally. But we want to maintain cordial relationship with Djibouti. Unfortunately, as you have mentioned specifically, they have closed down our office there and expelled my team within 24 hours.

What was the reason?

I don't know. That, you have to ask the Djiboutians. We made an arrangement with them whereby we establish our office in Djibouti and they in turn will establish their in Hargeisa. We opened ours. They never did.

We also have agreed to establish a joint ministerial committee to meet on an ad hoc basis in the two capitals, Djibouti and Hargeisa alternatively. We established our team. They never did. And all of a sudden, the embassy was closed. My ambassador called me and informed me about the incident when I asked him if there was any specific reason. There was none.

I met my Djiboutian counterpart here and asked him to have an open dialogue. We are still waiting for their response. We still want to maintain good relationship with them because they are our neighbours. You can choose your friends but you cannot choose your neighbours.

Has the union between Somaliland and Southern Somalia in 1960 ever been ratified?

No, it has never been ratified. It has never gone to the two parliaments.

So, any country that wants to recognize you as a sovereign state has the legal ground?

Absolutely. AU member states have the legal ground if they want to extend that recognition. They also have the moral ground. There is no excuse to leave out Somaliland.

We hope the AU leadership of Ghana will look into the case. Ghana is one of the front runners on the issue of African liberation and self-determination and a country that does not have a major vested interest in Somaliland or the region. The leadership of President Kufour will hopefully look into the case and say "let's call a spade a spade. Let's find out about these people and see whether they are right or wrong."

We just can't be put in chains. We are now chained. Thanks to God, now investors are coming, including from Germany who are willing to put in USD 300 million for investment. Why would they do that? Simply because there is peace and a tranquil environment.

Given the fact that investors are coming, and given also the fact that the Rwandan representative shelled the AU executive council about the Somaliland recognition issue, and also the fact that AU sent a fact-finding mission to your country, can you absolutely assert that your independence is irreversible?

Absolutely. We will get recognition sooner or later. Irrespective of what the international community would say, we will find one country that will say "Yes, a spade is a spade", and then every country will follow.

What we are also saying is that Ethiopia should come out of this shell. Ethiopia let Eritrea go because of self-determination. If it decides to recognize us irrespective of what the other countries would say, it will demonstrate leadership to the continent.

By the way, I think you have a leadership that can do that. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is very courageous and I believe he has the capacity to do that. He is one of the few African leaders who can take a serious issue and deal with it and leave a name and a legacy in the continent.

Nurse lends helping hand in Somaliland

http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2007/02/16/2003349226
By Yang Yi-chung, Friday, Feb 16, 2007

While most people were getting ready to celebrate the Lunar New Year this week, Chen Tzu-fe, a lecturer at the Tzu Chi College of Technology's Department of Nursing, was packing medical supplies and getting ready to return to Somaliland, a little-known and unrecognized state that declared its independence from war-ravaged Somalia in 1991.

Chen, 38, holds a masters in nursing from Adelaide University in Australia and has worked as a volunteer in the Taiwan Root Medical Peace Corps' international aid program for the last five years.

Taiwan Root is an NGO that sends Taiwanese medical professionals to aboriginal communities domestically and to 15 countries around the world to provide health care to those in need.

But before Chen left for Somaliland, she faced another challenge -- her own failing health. Diagnosed with autoimmune disease in the middle of last year, she was forced to take a six month unpaid leave of absence from Tzu Chi to try to recover. But when Taiwan Root asked her to go to Somaliland, she couldn't turn down the opportunity to help build a modern system of nursing in the impoverished, unrecognized state.

On her first trip to Somaliland, Chen had to fly for two days, with stops in Hong Kong, Abu Dhabi and Ethiopia before finally reaching the capital Hargeisa. Chen said she originally planned to rebuild Somaliland's nursing education system from the bottom up, but while she was still evaluating the system, political instability forced the officials who had asked Taiwan Root for help to resign en masse.

Chen decided to stay on anyway.

"Root Taiwan promised the people of Somaliland, not the government that it would provide medical aid," she said.

Chen said she discovered that nursing care in Somaliland's hospitals was facing crippling short-term needs. She decided to begin by helping Hargeisa Group Hospital set up a nursing staff trained in the basics of modern hospital management.

Starting almost completely from scratch, she set up a filing system for patient records, she said.

She and the nursing staff had to build the filing cabinets themselves by hand. Other basic management practices she put in place included numbering patient beds, scheduling nursing rounds and tracking hospital equipment inventory, she said.

Chen also found time to teach at a local nursing school. Students took what they learned in her class straight back to the hospital.

After six months of intensive work, Chen's health was beginning to deteriorate and the political situation was becoming unstable.

She returned to Taiwan early last year to rest for a few weeks, but said she soon decided that she had to go back to finish the work she had begun.

After extending her leave of absence from the Tzu Chi College of Technology, Chen returned to Somaliland without any outside funding or support to continue her work.

Chen will not be home on the Lunar New Year this year, but said she had discovered a new way to celebrate the spirit of the holiday by helping others on the distant Horn of Africa.

Should the World Legitimize the Independence of Somaliland?

http://www.kenyanewsnetwork.com/artman/publish/article_2714.shtml
Posted By: By Scott A. Morgan, Feb 16, 2007, 03:54

How long must they wait?

There is an underlying problem within Somalia. Most pundits don't refer to it when they discuss the issue on TV. Nor do the African Specialists when they brief their home Governments. The question is easy to ask but the answer has everyone scratching their heads. The question is what will be the status of Somaliland?

First of all what exactly is Somaliland? Somaliland is the area of Somalia that was known as British Somaliland before the Second World War. It was the base of the Allied Effort to restore the previous Government in Ethiopia after it was invaded by Fascist Italy.

Somalia itself came into being back in 1960 with the merging of the two regions known as British and Italian Somaliland. However after the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991 Somaliland itself was a virtually Independent State that was not recognized by the International Community much to the dismay of the people of that region.

While there was a transitional Government in Baidoa and Anarchy in Mogadishu there was a functioning Government in Hargeysa. While the rest of the country became the battlegrounds of warlords stability reigned in the North. But the World still did not notice the calm. But that is changing finally.

It is widely known that Somaliland has close ties with Britain. But other actors are also paying attention as well. Recently there has been a mission from the African Union on a fact-finding mission. Those who are trying to seek funding and other aid from the United States have testified in front of the Congress. Similar initiatives are underway to work with the European Union as well.

Like every other state in History Somaliland has suffered through growing pains as it grows as a Nation. Currently there are members of a newspaper that are in Jail. Several Groups including Amnesty International consider them to be prisoners of conscience. Freedom of the Press is a basic right in most countries. The quick and speedy resolution of this problem could assist in having the Major Powers recognize the legitimacy of an independent Somaliland. They have been functioning as an Independent State for more than a decade so what is the world waiting for?

The author comments on US Policy in Africa and Human Rights. He posts on www.americanchronicle.com and other selected sites.

He can be contacted at- Scott_morgan_23220@yahoo.com

Relief to the drought stricken part of Somaliland

http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/fromthefield/iassweden/117149615542.htm/ 14 Feb 2007 Source: International Aid Services (IAS) - Sweden. Andreas Zetterlund. Website: http://www.ias.nu

SOMALILAND, November 13, 2006 - International Aid Services has received a grant from Swedish Missioncouncil / Sida for a relief intervention in Somaliland. It involves constructing water barkers (reservoirs), water trucking and providing temporary shelters to the displaced families as the result of the severe drought in 9 villages in Togdheer, Sanaag and Bosaso regions of the Horn of Africa.

Goal

The goal with this intervention is to resettle and improve the living conditions and security of the pastoralists living in affected areas of Togdheer, Saanag and Bosaso regions through the construction of water barkers, water trucking and providing temporary shelters to the displaced families in villages as the result of the severe drought in the regions.

Sub-goals

- Provide temporary shelters to 270 families in 9 villages. ? Provide water trucking to 9 villages that are worst affected by drought. ? Constructing 9 water barkers (reservoirs), one in each village to persevere water.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 13, 2007/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 10 Feb 07

Somaliland Weekly Faults President for "Persistent Violations" of Law

[OSC Transcribed Text] [Editorial: "Haatuf Saga Shows Urgent Need For Reform"]

The Haatuf saga has revealed serious weaknesses within Somaliland's government system. We can see this from the casual ease in which citizens are being arrested and charged with bogus crimes. First came the illegal detention of the chairman of Haatuf Media Network, Yusuf Gabobe; and the editor of Haatuf, Ali Dini. After that Somaliland's CID [Criminal Investigation Department] jailed Mr Kayse Ahmed Uthman a friend of the journalists who came to visit them in jail. When citizens and youth protested the unlawful incarceration of the journalists, they too were detained, and five under-aged children were quickly sentenced to imprisonment by Hargeysa's Security Committee. A few days later, Haatuf newspaper's correspondent in Boorama, Mr Muhammad Umar Shaykh was arrested.

Last week, two war veterans Muhammad Ahmed Gahnug (Ba'od) and Ahmed Umar Abdullahi (Hamarji) were seized only a few hours after they had attended a veterans meeting that called on Somaliland President Dahir Riyale to immediately and unconditionally release from prison the three Haatuf journalists. Also last week, a human rights activist, Ali Dol Ahmed (Ali Qoryoley) was detained for distributing leaflets which said "Free Haatuf Journalists." The only crime that these people committed is that they expressed opinions that the government did not like.

The government's modus operandi is pretty clear. First detain citizens whose views you don't like, then go to the court and ask for extension of detention, then concoct a case against them. The idea is that once someone is seized by the government it would mean holding him for months before the justice system reaches a decision, and if the court does not impose additional punishment by then he would have suffered enough that he would think twice before doing anything the government does not like. This system had worked for the government in the past. But this time, they seem to have finally run out of luck and the tide is beginning to turn. Too many people both inside and outside the country, are in a state of rage about the government's naked abuse of power. People are asking: Is the president above the law, and who gave him the right to engage in corruption with impunity. If the president was wronged by Haatuf, why didn't he file a civil case against the journalists instead of illegally arresting them? They are asking: Do the heads of the CID, the commander of police, and the minister of interior work for the taxpayer or to carry out the illegal wishes of the president?

People are not only angry with the executive branch. They are also furious at the justice system for catering to the president's wishes and not upholding the law. The justice system failed on three counts: 1) not only did the court say nothing about the fact that the journalists were arrested without a warrant, it even extended for the CID the length of time they could hold the journalists without trial; 2) the court refused bail for the journalists, although the possibility they would flee is almost non-existent; 3) the court gave in to the government's demand to try the journalists according to Somalia's penal code and not according to Somaliland's press law.

Abroad, anger at the government is no less intense. Somalilanders and friends of Somaliland are blaming President Riyale for having damaged Somaliland's reputation as a democratic and law-abiding country. As one foreign supporter of Somaliland put it: "Does Riyale want us to say to our government please recognize Somaliland because it has a corrupt and dictatorial regime?" Anger, however, will not solve anything. Therefore, the challenge for Somalilanders and friends of Somaliland both inside and outside the country, is to go beyond their fury and start working for a fundamental reform of Somaliland's system of government. At minimum such a reform programme should include:

The President, his wife, and corrupt ministers should be held accountable for breaking the law and violating the rights of citizens;

The head of the CID, the commander of police, and the minister of interior should be fired for trampling on the rights of citizens and carrying out the president's illegal instructions;

Cases that have to do with the press should be tried only according to the Press Law that was passed by Somaliland's parliament and signed by the president;

Judges who have failed to uphold the law and have colluded with the president or any other politician in circumventing the law should be stripped of their posts and an autonomous impartial justice system should be installed.

Parliament also has to decide whether it is part of the problem or the solution. As representatives of the people, they should not just sit and watch as the president and his ministers sink deeper and deeper into corruption, and as the government and the courts work hand-in-hand in depriving citizens of their constitutional rights. Parliament should act quickly and call the president to come in front of parliament and account for his corruption and persistent violations of the law. The people have run out of patience. They want reform and they want it now.

Africa News, February 12, 2007/UN News Service

Somalia; UN Rights Expert Calls for Release of Arrested Journalists, End of Threats to Media

An independent United Nations human rights expert today called for the unconditional release of three journalists arrested in Somalia and voiced "deep concern" at the temporary closing of radio and television stations, stressing the vital importance of free media in bringing peace to the war-torn country.

"Threats to journalists and media outlets constitute serious violations of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, said in a statement today.

"A free and independent press which does not fear any party is crucial to restoring peace and security in Somalia. This is worrying and I condemn these actions and reiterate that the media must be allowed to perform its duties without apprehension," he added.

The three journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabode, Ali Abdi Din and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, employed by the Haatuf Media Network were arrested as a result of their work in 'Somaliland' in the north of the country and several other people have been arrested or detained for supporting the three or demonstrating against their arrests," Mr. Alnajjar said.

He also noted that three radio stations and the office of a television station in Mogadishu, the capital, were also temporarily closed by the Transitional Federal Government in January.

"I am deeply concerned over recent threats to the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different parts of Somalia," he declared. "I call upon the 'Somaliland' authorities to release the three journalists without conditions.

"I also remind all Somali authorities of their obligation to respect the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and to ensure the safety and security of all, including journalists and other media professionals."

Somalia has been without a functioning government since Muhammad Siad Barre's regime was ousted in 1991. Late last year, the transitional Government, backed by Ethiopian troops, dislodged Islamist forces from much of the country.

The Security Council has authorized the deployment of a peace support mission to be run by the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an east African grouping.

States News Service, February 12, 2007

SOMALIA: UN RIGHTS EXPERT CALLS FOR RELEASE OF ARRESTED JOURNALISTS, END OF THREATS TO MEDIA

The following information was released by the United Nations:

The three journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabode, Ali Abdi Din and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, employed by the Haatuf Media Network were arrested as a result of their work in Somaliland' in the north of the country and several other people have been arrested or detained for supporting the three or demonstrating against their arrests," Mr. Alnajjar said.

He also noted that three radio stations and the office of a television station in Mogadishu, the capital, were also temporarily closed by the Transitional Federal Government in January.

"I am deeply concerned over recent threats to the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different parts of Somalia," he declared. "I call upon the Somaliland' authorities to release the three journalists without conditions.

The Security Council has authorized the deployment of a peace support mission to be run by the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an east African grouping.

Meanwhile, the top UN envoy for Somalia, Franois Lonsny Fall, on Friday attended a meeting of International Contact Group on Somalia - a set of countries and organizations including the UN - to review the current political, security, development and humanitarian situation in the country. At the conference held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, the Group pledged its support to the Transitional Federal Government in its efforts to promote national unity, and also to the Transitional Federal Institutions and the Somali people as they pursue an inclusive political process.

UPI, February 12, 2007/UNITED NATIONS, Feb. 12

U.N. expert asks free Somalia journalists

An independent U.N. human rights expert seeks the unconditional release of three journalists arrested in Somalia.

The expert, Ghanim Alnajjar, also voiced "deep concern" at the temporary closing of radio and television stations, in a statement issued Monday, calling attention to the importance of free media in bringing peace to the war-torn country.

"Threats to journalists and media outlets constitute serious violations of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," he said. "A free and independent press which does not fear any party is crucial to restoring peace and security in Somalia. This is worrying and I condemn these actions and reiterate that the media must be allowed to perform its duties without apprehension."

The three journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabode, Ali Abdi Din and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, who work for the Haatuf Media Network were arrested as a result of their work in 'Somaliland' in the north of the country where several other people have been arrested or detained for supporting the three detained or demonstrating against their arrests," Alnajjar said.

He also said three radio stations and the office of a television station in Mogadishu, the capital, were temporarily closed by the Transitional Federal Government in January.

"I am deeply concerned over recent threats to the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different parts of Somalia," he said. "I call upon the 'Somaliland' authorities to release the three journalists without conditions.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 9, 2007/Source: Radio Banaadir, Mogadishu, in Somali 1700 gmt 9 Feb 07

Somali president says government to open talks with Somaliland

The president of the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad, has said the TFG is expected to open negotiations with the administration calling itself Somaliland to restore Somalia's unity.

Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who was addressing the cabinet of the Transitional Federal Government [TFG], said the time had come to hold negotiations with that administration. He stressed that the TFG was expected to devise the method to open negotiations with the Somaliland administration in order to restore the unity of Somalis.

Speaking on the recent reshuffle of the ministers of the TFG, he said this was meant to give a new impetus to implementing the aims of the TFG. The president castigated the heads of various arms of the government for doing very little work and for making a habit of chewing qat [mild leafy stimulant] and oversleeping. He therefore urged all officials of the TFG to stop the habit of chewing qat and sleeping until mid morning.

The president concluded his speech by officially stating that any minister who failed to discharge their responsibility would be sacked. He urged members of the cabinet in the TFG to put the interest of the Somali people before everything else.

Diplomats struggle on Somaliland Reporters deal

Hargeisa (HAN:http://www.geeskaafrika.com/somaliland_08feb07.htm) February 9th, 2007 - The Horn of African Journalist Association (HAJA) and Reporters Without Borders jointly releases an appeal about the horrible conditions of the journalist jailed in a secret prisons.

The Horn of African Jeornalist Association (HAJA) Declare Haatuf Journalists As "Prisoners Of Conscience and crime against freedom and regional stability".

The Horn of African Journalist Association (HAJA) based In Canada, declare Haatuf Journalists As "Prisoners Of Conscience and crime against freedom and regional stability". The leaders SNM (Somalia National Movement) veterans in Somaliland called on the government to release the detained Haatuf journalists on Thursday. In a press statement issued by the veterans at a meeting held in SOOYAAL Veterans Association headquarters in Hargeysa said, `we strongly condemn the arrest and unlawful detention of Haatuf journalist by the government'.

The veterans said in the press conference that this type of action taken by the government brings shame to the country and people of Somaliland. They said, `we had fought a bloodily battle against a government which repressed and killed its people. Many lives were lost and properties destroyed in that war. Today, the government we brought into power and authority is doing the same thing as the one we had fought against and destroyed in 1991'.

The ex-freedom fighters who fought for the Somali National Movement's liberation struggle against Somalia's late dictator Siyad Barre in the 1980s, were arrested in Hargeysa by the Somaliland police. Mohamed Ahmed Gahnug (Ba'ood) and Ahmed Omar Abdillahi (Hamarji) were seized only a few hours after they had attended a veterans meeting that called on Somaliland President Dahir Rayale to immediately and unconditionally release from prison the three Haatuf journalists.

The Horn of African Journalist Association (HAJA) and Reporters Without Borders today reiterated its appeal to the authorities in the northern breakaway state of Somaliland to release three newspaper journalists who have been held for several weeks and have just been moved from the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa to a unknown and secret jails.

"The Somaliland government's inflexibility is dangerous," the press freedom organisation said. "It shows that the authorities are ready to commit any kind of abuse when journalists criticise the president and his associates. This aggressive use of the police and judicial system is liable to undermine the credibility of all the efforts since 1991 to turn Somaliland into a democratic enclave within Somalia."

The publisher of the privately owned, Hargeisa based daily news paper Haatuf, Yuusuf Gabobe, and his editor, Ali Abdi Diini, were due to have appeared before a regional court in Hargeisa on 4 February, but were transferred to a prison in Mandera, a small locality between Hargeisa and the coastal town of Berbera. They had previously been held at Hargeisa police headquarters since their arrest on 2 January.

Haatuf's correspondent in Borame, Mohamed Omar, who was arrested at his home on 14 January and detained in the Kodbur police station in Hargeisa, has also been taken to Mandera. According to the staff of Haatuf, Gabobe is in poor health and Mandera does not have the medical facilities he needs. Jamal Sheikh Abiib, Geeska Afrika & HAN reporter in Hargeisa, Somaliland

Africa News, February 8, 2007/Reporters sans Fronti�res

Somaliland Daily's Imprisoned Executives Transferred to Provincial Jail

Reporters Without Borders has reiterated its appeal to the authorities in the northern breakaway state of Somaliland to release three newspaper journalists who have been held for several weeks and have just been moved from the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa to a provincial prison.

The publisher of the privately-owned, Hargeisa-based daily "Haatuf", Yusuf Gabobe, and his editor, Ali Abdi Dini, were due to have appeared before a regional court in Hargeisa on 4 February 2007, but were transferred to a prison in Mandera, a small locality between Hargeisa and the coastal town of Berbera. They had previously been held at Hargeisa police headquarters since their arrest on 2 January.

"Haatuf"'s correspondent in Borame, Mohamed Omar, who was arrested at his home on 14 January and detained in the Kodbur police station in Hargeisa, has also been taken to Mandera. According to the staff of "Haatuf", Gabobe is in poor health and Mandera does not have the medical facilities he needs.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 6, 2007/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 3 Feb 07

Somaliland: Weekly's Editorial Accuses Government of Corruption

[Editorial: "The Cost of Corruption"]

It is widely acknowledged that corruption is one of the biggest factors that contributes to underdevelopment. This can be deduced from the fact that corruption is a common factor for most impoverished countries. The debilitating effect of corruption is most clear in countries that are well endowed with natural resources but are characterized by extreme poverty. Take the example of African countries that have oil, gold, diamonds and other mineral resources but whose people live in dire poverty. Somaliland does not export oil or diamonds, so the dollar amount that is lost to corruption may be smaller than, let us say Nigeria, nevertheless, the principle is the same. If your economy is smaller but corruption is widespread, the impact is no less damaging.

In Somaliland, corruption has reached such an advanced stage, it is assumed to be part of most transactions that have anything to do with the government. In addition to eroding the society's moral fibre, corruption undermines the proper functioning of the economy because it transfers undeserved gains to some people and adds to the costs of transactions.

A quick look at the situation of real estate in Somaliland will make this clear. Many Somalilanders used to invest in Somaliland through buying real estate and building houses. But along with the building construction boom came a practice called ku qabso ku qadi mayside (claim it, you will get something for your claim), which worked this way: someone (usually an expatriate) would buy a piece of land and right away someone else would appear out of nowhere and claim that the piece of land is actually his. The expatriate then would have to pay a lump sum to the person who made the bogus claim so that he would drop his claim. The result was that many expatriate Somalilanders stopped buying undeveloped land in Somaliland.

Some might object that greedy individuals exist everywhere and it is unfair to blame the government for their behaviour. True, greedy, unscrupulous people exist everywhere, but in the case of land problems in Somaliland, the greedy individual usually has some false documents that were issued by a government official. Another reason why the government shares in the blame is because not only does it tolerate these practices, but the government itself, including the president, is known to engage in corrupt practices, thereby setting a bad example for the rest of the population.

Corruption is such a serious problem in Somaliland it has even led to a riot among Somaliland's police. The immediate cause of the riot was that the police did not receive their salaries for months. The police believed that their salaries were embezzled by their superiors. Consequently, irate armed police barged into the parliament's building in protest. President Riyale did react in this case by firing both the police commissioner and the minister of interior for creating the situation and failing to prevent it, but his reaction came only after the damage was done and the sanctity of parliament was violated.

Another more recent riot that was caused by the corruption of Riyale's administration is the cement factory riot last year. Let us go briefly through the circumstances that led to it. The President left Somaliland on a visit to Europe and possibly the United States. Several weeks later, he announced in Germany that he could not go to the United States to participate in the SopriI [Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction Institute] conference because he had found a company that was going to invest in the cement factory and wanted to quickly get back to the country in order to start the project. However, instead of rebuilding the cement factory and creating job opportunities, what the people saw in motion was a scheme to dismantle what remained of the existing factory, which resulted in riots. Since then, President Riyale has not said a word about his cement factory project or the promised jobs, which has only strengthened the suspicion that the promise to build a new cement factory was only a ploy to allow him to sell the existing factory for scrap.

Haatuf newspaper's latest revelations have provided only more details into an already established pattern of corruption in President Riyale's government. Instead of cleaning his act and reforming his administration, President Riyale responded by jailing Haatuf journalists, which has only provided more evidence that President Riyale is either unwilling or incapable of reforming his administration. With their president so thoroughly and stubbornly tied up to corruption, more and more Somalilanders are looking at ways to save their country.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 5, 2007/Source: The Somaliland Times, Hargeysa, in English 3 Feb 07

Somaliland: War veterans urge president to release detained journalists

SNM [Somali National Movement] veterans called on the government to release the detained Haatuf journalists on Thursday. In a press statement issued by the veterans at a meeting held in SOOYAAL Veterans Association HQ in Hargeysa said, we strongly condemn the arrest and unlawful detention of Haatuf journalist by the government.

The veterans said in the press conference that this type of action taken by the government brings shame to the country and people of Somaliland. They said, we had fought a bloodily battle where many lives were lost and wealth destroyed against a government which repressed and killed its people. Today, the government we brought into power and authority is doing the same thing as the one we had fought against and destroyed in 1991.

The statement issued by the veterans was read out to the media by Ahmad Umar Abdullahi (Hamarji), which said, "We are the generations of veterans who had sacrificed their blood along with the many who lost their lives for the emancipation and freedom of our motherland, Somaliland. We still have the wounds and scars on our bodies to show for the freedom we have today in Somaliland has not been in vain. Today, we are gathered here because the very freedom we fought for is under threat. We are witnessing today, that the Haatuf newspaper journalists Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, Ali Abdi Dini and Muhammad Umar Shaykh are imprisoned for publishing information, which under the constitution is not a sin but is the right of any citizen of this country. The journalists are held in detention illegally, and are being subjected to unlawful court trials conducted by the government.

The veterans said, in their press statement that "This message is directed to the President Dahir Rayale and we implore that he takes heed of our message. We urge the president to release the journalists and we urge him and his government not to break the very law he is suppose to protect and sanctify. We, remind the president that we fought against the government of Siyad Barre for the rights of freedom etched in our constitution. We fought Siyad Barre for the unlawful court trails and detentions perpetrated against the people of this country. We fought Siyad Barre for all those things, which your government is committing today, in Somaliland.

The veterans said, "Almost, a month we have seen how the government of this country is behaving. We have seen that the Press Law of this country brought into law by parliament and by the president, is today being forfeited by the government's judicial courthouses. We see that the government is heading towards the very same road, which the government of Siyad Barre decided to venture to. We are in no position, today, to travel on that same road, Siyad Barre took. We will not travel or allow you to take us on that road. We plead with your conscience to release the journalists and stop curtailing the freedom of the media and citizens of this country who have paid heavily in blood and wealth the little we have today."

Many of the veterans at the press conference were wearing T-shirts with the slogan "Free Haatuf Journalists."

The Star (Sheffield) February 5, 2007

Plight of homeland of Somali asylum-seekers

AN African official met dignitaries in Sheffield to discuss the plight of his homeland. Mohammed Issa, chairman of Democracy Network for Somaliland, met Sheffield MP Richard Caborn and Burngreave ward Labour councillor Ibrar Hussain at the MP's office in the city. They discussed the situation in Somalia and particularly the status of Somaliland - an unrecognised state in the north of the country - and its achievements in terms of peace, stability and democracy. Many of the thousands of Somali refugees and asylum-seekers in Sheffield are from Somaliland. Sports Minister Mr Caborn promised to work closely with the Democracy Network for Somaliland and to make inquiries with the Secretary of State for International Development, Hilary Benn.

Africa News, February 4, 2007/ Shabelle Media Network

Somalia; Inmates in Somaliland Begin Fasting to Protest

Reports from Barbara in Northwest Somalia indicate that inmates in Barbara prison have begun fasting to protest tortures inflicted on them by the prison guards.

Barbara is a coastal city under the control of the break away republic of Somaliland.

Reports say some of the prisoners in the Barbara prison facility were transferred to Hargeysa, the capital of the secessionist Somaliland. The health of some of the inmates was reported to be in critical state.

Hassan Kilyo, a brother of one of the inmates, has told Shabelle that his brother was in Barbara prison for four years without a trial. "My brother was a university student in Bosaso, (a business city in Puntland, an autonomous regional government in Somalia). They accused him of stealing money from Ethiopia and he has never been there," he said.

He said his brother was even missing from Barbara prison for six months. "He was taken to the American military bases in the horn of Africa," he said.

He pointed out that his brother was seized in Hargeysa by Somaliland police after he was charged with accusation stealing money from Ethiopia. "The accusation was definitely false," he said.

The administration of Somaliland blamed the defendant of terrorism activities in 2006 after the courts in the secessionist republic found him no guilty, his brother said.

http://www.geeskaafrika.com/somaliland_01feb07.htm

Regional Security Assessments Of The Somaliland Policies

Djibouti (HAN) February 2nd, 2007 - For the last two weeks, a number of trucks transporting legitimate and taxed goods to the Somali State of the Federal Republic of Ethiopia have been terrorized, ambushed, robbed, and burnt by the Al-Itihad/ONLF terrorists operating in the Somali zone state. As a result of this terrorism, Somaliland traders have lost hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of property, and millions of dollars worth of trade and taxes between the two neighboring states (Ethiopia and Somaliland).

For the last two weeks, a number of trucks transporting legitimate and taxed goods to the Somali State of the Federal

Republic of Ethiopia have been terrorized, ambushed, robbed, and burnt by the Al-Itihad/ONLF terrorists operating in the Somali zone state. As a result of this terrorism, Somaliland traders have lost hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of property, and millions of dollars worth of trade and taxes between the two neighboring states (Ethiopia and Somaliland).

Moreover, the operation and provocation of these Al-itihad/ONLF terrorists in the region has undoubtedly retarded progress and development of the Somali zone State, disrupted the border trade between the two countries, and may eventually endanger the Somaliland and Ethiopia border security arrangements if nothing is done to reverse this dangerous development in the region. The Assessment we must count what was achieved for the now 15 year's old Republic of Somaliland within the global world policies. The results are by all means rather meager and this for some objective reasons...but also for some subjective weaknesses of the Government's) from very beginning.. I would like to clarify, that the Assessments given here are in noway ment as a critics to the current strategies of the foreign policies by the Somaliland Government. The aim is to give a broader perception from the German and European point of view on all the necessary strategies for the benefit of the Republic of Somaliland and Somalilanders as an Nation.

By objective reasons we firstly have to consider, that the security situation immediately after the proclaimed independence was not satisfactory within the country; therefore the Legitimacy of the new Government was questionable by international standards. Further more, the OAU (AU) was unwilling to consider that the Sovereignty of the Republic of Somaliland was a result of an genuine national revolution within the civil war in the then Somalia...fearing, that this "opening of the Pandora box" would create new severe problems for whole of Africa, regarding the integrity and boundaries between the African states...

The then President Egal have up to some extent successfully counter-fighted such maneuvers, - specially these by the Arab states under the Egyptian leadership, - by clear statements about the Legitimacy of Re-Proclamation of Independence and return to the Status Quo Ante, where the Republic of Somaliland was sui generis an independent state and internationally recognized by all the relevant subjects of the International Law.

Pointing to the fact, that the right for self-determination and subsequently national sovereignty could not have been "consumed" by the freely conducted unification with the Somali Republic, President Egal has won the sympathies throughout the (Black) Africa, specially by South Africa. It was also clarified, that the return to the national boundaries of the colonial and post-colonial era was fully in accordance with the all- African- consensus of the only validity of the state boundaries defined by the colonial era.

Starting from these prepositions some crucial errors has been committed in the following years. It would have been necessary to assess the objective parameters of the Arab League towards Somalia and Somaliland...Instead, there was a long living Illusion that the Arabs would finally, within the "Islamic solidarity", support the justly struggle of the Somalilanders for their national sovereignty. Precious human and political resources of the new state has been wasted to persuade the "brotherly Arab states" to reconsider their stand. As a result, an anti Somaliland propaganda was initiated by the Arab block within the international community. The dictatorial regimes of Cairo and Khartoum have started a crusade against the young Somaliland democracy...with always new black-mailings towards black African states, Europe and the USA..."not to interfere in the matters on Horn"...

This strategy has worked for a period of time. But with the ongoing civil war in Sudan and the fragility of the Egyptian regime this has became more difficult - for them...Their latest "success" by the AU-Summit against Somaliland has to be considered as a Phyrus Victory, as their "Swan Song"....A group of African states has openly sided with Somaliland and this fact has to be more exploitated in the near future.

The Strategy must take in to the consideration to utilize an US-European-(black) African Alliance for the recognition of the Independence of the Republic of Somaliland. Hard work, all over again, must be done specially in Europe. Here we have to take in to the account, that only Italy, - by its postcolonial paranoia, - has to be considered as an "enemy" to Somaliland. France will stands "neutrally", by all means, also vis-a-vis Djibouti...Britain is the first address and it is clear, that London more and more supports the recognition...Germany, - "burnt" by the own experiences by initiating the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia during the ongoing Balkan Civil Wars, - is nevertheless willing to participate in any of the British initiatives, being self actively engaged in controlling of Airspace and the Maritime Routes on the Horn of Africa. This European initiative, coordinated with the efforts by South Africa and (hopefully!) Ethiopia should enable the USA, - as the still major player in the Region, - to engage more directly, without fears to be accused of any of "imperialistic" attitudes...Specially, after wrongly being engaged in support of Mogadishu-Militias in the past...

Ethiopia will play a crucial role in these strategies. It has to be more persuaded to honestly play his role...not under the agenda, that..."We love the Somalis so much, that we prefer to have Five of them"...which up to now has ment to "have" them all weak...Somaliland has forever disassociated itself from any of "great Somalian projects", which has caused the miseries not only for the Somali People(s) in the Region, but also for their neighbors. Addis Ababa must understand, that only the strong and sovereign Somaliland can guarantee the peaceful future for Ethiopia and its economic interests...specially in view of the Berbera Corridor. And by all means the huge Oil-Winning-Projects in Ogaden, which could go together with similar projects in Somaliland, Pipeline, with Refineries in Berbera, etc.

The punctual assessment of the goals and results of the Somaliland Foreign Policy has clearly showed, that the strategically important Somaliland, situated in the Gulf of Aden, near the entrance of Bab El Mandab, can play an stable role in the Region and become one of the guarantors for the Peace and Stability of the Region and the Security of International Maritime Routes towards Europe and the USA and southeasterly towards Africa, the Gulf and entire Asia. This must be clearly stated toward the friendly states. London, with his affinities towards the former Protectorate and its people, should be the starting point of such strategies...With close coordination with Berlin, then Brussels and Paris and of course, with Washington. Pretoria and Nairobi, but fore mostly Addis must be incorporated in to the new Offensive of Somaliland Foreign Policy. The vivid democracy and the rejection of political Islamism and Terrorism are the best legitimacies of the Republic of Somaliland in the concert of free Nations of the World. The time has come to exploit these capitals now.

Opinion contributed to Geeska Afrika with Notes by: Velimir Philo Tomulic

http://www.geeskaafrika.com/somaliland_02feb07.htm

Somaliland corruption led by President Dahir Rayale and his wife Huda

Nairobi (HAN) February 03, 2007 -The Geeska Afrika Online edition, HAN (Horn of Africa News line) and our global news partners are publishing these news article to support freedom of speech and haatuf's stand to report an extraordinary historical news events in Somaliland.

Haatuf publisher Yusuf A. Gabobe and editor Ali Abdi Dini were arrested in connection with these articles.

Haatuf Newspaper's series of articles alleging corruption by President Dahir Rayale and his wife Huda Barkhad were published in 17 different editions started November 24, 2006. The last piece appeared on January 2, 2007, and in the same day Haatuf publisher Yusuf A. Gabobe and editor Ali Abdi Dini were arrested in connection with these articles.

The articles appeared under the title "How different is president Rayale's style of governance than that of late president Egal" and were written by Haatuf's reporter Mohamed-Rashid M. Farah who is still in hiding.

The articles begin by comparing how late president of Somaliland Egal and the incumbent president Rayale fared in terms of the practice of nepotism and corruption. The following excerpts of the articles relate to the charges of defamation of the president brought by government prosecutors against Haatuf editor Ali Dini, Haatuf reporter Mohamed-Rashid Farah and Haatuf Borama correspondent Mohamed Omar Sheikh. Yusuf Gabobe was charged with obstructing police officers from carrying out their duties and inciting Haatuf staff against police officers who on January 2, 2007 stormed in to Haatuf headquarters and made the arrests.

Haatuf 1282 edition (December 10, 2006)

"President Egal practiced corruption but he utilized it for buying political support and not for self-enrichment. Egal treated public funds as his own. He was generous with everybody else except members of his family, subclan and clan.

Egal the president was not susceptible to nepotism. He kept his children relatives and clan members at a distance. His children and relatives were not allowed to live in government properties or use government owned vehicles. Close relatives were forbidden to use the name of the president to further their own interests or to help others secure government jobs. His young cousin Wali Daud Egal who worked for the ministry of Finance dared not to ask for promotion or launch his own business.

Egal refused to live in a house granted to him by the state. He chose to stay in the premises of the presidency and forsake the house which is now the residence of the governor of the Bank of Somaliland Abdirahman Duale.

By contrast president Rayale practiced both corruption and nepotism. He used government money to buy properties.

Rayale's practice of nepotism is evidenced by the following:

- The exclusive rights for fishing in the coastal area stretching from Lughaya into Zayla to Almis Fishing Company, a firm owned by one of Rayale's kinsmen. Almis Fishing was one of 10 prospectors who applied for fishing license to operate in the same zone which is rich in shrimps. But this whole lucrative area has since been declared off-limit to operators except Almis Fishing.

- As Egal's vice-president Mr. Rayale lived in a state-owned house, located behind the parliament building. After becoming president in 2002, Rayale moved to the presidency. But instead of handing over his previous residence back to the state, Rayale invited a man called Osman Sheikh Abdi to live there. Osman Sheikh Abdi who happens to be from Rayale's Awdal region doesn't work for the Somaliland government.

But he still occupies the house vacated by Rayale while many high-ranking government officials including cabinet ministers and speaker of Parliament have to live in rented houses. While Egal forsake the house given to him lawfully by the state so that a government official could live there, Mr. Rayale acted differently when he was later confronted by similar circumstances.. Unlike Wali Daud Egal [during the rule of his cousin Mohamed Ibrahim Egal], Osman Sheikh Abdi has [since Rayale took power] become so influential that a word from him [to the president] could be detrimental in deciding who should be nominated for or sacked from senior positions in the Somaliland government. Officially, Osman holds the job-title of project officer for NOW [the National Organization for Women which in effect is headed by president Rayale's wife Huda Barkhad]. Osman is also the chairman of HOPE Fishing, a company that was established following a [mid 2005] visit that he and the first lady had made together to Cairo (the company is a constant subject for gossip in Borama with some people saying that the business is actually owned by the first lady). Osman also heads HOPE Construction and the Huda Foundation which in 2005 funded the establishment of 2 more wards in Gabiley hospital. Although Osman owns a Toyota Surf vehicle, he however uses a government owned pickup.

- Osman uses his influence with the first family to promote his interests. Because of his connections he gets whatever he wants from government officials. For instance HOPE was awarded [this year] a contract for building a new terminal for the government-owned Somaliland National TV without bidding. Osman also got a contract to implement construction works at Hargeysa airport in a similar manner.

- Boats operating under the name of HOPE Fishing were fishing illicitly off the Lughaya-Zayla coast earlier this year [2006]. Almis Fishing [local agents for a flotilla of Egyptian trawlers] complained to the ministry of Fisheries, the ministry of Interior and the Coastal Guards about the intrusion of HOPE boats into their exclusive zone. But after all these departments failed to redress the complaint, the military commander of Somaliland troops at the western coast Mohamed Hudhuun took action by seizing the 3 [Egyptian owned] boats. The move against Osman's clients was possible only because Hudhuun happened to be a close relative of the owner of Almis shipping, Idiris Unaaye.

- Since Rayale became president the number of Awdalians holding key positions within the government has increased significantly. Moreover, there have been noticeable efforts at ensuring that government officers from the region who were recruited during Rayale's time as vice present retain their positions. But the increase has not been equitably distributed among clans in the region.

For example the Reer Nuur to which both Osman and the first lady belong, received more jobs than the rest including Rayale's Jibril Younis. The disproportionality is obviously the work of Huda Barkhad and Osman.

Members of the Reer Nuur recruited after Rayale's ascendancy:

- Osman Abdi Sheikh, project officer at NOW (Besides his business and portfolio as the presidency's point man and most valuable crony)
- Abdi Dahir, Director General of Finance, Somaliland Army.
- Saleban Hussein Odyare, head of Installations section at the Hargeysa Electricity Power Station
- Farah A Abokor, Director of Finance, National agency for drought prevention
- Ahmed Nuur Goud, senior staff member of NADP
- Rashid Abdi Ege, administration and finance, Somaliland Police headquarters.
- Hassan Mohamed, Finance and administration, SNTV
- Cabdi-Samad, Secretary of Vice-president.
- Mohamed Musse Mohamed, Treasurer, Abaarso Customs point
- Hassan Nuur Faahiye, director general, ministry of Posts and Telecommunication.
- Abdillahi Qasim, Berbera Airport manager
- Farah Saeed, director, finance and administration, National Printing Press
- Mohamud Ahmed Barre, appointed honorary member, house of Guurti.
- Col. Olow, Counter-terrorism unit, Awdal region.
- Ahmed Omer Dahir, Surveyor, Hargeysa local government.
- Musse Adan Jama, Auditor general office.

Members of Reer Nuur in government employment who receive special protection

- Harun, Foreign Exchange Unit, Berbera port.
- Mohamed Dahir, Finance police, Berbera port.
- Ahmed Daud, Director General of the ministry of Finance.
- Abdi Musa, manager of Customs, Hargeysa Airport
- Mustafa Essa, Land revenues, Hargeysa Office.
- Mohamed A. Bade, Customs officer.
- Abdillahi Hassan, Customs officer.
- Yusuf Ga'an, Somaliland Bank officer head of government voucher payments dept

Haatuf 1290 edition (December 19, 2006)

Properties, undeveloped real estate, vehicles and farm illicitly acquired by Mr. Rayale and his wife:

- President Rayale's new house villa in Borama
- Prime real estate property in Hargeysa under construction owned by the wife of the president
- Walled property belonging to the president's wife in Borama.
- The foundation surrounding (10 plots 80x80 feets) Land belonging to the sister of the president's wife in Masalaha area of Hargeysa
- As vice-president, Rayale built himself a house villa in his home town of Borama.
- The first lady Huda Barkhad bought two pieces of land located each behind Maansoor hotel in the northern part of Hargeysa city and near Ambassador Hotel to the south. Each is estimated to cost over $10,000. The plot behind Maansoor hotel was purchased through [the well-known] real estate dealer, Aga weyne. But as shown by Hargeysa municipality documents, the title deed for the plot situated near the Ambassador was issued in the name of Sa'ado Barkhad, a sister of the first lady.
- The Barkhad family farm on the 300 meters of land taken by the first lady, which belonged to Awdal university
- The community well built by SCF/USA for farming community in Borama is now the private property of the Barkhad family and is used solely to water the Barkhad farm

- A farm located to the east of Amoud University and owned by the Barkhad family was extended for 300 meters into the perimeters of the campus illegally by the first lady [Huda Barkhad].

- A dispute arose between the first lady and Amoud over the misappropriation of the university land. She however employed the power of the state to coerce the university into succumbing.

- She also misappropriated a community water well located to the east of Amoud university. The well was built with funds donated by SCF-USA. The first lady had rebuilt her late father's old 3-bedroom house in Borama into a villa. The external perimeters of the old house had been extended by 10m, thereby blocking a road passage that has been essential for commuting to and from the town's livestock market.

- The Barkhad family old residence in Borama and the added extended courtyard which has completely closed all traffic from this road to the livestock market. The arrow and white markings illustrate the width and depth of what's left of the road

- As evidenced by local government's documents, the first lady bought two large plots near Fouad Arab's automobile repairing workshop.

- Miscellaneous aid material intended for widowed mothers has been diverted by the first lady. The material which was brought by [expatriate] Ahmed Kooj has been stored by her in the building owned by Haji Nuur and located behind the southern fence of the presidency. The material was originally delivered to the presidency for distribution to the target group members.

- President Rayale bought a two-storey villa in Cairo, Egypt. The building is located in a neighborhood which is residence for many of the families of former senior officers in the now-defunct Siyad Barre's regime. [Mohamed] Omer Jees [former Barre minister] is a neighbor.

- The Cairo villa is inhabited by some of the president's children who include Barkhad [son], Warsan [daughter], Mohamed-Amin [son], and a nanny called Umal-khayr Qawrah. The three children were taken to Cairo on June 2005 to study there. An elder son, Abdirizak, is currently in England where he attends college.

- The president's wife has illicitly acquired vehicles that belonged to the government of Somaliland.

The vehicles include: - A 4WD pickup donated to the government by the NGO SCF-USA [shortly] before closing down operations in Somaliland [in 2005]. While still under SCF use, the vehicle carried plate number 015. The pickup has now been issued a new private plate number which reads SL 20621 and a new traffic document whose serial number is 022701. The traffic registration document shows the owner of the vehicle as Ilhan Barkhad, sister of first lady Huda Barkhad.
- Two Toyota Prado vehicles which were among five donated by the UK government to Somaliland's Counter-terrorism police were misappropriated by Huda Barkhad. One of the two vehicles has been registered with the traffic in the name of Ilhan Barkhad under serial Nr. 023776 and plate number SL 21696. The other Prado which has been given the plate number 21698 is used by the first lady herself.
- The pick-up donated by SCF-USA to the government with private vehicle plate number registered under the first lady's sister . One of the five Prado vehicles donated by the UK government is seen here with private plate number registered under the first lady . The Toyota Mark II, The presidency minibus

Haatuf 1302 edition (January 02, 2007)

- A Toyota Mark II Saloon which belonged to the presidency was sold by the president's wife to the ministry of Public Works. Before being purchased by the ministry, the car had government plate number GT 220. Now it has a private plate number SL 19856 and a traffic registration document number 021906 in the name of Ismail Mussa Haybe, a relative of Public Works minister Saeed Sulub. The original color of the car has since been changed from silver to grey.

According to sources in the presidency and the ministry of Finance the proceeds of the sale were given to the first lady in cash. The vehicle is currently used by Saeed Sulub's family.

- A mini bus was purchased by the presidency in 2004 for the transportation of subordinate staff at a cost of $7,500 and against a market rate of $4,500. However our investigations reveal that the mini bus which bore a private plate number SL: 12634 was purchased in Borama from one of the first lady's close relatives."

On 12/12/2006, the presidency issued a press release signed by Rayale's spokesman, Abdi Idiris in response to the corruption allegations published by Haatuf. The statement began to say:

"There is no government house or vehicle given away by the president .. Nor there is a fishing zone that has been designated for the sole use of a particular company."

The rest of the statement consisted of general term denials. "Nobody has permission from the president to practice nepotism .. The president doesn't condone nepotism."

But the statement did say that since becoming president, Rayale appointed not a single Awdalian to a senior post within the presidency. It did concede however that as vice-president of Egal, Rayale did recommend some Awdalians to the presidential staff.

Haatuf published the whole statement on the front page of its 13/12/2006 edition .

On January 4, 2007, Abshir Hassan Hashi, former chief of motor transport unit at the Somaliland presidency and ex-confident of the first lady Huda Barkhad, talked to the press by saying that all the corruption allegations published by Haatuf were true. He disclosed this at a press conference in Bar Haraf Restaurant in Hargeysa. All the Hargeysa based newspapers and the TV broadcasters were present except the state owned `Maandeeq' newspaper and Somaliland National TV.

Hashi said he resigned from his job on March 24, 2006 after what seemed to be a fallout with the first lady Huda Barkhad. Hashi, who had been working for the Rayale family long before Dahir Rayale became Somaliland's vice-president, said he was witness to a lot of corruption incidents during his days at the presidency.

He revealed that he executed financial transactions involving purchase of vehicles and real estate. He also confirmed that the first lady illicitly acquired public funds for the purchase of plots in Borama and Hargeysa and that he concluded these real estate deals on behalf of the presidency. He showed reporters a lot of documents to substantiate his revelations.

"These are the files of the real estate procurements. This one is for the plot at the Masalaha [near the Ambassador hotel]. It is registered in the name of her sister. We had purchased it from a woman called Shuun Limaan through 2 real estate brokers named Abdi Dheere and Abdi Laangadhe," said Abshir Hashi confirming that the first lady bought a piece of land for her sister Sa'ado Barkhad from tax payers money.

Abshir Hashi also confirmed the sale of the Mark II Saloon by the first lady to the minister of Public Works. "Imagine a government entity selling government-owned car to another government department," he said.

"The minister Saeed Sulub paid for the car from SRA (Somaliland Road Authority) funds and I received the money [on behalf of the first lady]".

Mr. Hashi also identified the first lady's mother, Khadija Yusuf Tub-haye as the person from which the presidency had purchased the mini bus bearing plate number GT 508. He disclosed that the amount paid for the mini-bus was actually $9,000 and not $7,500 as reported by Haatuf. He also estimated the market price of the mini-bus at the time at $4,000 or $5,00 less than quoted by Haatuf.

Hashi also confirmed that the first lady grabbed land belonging to Amoud University for the sake of extending her father's old farm.

"The Barkhad's farm now consists of two parts: the original farm which has been located down the valley and a new extension that resulted from encroachment on the elevated land belonging to the Amoud University in Borama."

Abshir Hashi said the Barkhads farm has been illicitly extended for 400 meters and not 300 meters as reported by Haatuf.

He also disclosed that the president's Cairo home cost $250,000 (Two hundred fifty thousand dollars).

Abshir Hassan said that he would testify in a court of law about the corruption exposed by Haatuf if guaranteed a fair dispensation of justice.

"It's regrettable that while Bill Clinton admitted his extra-marital relationship with Monica Lewinsky, president Rayale is unable to come forward to confess that he actually bought a house in Cairo" he said while commenting on the arrest of Haatuf Journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and Ali Abdi Dini.

"I don't know [Yusuf] Abdi Gabobe personally and never met or had contact with him. But I have been amazed by Haatuf's ability to expose some of the corruption happening at the presidency. Their story was so real that I thought that they might have stolen my documents. Of course they didn't. I couldn't keep silent after the journalists were arrested for telling the truth. It is just not fair," he concluded. Source: Haatuf Daily News (Somali lang.)

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, January 26, 2007/Source: International Federation of Journalists press release, Brussels, in English 25 Jan 07

Somalia: Watchdog IFJ urges government to guarantee media freedom

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) today called on the Somali government and authorities in the self-declared autonomous regions to take strong measures to guarantee press freedom and safety of journalists after a four-day roundtable of media workers and civil society groups in Mogadishu.

The participants in the roundtable discussion held 19-22 January declared that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the authorities of Puntland and Somaliland "should support, defend and promote awareness of media freedom." The safety of all journalists should be given the highest priority, they added.

"We welcome the holding of this important meeting and we commend the Transitional Government for sending its representatives to the meeting" said Gabriel Baglo, Director of the IFJ Africa Office. "During the last decades in Somalia too many journalists have been assaulted and killed, media houses frequently attacked making press freedom totally endangered."

The IFJ called on the TFG and the authorities of Puntland and Somaliland to take strong measures to guarantee press freedom and the safety of journalists in Somalia.

The roundtable on "Promoting and safeguarding freedom of expression" in Mogadishu, which was organised by the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) and sponsored by UNESCO, gathered 40 organisations of journalists and civil society groups from Somalia and the self-declared autonomous regions of Puntland and Somaliland. The organisations recommended the withdrawal of "all laws that violate freedom of expression."

The participants of the roundtable created the Somali Forum for Freedom of Expression (SOFFE). NUSOJ was chosen to host the secretariat of the Forum.

The IFJ also urged the government to reopen Radio Warsan, which has been shut down since 7 January, 2007.

For further information contact the IFJ: +221 842 01 43

The IFJ represents over 500,000 journalists in more than 110 countries

Donors assemble in Somaliland

http://www.somalilandnet.com/ Posted to the web Jan 27 2007

HARGEISA, Somaliland- the government of Somaliland and international donor agencies this week discussed issues concerning Somaliland�s fund needs for the implementation of development and reconstruction projects.

The consultation meeting held at hotel Mansur in Hargeisa was a result of the Somaliland government�s decision two years ago to start the European union, European Commission, International donors, United Nations and the World Bank�s Joint Needs Assessment program (JNA), led by the ministry of national planning.

The delegates came to Somaliland in order to follow up the JNA program and consult on the identified priorities and the content of the Reconstruction and development Framework (RDF). The RDF provides a framework for mobilizing and coordinating international reconstruction and development assistance to Somaliland. the opening ceremony was officially opened by the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayaale Kahin in which he thanked the delegates who came to Somaliland. President rayaale on the occasion indicated to the gathering that consultative meeting would show everyone how deeply committed the Somaliland government was towards upgrading and launching working programs for the development of the country.

In regards to the memory of the devastation caused during Somaliland�s final years union with Somalia the president said, �I am glad to remind everyone of you that Somaliland has rebuilt all the basic infrastructures without international help and support � now it is the time for development and we are trying our best to be one of the international recognized states in the horn of Africa�. president rayaale also stated his hopes that the consultative meeting would result in approval of Somaliland�s Country Strategy Paper (CSP) which draws substantially on the RDF and brings key donors together for the coordinated strategy response.

The minister of national planning Mr. Ibrahim Mohamed (Sanyare) in a press statement his office issued stated that the last day of the consultative meeting stressed the need to feel free to express needs. � that is why we collect and invite members of houses of upper and lower houses of parliament, the political parties and non-state actors to discuss and openly debate with these delegates so every executive and legislative representative can share their ideas and know what is this RDF all about�, said the minister.

The minister also indicated that this round of consultations in Hargeisa was a crucial step in ensuring the RDF and CSP visions are both in line with Somaliland�s development priorities are jointly agreed. �Allowing the concerns of government, parliament and the non-state actors to be integrated into common strategy frame work, we emphasize that these consultations are part of a process of partnership which we are committed to further enhance the work already done�, said Mr. Mohamed. the world bank country manager Mr. Kris Love Lace in an exclusive interview to SSI had said that the world bank would provide capacity building to Somaliland banks and send members from the WB to monitor and evaluate the basic needs of Somaliland banks.

In regards to reconstruction works being carried out in Somaliland the World Bank country manager had said that it translates Somaliland�s real picture and proves its peaceful state and its time for development and that the country�s strategy paper is an instrument which participates European donors in order to use to programmed development assistance from 2007 to 2013.

The csp also provides basic reporting back to Somaliland, stakeholders, European governments and European parliament. This consultative meeting was approved by the Somaliland government, executive and legislative representatives, Non-State Actors, UN, World Bank, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden ,UK, asnd the European Commission.

Source: SSI

http://www.qarannews.com/show/12494.html

Somaliland Foreign Minister's statement on AU Ministerial Executive Council meeting, 26 Jan 2007

MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. Minister's Statement

"I am delighted that the Foreign Ministers of the African Union meeting in Addis Ababa have discussed the issue of Somaliland.

"At a time when African and international governments are preoccupied with stabilising southern Somalia, getting the Somaliland issue discussed is a big achievement and a reward for Somaliland's patient and persistent diplomacy.

"Somaliland 's desire for international recognition of its independence will not go away. The government and people of Somaliland will continue to press for recognition for as long as it takes.

"Somaliland's case is unique in Africa because Somaliland was a separate colonial entity from Somalia and was recognised previously as an independent state in 1960 before it joined in a disastrous union with Somalia.

"Somaliland wishes good relations with Somalia and to see Somalia a stable and peaceful neighbour. We are ready to share our experience of national reconciliation, state building and the creation of a successful democracy and to assist in stabilising the south in any way we can.

"The Government of Somaliland is grateful for all the support it has received at and in the run-up to this Summit from numerous states in East, Central, Southern and West Africa. I am particularly grateful to the Government of Rwanda for raising the Somaliland issue at the Executive Committee, to the AU Commission for its unfailing attention to the Somaliland issue and to the Government of Ethiopia for its support and for our warm bilateral relations.

"I am also grateful for the productive discussions I have held with the British and Norwegian Ministers at the Summit.

"It is still not too late for the African Union to take a decision to become seized of the Somaliland issue at this Summit. I appeal to Heads of Government meeting on 29 and 30 January to recognise that it is in the interests of peace, stability and development in the Horn of Africa to consolidate the stability Somaliland has achieved. And I call on the TFG to focus on stabilising the still difficult situation in the south rather than opposing the reality that is Somaliland's independent status."

Notes

1. Somaliland was a British Protectorate. It gained independence in 1960, was recognised as an independent state and then voluntarily joined the Somali Democratic Republic.
2. The union went disastrously wrong for Somaliland. Somalilanders were excluded from decision-making and discriminated against. The Somali Republic descended into a civil war in which Somaliland was invaded and destroyed.
3. The Republic of Somaliland , as re-constituted on 18 May 1991, is a reversion to the independent state of Somaliland of 1960 within the same agreed borders of the 1960 state. It did not secede from the Somali Democratic Republic, but reverted to the status quo ante .
4. Somaliland is a functioning democracy with an elected President and Assembly. Its independence was emphatically endorsed by Somalilanders in a referendum in 2001.
5. An AU fact-finding mission in 2005 acknowledged that Somaliland's independence does not set a precedent for the redrawing of colonial boundaries in Africa because Somaliland has simply re-declared itself an independent state within its former colonial boundaries.
6. On 26 January, the Rwandan Foreign Minister proposed to the AU Executive Council that a committee of AU member states visit Somaliland and make recommendations on developing an AU approach to the issue for the next Executive Council meeting at the AU Summit in Accra in July. The proposal was opposed by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and as a consequence was not agreed. The Government of Somaliland believes nonetheless that this discussion represents an important first step towards getting the AU seized of the Somaliland issue.
7. Abdillahi Mohamed Duale was appointed Foreign Minister of the Republic of Somaliland in August 2006

Somaliland: UNPO General Secretary on Panel

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=6222, 2007-01-26

The organisations Somaliland Societies in Europe (SSE) and Somaliland Community in Belgium (SBC) are set to host a high profile panel session on 29 January 2007 in Brussels, Belgium. UNPO General Secretary Marino Busdachin has been invited to be a panellist at the conference, where he will represent UNPO�s views on the future of Somaliland.

His presence on the panel will be accompanied by Glenys Kinnock MEP, Co- President Africa Caribbean Pacific - EU Joint Parliament Assembly; Nickolas White, Head of Independent Diplomat, Brussels Office; Mohamoud Abdi Daar, Somaliland Representative in Belgium and the European Commission; and Eid Ali Ahmed, Chairman of SSE.

Additional meetings with MEPs, EC Commissioners, Belgian governmental officials, and representatives from international NGOs are scheduled as complimentary events to the panel session.

Panellists will cover salient issues such as Somaliland�s sustained stability in relation to the rest of the Horn of Africa region, the contributing role of international institutions in building on Somaliland�s successes and international recognition for Somaliland.

International recognition stands to build on previous achievements in regards to development, economic growth and political stability; as well as enabling further ties between Somaliland and the international community. Further, recognition would contribute to achieving a viable and stable horn of Africa.

The panel session culminates the organisations� two day Annual General Meeting, which will focus on cultural issues within Somaliland communities living in Europe, with a particular focus on youth related matters.

Somaliland Assistance Bulletin October�December 2006

http://www.reliefweb.int/

This monthly bulletin is compiled by UNOCHA in collaboration with humanitarian actors operating in Somaliland. For further information, inputs or comments please contact Abdulkarim H. Ali at husseinali@un.org

I. HUMANITARIAN SITUATION

Above normal Deyr (Oct-Nov) rains were reported in most parts of the country resulting in improved livelihoods of the rural communities through increased availability of water and pasture. Improved livestock conditions combined with Haj 1season led to improved livestock prices, which in turn is enhancing purchasing power. Milk availability was reportedly high in most parts of the country, which is supposed to have positive impact on nutrition of children.

Nevertheless, without having enough good seasons in the recent past in order to recover from the effects of the previous droughts that reduced the assets of the community particularly livestock for pastoral groups, chronic food insecurity prevails in many pastoral livelihoods (e.g. eastern regions like Sool, Sanaag, and Togdheer). An intervention addressing the root causes of food insecurity, improving the stability and resilience of the livelihoods and reducing risk of future vulnerabilities will be important for such communities.

On the other hand, torrential rains caused emergency condition for many households in different parts of the country like Burao town and Odweine district of Togdheer region, Garadag, El-Afweine and Dararweine areas of Sanaag region, Sheik district of Sahil Region and Zeila and Tokoshi of Awdal region. Emergency assistance was delivered to such households in various areas (details of the response are covered under the title �Coordination on flood response�).

Apart from causing human death (about 15 death cases most of them in Sanaag region were reported), floods blocked roads impeding accessibility to the neighborhoods and markets, which, in turn, negatively affects food supplies. In addition, floods led to livestock death (e.g. 10,95 shoats were reportedly killed by rains in Sanaag region alone), destruction of farm yields and other agricultural assets (e.g. destruction of 112 farms and 1500 meters of irrigation canal, 12 water pumps, etc. were destroyed in Sheik district alone), and damages of water sources (e.g. Birkeds, Boreholes). Furthermore, destruction of infrastructure including the sanitation facilities was enormous in Burao town leading to high risk of disease outbreaks.

Rehabilitation of the damaged public infrastructure (schools, MCHs, Hospitals, Sanitation Facilities, etc), restoring/rehabilitating productive farms and restocking of the pastoral households that lost their livestock can be among appropriate responses after the rains. A Nutrition assessment in Burao town and other flood-affected areas was recommended to evaluate the impact of the floods in order to guide timely food security interventions.

Nutrition Cluster (UNICEF, WHO, WFP, FAO/FSAU, SRCS and Ministry of Health) conducted a nutrition survey (using 30x30, WT/HT, and MUAC for 6-59 months old) in Hawd livelihood (South of Hargeisa) with population of 33850 (WHO 2005) from 15th to 19th November. This nutrition assessment revealed a Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM) of 8.1% (some improvement compared to 8.8% in 2002) while Severe Acute Malnutrition is 1.9% which is in alert situation and no Odoema case was reported according to preliminary findings presented by FSAU and UNICEF on 29/11/06. The survey covered 945 children (6�59 months old) from 475 households from 30 different villages.

Considerable correlation of malnutrition with ART (17.1%) and diarrhea diseases (15.8%) was reported. Immunization coverage was 97.6% and 34.5% for Polio and Measles respectively while the vitamin A supplementation coverage was about 36.2% in the surveyed areas.

The FSAU led Post Deyr �06/�07 Food Security Assessment commenced in Somaliland on 13th December with 2 teams consisting of five government line ministries, WFP, VETAID, GAA, and PENHA, to evaluate the performance of Deyr rains and the situations of the pastoral livelihoods in the country. According to FSAU field staff, the situation seems to be above normal for areas visited with improved pastoral livelihoods. The analysis of data is going on and the preliminary results are expected in early January 2007.

FAO/FSAU-led Post Gu/Karan 06 crop harvest assessment was conducted in Somaliland from 21st Nov. to 5th Dec 2006 with the participation of FEWS NET, MoA, and ADO. Covering only agro-pastoral livelihood zones of the country�mainly Hargeisa, Awdal and Togdheer regions (e.g. Gabiley, Hargeisa, Borama, Baki, Dila, Odweine, Burao and Sheik districts), the objective of the assessment was to determine the overall performance of the Gu/Karan 2006 season in terms of cereal crop harvest estimate in Somaliland. According to the report, the area under cultivation for this year was estimated at 35,040ha�85% and 15% for sorghum and maize respectively. Gabiley district of Hargeisa region is the major area (72%) for cultivation followed by combined Borama and Baki districts of Awdal region (18%). Due to normal and above normal Gu/Karan rains in most agro-pastoral areas of Somaliland (mainly Awdal and Hargeisa region), the total cereal harvest in this year was estimated at 25020.4MT, which is 147% of the Post War Average (PWA: 1998 � 2005, 17,024MT) and the third highest in almost a decade after 2003 and 2005.

II. HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE

There is a strong presence of humanitarian actors in Somaliland. This allows relatively good coverage of assistance to those in need.

Coordination on Flood Response

Supported by UN OCHA, the Minister of National Planning and Coordination in collaboration with other line ministers like Minister of public works, Minister of Water & Mineral resources, and NERAD has been coordinating humanitarian response to the flood-affected communities in the country. (Coordination Meeting in Burao�City Plaza Hotel�right after the floods on 20th October 2006).

Different cluster groups are working together to address the humanitarian situation of the flood-affected communities and rehabilitate the destroyed and/or damaged basic infrastructure (health, sanitation, education facilities, roads, flood protection structures, etc.) particularly for Burao and Zeila towns in Togdheer and Awdal regions respectively, Such cluster groups include 1) Shelter/Infrastructure/NFI2 to provide emergency shelter (plastic sheets, blankets, etc) and Non-Food Emergency support to flood affected communities.

Thousands of households became acutely affected with their food supplies and makeshift shelters washed away by the floods. Humanitarian agencies provided emergency assistance to about 3241 households3 (approximately 19446 persons) mainly with the provision of emergency food (cereals, oil, pulses, wheat flour, etc.) and non-food items such as emergency shelter (plastic sheets), blankets and chicken utensils contributed by WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, DRC and Somaliland Authorities. (Food Distribution in Buroa town on 22nd October 2006).

Rehabilitation of Flood Damages on Infrastructure for Burao town.

Public infrastructure including schools, roads, airport, and MCHs suffered heavy damages particularly Burao town. The infrastructure-working group with Ministry of public works as the lead institution estimated the damage on infrastructure for Burao town alone to be $ 298,800. After fund raising, about $197,825 (66%) has been contributed

The gap in funding for the infrastructure remains about $ 100, 975 (34%) mainly for the repairs of Burao airport (e.g. flood protection structures near the runway, compacting/cleaning the runway, etc.) and rehabilitation of the demolished R.C.C Box culvert near Titanic Hotel.

Rehabilitation of Sanitation Facilities in Burao Town.

Some of the emergency water interventions included chlorination of the water sources and removal of stagnant water from public areas. However; there was considerable damage on both public and private sanitation facilities, which needed further attention.

According to assessment made by UNICEF and DRC in late November, the Water and Sanitation needs after flooding in Burao town was estimated to be 147,970 USD out of which 48,790 USD (33%) have been covered by UNICEF and DRC. UNICEF contributed bulk of this amount (43,390 USD).

The response of UNICEF and DRC will focus on rehabilitation of sanitation facilities for IDPs (about 60 households) and public areas (rehabilitation of public latrines for schools and Buroa main hospital).

92,680 US dollars are still needed for other sanitation needs including the emergency sanitation needs of Burao with high health risks for the prisoners after floods exposed sewage to surface. As was reported, UNDP had plans to rehabilitate the Burao prison. Nevertheless; there is emergency need to rehabilitate the latrines of this prison and for this emergency need, the funds need to be processed quicker. The destroyed latrines of Burao girls� school are not covered so far. Many more IDP households in the three IDP settlements (Kosar, Ali Hussein and Aden Suleiman) of Buroa town will also need further support to rehabilitate their destroyed latrines or new ones. The rehabilitation of the damaged MCHs includes the gap areas in funding.

Coordination on IDPs

Although controversial due to lack of IDP profiling in Somaliland, about 40,000 displaced persons are found in with poor living conditions�often in urban areas with inadequate water and sanitation and lacking income opportunities and access to basic social service. Major current interventions in IDP settlements include: -

Education/Training/Shelter for IDP settlements.

- Provision of school space to all IDP settlements (Hargeisa, Burao and Berbera) including school tens in temporary settlements like Statehouse and Dami by MoE, UNICEF, UNHCR, and NRC.
- Supporting teacher training, provision of education materials, conduction of alternative basic primary education to school children of the most vulnerable households in IDP settlements by UNICEF, NRC, Save the children Alliance, Care International and other local actors.
- Construction of permanent shelter (low cost housing) and provision of emergency shelter by UNHABITAT (Ayaha) and UNHCR (Statehouse) respectively.

Water, Sanitation, Nutrition and Health for IDP settlements.

- Provision of piped water through construction of water kiosks and provision of sanitation facilities5 for Statehouse, Stadium, Ayah and Aden Suleiman settlements by UNDP, UNICEF with local partners.

One good example of sanitation project is the one implemented by UBAX Social Development (LNGO) with the financial and technical support from UNICEF. This project completed 12 twin latrines in Dami B in October 2006. Each 4 households will use one twin latrine, hence 48 households will benefit from this project in Dami B. For keeping the twin latrines functional and usable for all the time, one household will be responsible for each twin latrines.

- Supplementary feeding of under-nourished children for Burao and Berbera (Jamalaye) IDPs by MoE, WFP and UNICEF.

On 7th October 2006, WFP and UNICEF finally started implementation of supplementary feeding programme for Burao and Berbera IDPs after some delays. With above-emergency threshold GAM rates (15.3% and 16.4% respectively for Burao and Berbera), these IDPs were living in very poor conditions and required nutrition interventions.

- School Feeding Programme for school children of IDP settlements and poor quarters of the towns like Dami, Sheik Nur, Mohamed Moge (Hargeisa) and Kosar and Yirowe (Burao), Sheik Osman (Borama) by WFP & MoE.
- Construction of MCHs and provision of medical supplies for displaced communities by UNICEF, WHO, MOH & L and other local partners.
- UNDP RRIDP is planning to carry out integrated interventions for IDPs and other vulnerable groups based on assessment on livelihood-integrated projects that was done earlier by UNDP RRIDP. Some of immediate activities for IDPs and other vulnerable groups will include revolving fund project in which certain vulnerable households will have cash loan to boost their income generation activities.

Major Gaps in the interventions for IDPs include: -Lack of IDP profiling to know the exact number and the priority needs of the displaced communities is considered a major gap. Other gaps include lack of livelihood support interventions like micro-credit, vocational/skills training, lack of collective garbage collection systems, and less hygiene and sanitation awareness activities. There is also a delay in operationalising the newly constructed basic services facilities like MCHs and schools. For instance, as reported, the MHC in Dami IDP settlement was constructed in late 2005 but it has not been functioning up to late 2006.

Good interventions, which need to be extended to more settlements, include school feeding programme and Alternative Basic Education Programme that are implemented by WFP and NRC respectively.

The Joint Programming for Displaced Communities.

As was agreed by the Working Group for displaced communities on 18th September, a Task Force for Joint Programme for displaced communities in Hargeisa has been jointly launched officially in early November during the initiation workshop (sponsored by UNHABITAT) for joint programming at Maansoor Hotel. This joint programme has been jointly launched by the Somaliland Authorities, represented by the Ministry of Repatriation, Resettlement and Reconstruction (RRR), Municipality of Hargeisa and Ministry of Public Works and International Agencies (UN and INGOs consisting of UNHABITAT, UNDP, UNHCR, UNICEF, ILO, FAO, OCHA, WFP, and NRC) with the aim of exerting a joint effort to alleviate suffering and improve living conditions of the displaced communities in 3 settlements (Statehouse, Stadium and Dami) including durable resettlement solutions.

Co-chaired by MRRR and UNOCHA, the taskforce is expected to maximize impact of the humanitarian/recovery response to alleviate the conditions of the displaced/returnees in Hargeisa and to enable the involved humanitarian agencies and Somaliland Authorities mobilise the necessary funds to move towards more durable solutions (incl. durable resettlement with priority for State House and Stadium settlements). The joint programme for displaced communities in Hargeisa is basically guided by the following four strategic objectives;

1) Improved living conditions in 3 temporary selected settlements in Hargeisa. It means promoting living conditions of the displaced communities to certain minimum humanitarian standards (as agreed upon in the framework for engagement) after identification of gaps and priorities of the displaced communities of the 3 selected settlements 6

2) Large-scale resettlement and reintegration of displaced in Hargeisa. UN, INGOs, government and local actors will develop integrated strategy for resettlement for the integration of displaced/returnees in the 3 selected settlements enhancing community participation.

3) Develop Mechanisms to promote spontaneous resettlement of individual households within Hargeisa enhancing self-help decision making of the households. The intention is to promote options of durable solutions based on individual household decisions to resettle independently within Hargeisa in order to assist integration of displaced/returnees into town inhabitants.
4) Guided Resettlement to areas outside Hargeisa.

The intention is explore options and preconditions of resettling people in other areas outside Hargeisa and as a result a Pilot Project Proposals regarding this issue will be developed.

Protection issues

UNHCR

Each sub-group to address a capacity building strategy for local counterparts (Government and local institutions and committees, community groups and women organisations that work with the displaced people) as crosscutting theme in all strategic objectives. It�s worth mentioning that the role of MRRR was so important in ensuring the participation of government in the process. As a result, many different line ministries are part of JP initiative

The framework for engagement has been agreed upon while different sub-groups started developing respective programme components (outputs and activities) according to respective strategic objectives. After reviewing current interventions and gaps and priority programme components are identified, sub-groups will assist the facilitation team in the finalization of drafting a Common Work Plan which, after circulation for taskforce�s comments and consultations with the members of IDP working group, will be the main joint programme strategy document. This document, after approved by Somaliland government and UNCT, will be used to raise the necessary funds for the implementation of the programme components envisaged. Although Joint Programming activities have been scaled down during the last weeks of December 2006 due Eid Adha and Christmas, major strategy outputs and milestones are to be finalized during February 2007.

Protection/Rule of Law

Improving conditions of prisoners: On 27th December 2006, the government of Somaliland started demolishing the central prison of Hargeisa replacing it with a new, modern prison capable of hosting 600 prisoners. Equipped with vocational/skills training workshops, office facilities, different sections for different groups (e.g. children, women, men, etc), and in compliance with international standards, the new prison is expected to be complete within 6 months with one Million US Dollars from UK and UNDP.

The old prison was constructed during 1940s during colonial era with the capacity of 250 persons although it was currently containing more than 600 prisoners who are now transferred to other prisons in other towns (Burao, Borama, etc). Human rights groups have several times reported that the conditions of prisons in Somaliland were unacceptable in all standards. UNDP ROLs, UNHCR, UNICEF and Save the Children Alliance support Somaliland administration in Judiciary, security, human/child rights, protection, and rule of law.

Training of Trainers in Protection: UNOCHA in collaboration with DRC, UNHCR, UNDP ROLs and other local partners (e.g. Hargeisa Legal Clinic) conducted a TOT on protection (for IDPs, women, children, etc) with participants from different parts of South and Central Somalia, Puntland and Somaliland. The objective of this workshop was to assist and supply a pool of trainers in the field of protection to the agencies involved in the field of protection. These trainers will assist the trainings in the field of protection and can be called by any interested agency that has plans to conduct training in the field of protection.

Protection Monitoring Network operational; Established in October 2006, the Somaliland protection network consisting of government authorities UN, INGOs and LNGOs with the leadership of UNHCR completed the first phase of the protection monitoring network including selection of partners (mostly local partners), development of action plans, training and capacity building of the selected partners and developing methodologies and databases for reporting critical protection issues. The PMN has started recently the second phase, which includes data collection and responses. With 11 members in Somaliland, The PMN convene coordination meetings once in each 6 weeks and produce reports with recommendations of the appropriate required responses for critical protection issues throughout Somaliland. Planned activities include four-month radio and TV programmes together with periodic production of bulletins (brochures) on the protection needs and human rights of the displaced, refugees, etc.

There is a growing concern on increased SGBV (The Sexual and Gender-Based Violence) in Somaliland particularly against women and girls in the settlements for displaced communities as recent reports indicated. Disability persons generally and those from the poorest strata of the population like IDPs in particular suffer social discrimination and exclusion with no or very limited access to basic services and other opportunities like education. This also triggers humanitarian concern as well.

Technically and financially supported by UNHCR a SGBV (Sexual & Gender-Based Violence) and Disability Support Project was started in December with CCBRS8 as the implementing partner. The objective of the project is to alleviate suffering of the victims of SGBV and other human rights violations of the IDPs in the selected settlements (Statehouse, Stadium and Dami�all in Hargeisa) through development of community-based SGBV prevention and response mechanisms and psychosocial support networks for the victims including access to legal service (through legal clinic) and medical care through referral networks.

Although with limited duration9, this project is expected to benefit about 3690 vulnerable persons. The major activities include capacity building of displaced communities (training committees, women association, and normal members of the community), community mobilization and advocacy, provision of outreach psychosocial counseling and support, emergency medical assistance, monitoring, documentation and reporting of SGBV victims, home-based physiotherapy treatment, distribution of orthopedic appliance and other mobile devices.

CCBRS started the implementation of the above project with 3 days training on psychosocial support for 20 members of IDP committees (child protection committee + administrative committee) from Sheik Nur and Dami IDP settlements in December. The trainees are expected to identify disabled people in their respective communities and facilitate addressing the psychosocial support needs of those in need. More training will be conducted for committees from all different IDP settlements in Somaliland (Burao, Berbera, Hargeisa, etc) on the same issue in order to empower communities and help them improve the conditions of the disabled people.

It is worth mentioning that, a Comprehensive and Integral International Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights and Dignity of Persons with Disabilities was approved by the UN on 13 December 2006. This convention will have the same legal status as the other main treaties such as the UN convention on the rights of women, the International UN Convention on the protection of the rights of the

The legal outreach service initiative implemented by Hargeisa legal Clinic of The University of Hargeisa as part of SGBV and Disability support project will provide direct legal representation for the SGBV victims from most vulnerable groups during court referrals. According to Legal Clinic Officers, 38 cases will be handled soon in Somaliland courts through this legal assistance through advocates and lawyers hired by UNHCR.

First activities of Hargeisa legal clinic (human rights unit) include community awareness trainings in December with 20 persons from committee members of the displaced communities, CCBRS and Refugee Welfare Centre.

With the support of UNHCR, population Tracking Network consisting of 4 organizations (in Somaliland) was also established in the last quarter of 2006 to monitor and highlight the crisis10-induced population movements like persons displaced from South and Central Somalia due to the recent wars in order to enable humanitarian actors to provide timely response to any influx of such displaced people and/or refugees.

Child Protection Network under process: According to UNICEF Child protection update in October 2006, discussions are underway with Somaliland Lawyers Association as part of lobbying for the passage of the Juvenile Justice Bill and the effort to help create regional child protection network.

New Psychiatric support center opened in Hargeisa: New center for psychosocial support for mentally disabled people was opened in Hargeisa on 6th November. Mentally sick people will be treated in this center. Such services will be extended to Berbera according to Manager of this center. During the opening ceremony, the manager of center reported Khat is a major cause for mental problems in Somaliland. He added that the treated people who recover mentally will be rehabilitated through provision of livelihood support (business, skills trainings, etc.). About 120 mentally sick persons are expected to benefit from this center with the support of WHO, business people, and ministry of health support. The major constraint reported is lack of psychatriatic doctors in the country.

WFP social support activities: WFP provides food to most vulnerable groups like orphans, In-patients of general and mental Hospitals, TB-Patients, People living with Aids (PLWA), and Handicapped people. In November 2006, a total of 51 metric tons of food aid commodities was distributed to 24 social support institutions with 2114 beneficiaries (Male- 1, 409 & Female- 705) throughout Somaliland (Hargeisa, Borama, Burao, Gabiley, etc).

UN-Government Coordination

The Inter-Ministerial Coordination Committee and the United Nations Country Team Meeting in Hargeisa, Somaliland, 21 -23 November 2006.

The United Nations Country Team, led by Dr. Eric Laroche, UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator and comprising 15 Heads of Agencies or their Representatives, met with the Inter-Ministerial Coordination Committee [consisting of 13 Ministries], chaired by Hon. Ali Mohamed Ibrahim, Minister of Planning and Coordination, to discuss on a broad range of issues which are pertinent for the development of Somaliland. The two-day intensive discussions focused mainly on issues related to the presence and effectiveness of the UN�s programmes and operations in Somaliland.

After through discussion on different activities/intervention of different UN agencies, The Somaliland�s Minister of Planning and Coordination presented five-year development plan which is currently under formulation, with an emphasis on priority areas. He also presented a discussion paper on effective �aid coordination� mechanisms and improved effectiveness of development assistance. Some specific issues and concerns discussed between UNCT and government as proposed by the government included upgrading the decision-making status of the UN offices in Hargeisa. Bruno, the head of UNDP agreed to upgrade and bring higher-level staff to UNDP office in Hargeisa and improved equity of UN programmes across the country as there was general consensus that development/recovery interventions are less in eastern regions (Sool, Sanaag and Togdheer) and that this disparity to be addressed in the future programmes.

UNRC Mr. Eric Laroche called for increased attention to humanitarian access to all populations in need of assistance. He also presented the broader UN reforms towards more integrated assistance and programmes for Somaliland while. At the end of 2 full days� discussions, a joint Inter-Ministerial Coordination Committee and the United Nations Country Team made a Press Release, which urges continuation of such fruitful discussions on regular basis, every six months.

Another two-day planning session between the Somaliland Administration represented by six senior ministers led by the Minister of Planning and Coordination, Ali Ibrahim Mohamed and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) represented by Country Director, Mr Bruno Lambrequins was concluded on 29th November 2006 in Hargeisa. The deliberations led to joint identification of development priorities for the partnership between Somaliland and UNDP for 2007: democratic governance, rule of law and security and poverty reduction and sustainable livelihoods; with HIV and AIDS, gender and human rights as cross-cutting themes. Again the UNDP country director announced that UNDP would reinforce its presence in Somaliland in the months to come, with increased delegated authority to the Somaliland office.

Education

Education Development Partnership Developed: During this reporting period, UNICEF and Somaliland Ministry of Education launched an education development partnership initiative with UK department for International Development. The partnership aims to promote capacity development in the education sector within Somaliland Ministry of Education and other educational institutions.

Re-opening Hargeisa Technical School. Hargeisa Technical School was re-opened in December 2006 after being closed for 18 years since of its equipments were looted during the 1988 war against former government. Because of huge investment required for such technical schools, this school was opened very lately compared to other ordinary schools. Save the Children Denmark, Save the children UK and CARE International supported the re-opening of this technical school with EU funding. According to the Minister of Education who spoke on the occasion of the re-opening of the school, SOS is planning to assist the MoE in the reconstruction the Burao Technical School. The minister added that his ministry has the ambitions to create technical schools in all regions of Somaliland.

Consignment of textbooks for secondary school students: UNESCO facilitated the arrival of a consignment of 10,576 books for secondary schools in November; the first time to have textbooks based on Somaliland Curriculum for Secondary School Students and Teachers. UNESCO in collaboration with the Ministry of Education is also conducting a , or abdulkarim.ali@undp.org. All references to Somaliland pertain to the self-declared but unrecognized Republic of Somaliland.

Survey for higher institutions (needs assessment) in Somaliland.

School Feeding Programme: WFP supports schools in low-income areas with feeding programme, which is highly appreciated due to improved attendance and retention of the students. 54 schools throughout the country benefit from such project with NRC and SCD as cooperating partners. In the last month of the year, WFP delivered 108.3 metric tons of food to 15,305 students (31% girls) in the selected schools.

Coordination

Humanitarian Accountability Partnership Meeting at DRC compound on 8th October. A group of 14 INGOs (CAFOD, CARE International, Christian Aid, DRC, and others) are having global partnership called �Humanitarian Accountability Partnership� with the aim to improve the quality of assistance delivered by the worldwide humanitarian aid system. HAP is in the process of developing standards of accountability for the humanitarian sector based on a system of voluntary certification.

Convening a meeting on 8th October 2006 at DRC compound in Hargeisa, HAP introduced the participants from UN and INGOs with the concepts of HAP. Humanitarian accountability partnership is focusing on the accountability of humanitarian actors to fulfill certain standards with minimum benchmarks. Any humanitarian response system below this benchmark will be considered below the acceptable standards. It was mentioned that most Humanitarian actors are only accountable for donors and governments but are not accountable to beneficiaries since in most cases beneficiary do not have power on the humanitarian agencies when the reverse is true. Although several definitions were given to accountability, one definition was as �accountability is the means by which power is used�. The visiting HAP team was also evaluating how much DRC Somalia/Somaliland has performed against accountability standards as a member of the HAP.

Water & Sanitation

Water and Sanitation Cluster sent a team (including water experts) consisting of Ministry of Water & Mineral Resources (with financial support of UNICEF), JEFA, CCS, PENHA, NERAD, Sanaag Regional Administration, members of the Sanaag community, Sanaag Regional Health Burao, and Ministry of Water to Badhan areas of Sanaag region in order to assess severe water shortages reported in those areas. It was reported that there is a emergency need for water intervention. The team also reported that another borehole in Yube village in the same region was not functional due to technical problems with the water pump.

Health

Bloody and watery Diarrhea was reported in many parts of the country after the Deyr rains. The situation has further deteriorated very quickly when 21 death cases for u5 children were reported in December. Togdheer region was the most affected with 30 villages reporting such disease cases although other regions like Sahil region (Abdal and Mandera areas) reported cases of diarrhea.

Ministry of Health with the support of UN agencies (UNICEF and WHO) and NGOs (Save The Children-UK, HAVOYOCO, Red Crescent, SWISS GROUP) responded by sending 5 teams in order to treat affected children/people, chlorinate drinking water and mobilize communities. The teams covered about 70 potential villages (most of them in Togdheer region)

Contamination of water is believed to be the basic cause of this diarrhea outbreak. For instance, garbage collection site in Mandera village was reported to be near the open water source used by the local people. Rainwater drained the rubbish into the open water source leading to diarrhea outbreak. At the same time, the medical personnel assigned to nearby MCH were not present at the time of the outbreak (they were reportedly arrested later on by the government as punishment).

In October 2006, UNICEF in collaboration with WHO conducted a 3-day training in Hargeisa for 45 journalists11 on how provide better coverage for issues related with Polio Eradication just before the next two polio mass vaccination campaigns across Horn of Africa: 3rd November and 3rd December. In the same month, UNICEF also trained fifty traditional birth attendants from nine IDP settlements in Somaliland in home delivery and setting up of basic maternal health services in the IDP settlements.

III. HUMANITARIAN ACCESS

Somaliland has been peaceful & stable despite dynamic political situations in the south and central Somalia during the reporting period. However, Humanitarian Access to congested areas in Sool and Sanaag is yet limited.

1. Pilgrimage in Mecca
2 NFI = Non-Food Items. items (utensils) for flood affected communities and to assess and rehabilitate flood protection dykes, damaged schools and roads with the Ministry of Public Works being the lead institution 2) Water/Sanitation/Health is another cluster group to assist the affected communities in Water, Sanitation and Health with UNICEF as the lead agency while 3) food security/Nutrition cluster group assist the flood victims with emergency food in the affected areas with WFP as the lead agency. Each of the groups consists of government authorities, UN agencies, and I/LNGOs. Periodic coordination meetings (weekly or sometimes monthly) are held at the Ministry of National Planning and Coordination. The emergency response carried out by different cluster groups can be summarized in the following sub-headings.
3 These people are found in Burao town (about 1500 hhs), Odweine district in Togdheer region (about 324 hhs), Zeila and Tokoshi in Awdal region (about 750 hhs), Garadag, El-Afweine and Dararweine in Sanaag region (667 hhs), from the government ($71,825) while the remaining $ 102,000 from UN (mainly UNDP $ 45,000 and ILO $ 40,000) and a group of NGOs4 ($17,000). This money is mainly intended for the rehabilitation of 6.3 Km flood protection dyke, construction of water diversion way in the north of Burao town, and direct cash supply to Burao municipalities in order to assist the reconstruction of the flood protection dykes and runoff absorption dams.)
4 like PENHA, HAVOYOCO, Candlelight, ADO, NERAD, COSONGO, CCS, LAXMAR and private sector (Daalo Airlines and Dahahshil)
5 (e.g. distribution of slabs and assisting most vulnerable households in construction of latrines).
8 CCBRS (Comprehensive Community-Based Rehabilitation in Somaliland) is a local NGO working in the field of protection in partnership with UNHCR and UNICEF.
9 The project duration is 4.5 months (1st December 2006 to 15th of March 2007) child or the International Convention against torture etc.
11 Journalists were from Somaliland, Puntland and South and Central Somalia. Prominent journalists from Somali Service of the BBC also participated.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, January 20, 2007/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 20 Jan 07

Somaliland: President opens EU, World Bank forum on development

The president of the Republic of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, today opened a meeting on reconstruction and economic development in the country.

The three-day meeting will be attended by the three arms of the government, NGOs, UN agencies, donors and the World Bank.

The minister of national planning, Ali Ibrahim Muhammad, said the meeting will discuss two proposals on reconstruction and development which was presented by the World Bank, UN agencies, Norway and the EU commission.

The meeting will conclude previous other discussions and is expected to formulate five-year development projects worth over 500m dollars. The minister said these would improve the living standard of the people and create jobs. The development projects include roads, airports and others [passage omitted].

Somaliland: Plea Made for Jailed Journalists

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=6185/ 2007-01-19 Below is an article published by Committee to Protect Journalists:

The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns the ruling by a court in the northern breakaway republic of Somaliland on Wednesday to try three jailed journalists under archaic criminal laws in connection with a story critical of the president.

A regional court in the capital, Hargeysa, ruled that editor Ali Abdi Dini, reporter Muhammad-Rashid Farah, and publisher Yusuf Abdi Gabobe of the Somali-language private daily Haatuf, would be tried under Somaliland�s 1962 penal code and not the 2004 press law, local journalists told CPJ. Defense lawyer Muhammad Saeed told CPJ that the case should be brought under the press law, which he said has exclusive governance over press issues and which does not allow prison penalties. The penal code charges could bring more than three years in prison.

Dini and Gabobe have been jailed without bail since their arrest on January 2, and Farah has gone into hiding, local journalists told CPJ. The journalists were detained in connection with articles that criticized President Dahir Rayale Kahin�s handling of a territorial dispute, and that accused his wife of corruption. Kahin has not issued any public statements in response to the allegations in the articles, local journalists said.

�We condemn this crackdown on journalists reporting on issues of public interest,� CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon said. �We call on authorities to drop all charges against these journalists and to stop actions that criminalize critical reporting.�

Dini and Farah face three criminal charges including �insulting the good name and honor of the head of state,� �inciting the national forces of Somaliland to rebel against the state� and �encouraging the general public to riot in acts of public disorder against the state,� Saeed told CPJ. Gabobe is charged with �threatening law enforcement officers and obstructing the officers from executing their public duty� for protesting a police raid on the paper�s offices on January 2.

Saeed said the defense has already filed appeals challenging the nature of the charges.

A fourth Haatuf journalist, correspondent Muhammad Omar Sheekh, has been jailed without charge since Sunday by Somaliland�s Criminal Investigation Department in connection with articles critical of Kahin�s administration, a source close to the paper told CPJ.

Large public demonstrations against the U.N.-backed Somali transitional government were staged in Somaliland this week after transitional President Abdullahi Yusuf said he views the breakaway region as part of Somalia. Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991 and has been relatively stable compared with the rest of the nation. It has had a generally free press and has made strides in democracy with its first multiparty parliamentary elections in September 2005.

Source: Committee to Protect Journalist

Civic ocieties in Somaliland

http://www.saylac.com/news/articleID5jan07.htm/ Jan,24,2007:

Civic societies are non governmental organizations (Ngos) and community based organizations and other social groups with common pursuit as voluntary associations, religious, advocacy or self help groups. They do not possess state based legislative or executive power but are actively engaged in pursuit of the welfare and well being of society through peaceful means in the public domain. They are essentially autonomous stake holders in the process of political, economic and social development of any given society. By Ibrahim Adam Ghalib

The World Bank�s definition distinguishes between operational Ngos, whose primary purpose is the design and implementation of humanitarian or developmental related projects and advocacy Ngos which seek to influence policies and practices in relation to a given cause. Definition of civic societies primarily originated from the west and represent traditional western models and has conventionally defined in opposition to the state and private sector as a third sector.

They operate across the spectrum from emergency relief, through rehabilitation and reconstruction to developmental and advocacy and occupy many of the functions attributed to local and even national government. There may be a variety of terms in the literature but the common definition being collective participation in the public space between individuals and the state in the process of political, socio-economic development of the country.

Democracy is defined as system of government by the whole people of a country through representative whom they elect and that allows political opinion, majority rule and the civic organizations to take part in the decision making.

The civic societies in Somaliland remerged in the early nineties in response to the utter destruction of the country as a result of years of conflict, war and the catastrophic political, socio-economic and cultural disaster that accompanied. These organizations took an important role in the reconciliation process, the rehabilitation of the infrastructure, protection of the environment and at present constitute a vital and progressive presence in the Somaliland scene but the role of these organizations are not felt in the political field specially those who are engaged in democratization and good governance- the human rights groups and the women organizations.

They faced and still face serious problems and challenges due to the lack of understanding of the government the role these organizations can play in the democratic process. They keep them under constant check and show superficially when they feel international pressure that all political institutions are in place. On the other hand the public do not understand the role of these forums in the public domain as well. The most important factors are serious resource limitation and the difficult and un-easy access to the donor agencies due to the hidden agenda of the government to monitor the activities of these forums.

There is no revenue derived from members who support their cause and the staff is mostly voluntary workers. They depend for their income directly or indirectly from the government and in this respect they cannot move freely or monitor government action independently.

Tribalism and democracy are very far apart and cannot go together. Tribalism is described �racial grouping in primitive societies (Blood relations) It is a human rights violation. Power sharing is on tribalism and the minority rights are not respected in Somaliland. Government positions are not filled on merit. The democratic process began in the local council elections and no progress has been made but they are getting worse than before.

The government infiltrated in the new parliament and divided into tribal lines, an even resolutions passed in this legislative body is not bounding. Corruption is the language of the government to pass and get away with wrong decisions. These days it is getting normal to see members of the cabinet yelling in tribalism in the head lines of the news papers.

The civic societies (Ngos) are very important to move quickly in their space and to participate in the decision making of the country. The role of these organizations as major players in the society in monitoring government actions and ethics of the business sector need to be witnessed.

These forums have the right to reconcile between parties in conflict and to do effective lobbying and advocacy in exerting the government pressure to make political, economical and social reforms before it is too late. The government always put pressure to these organizations that they are non political because governments are always with conflict with civic societies (especially third world countries) because they undertake projects that were traditionally the responsibility of the government in a transparent way. They also provide the model for community developmental and are in competition with the government not only for resources but for space and popular support as well.

The political parties are required to activate the civic societies to enter their space to pressure the government to make political, economical and social reforms. The role and leverage of the society is missing. They are the most important institutions that can exert pressure to this inefficient administration to change course before we reach an incurable stage.

Ibrahim Adam Ghalib, Borama, Awdal. Email: kaalib33@hotmail.com

Two journalists held for "insulting" Somaliland leader

20 Jan 20, 20007

Country/Topic: Somalia (Somaliland)
Date: 19 January 2007
Source: Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
Person(s): Yusuf Abdi Gabode, Ali Abdi Dini
Target(s): journalist(s), newspaper(s)
Type(s) of violation(s): arrested, detained, harassed
Urgency: Threat

(RSF/IFEX) - The following is an 18 January 2007 RSF open letter to President Dahir Rayale Kahin:

Mr. Dahir Rayale Kahin President of the Republic
Hargeysa, Somaliland
Paris, 18 January 2007

Dear Mr. President,

Justice has played very little role in what has happened with the newspaper Haatuf. Ever since the arrest of Yusuf Abdi Gabode and Ali Abdi Dini, the entire case has been marked by unfairness, procedural irregularities, personal revenge and the denial of democratic principles. These journalists are being prosecuted by the Somaliland government on charges of "insulting" the president and his aides under the 1962 Somali criminal code, although it was superseded by the 2004 press law.

With no other means of defence than their lawyer, they have had to face the entire repressive arsenal available to the government - police, judicial system and prisons. Jailed in violation of the democratic principle that imprisonment is a disproportionate punishment for press offences, they have not been allowed visits. You can see that the battle is not an equal one.

Somaliland is not the first country where a president or prime minister has been cut to the quick by a newspaper and has brought his wrath to bear on the journalists responsible. It is, unfortunately, very common in Africa. But government by means of revenge not only violates the freedom which the press needs, but is also dangerous for the country concerned. Jailing journalists for what they have written does nothing to repair the misconduct for which they may have been responsible. On the contrary, instead of obtaining redress in a fair and balanced debate, you have ended up being blamed for two high-profile political prisoners and a discredited judicial system, and with a reputation for inflexibility and inhumaneness.

Rightly or wrongly, you now appear to have been motivated by a desire for personal revenge rather than acting as guarantor of justice and national harmony. Furthermore, having the editors of a popular newspaper imprisoned is not the way to keep the peace. On the contrary, by polarising and swelling the ranks of your opponents, your ill-considered attack on Haatuf has just served the cause of division and anger. In short, this is not how Reporters Without Borders sees freedom of expression.

The time has come to heal the wounds. The authorities must do two things. Firstly, they must free Haatuf's journalists and employees. And secondly, they must begin a frank and constructive dialogue with the press. While, regardless of their political views, Somaliland's journalists must come up with new and original ideas to win the confidence of the authorities. This is the only way that a degree of calm will be restored, that the press will be able to work freely and without hindrance, and that the government will be able to claim to have guaranteed one of the basic principles of democracy in a geopolitical environment in which war cries have tended to dominate for decades.

Somaliland's independent journalists today feel they have entered a period of defiance, hostility, vengeance, suffering and threats, and the only ones to benefit are those who would like to shake the edifice that has been built since 1991. Reporters Without Borders hopes you will be open to these arguments and that you will be able to take the appropriate measures.

Respectfully,

Robert M�nard, Secretary-General
Source: Reporters Without Borders (RSF)

Puntland visit renews military tensions with Somaliland

http://www.garoweonline.com/stories/publish/article_7147.shtml/ 19 Jan 19, 2007

LAS ANOD, Somalia Jan 19 (Garowe Online) - The Puntland vice president reached Huddun district in Sool region Friday and held talks with local government officials and community leaders.

A spokesperson for Vice President Hassan Dahir Afqura, who is currently the acting president of Puntland, told local media that the vice president and his delegation plan to visit parts of Sool and Sanaag regions, where the delegation will receive updates on local security and development initiatives.

There has been a sometime-bloody border dispute between the semiautonomous Puntland administration in northeast Somalia and the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, its neighbor to the west.

Independent sources have confirmed to Garowe Online that Somaliland dispatched some troops towards Huddun district to thwart off further advances into �Somaliland territory� by the delegation from Puntland.

Other sources in the Sool regional capital Las Anod said there were heightened military movements being conducted by Puntland forces in the region.

Last September, Puntland President Mohamud �Adde� Muse, who is currently on a trip overseas, postponed his publicized expedition to Buhodle, a district in southern Togdheer region, after Somaliland armed forces sealed off the road linking Las Anod to Buhodle town.

No official word has come from either the Puntland or Somaliland administrations regarding this ongoing development.

In Somaliland, jailed journalists prosecuted under archaic criminal law

http://www.cpj.org/news/2007/africa/somalliland18jan07na.html

New York, January 18, 2007�The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns the ruling by a court in the northern breakaway republic of Somaliland on Wednesday to try three jailed journalists under archaic criminal laws in connection with a story critical of the president. A regional court in the capital, Hargeysa, ruled that editor Ali Abdi Dini, reporter Muhammad-Rashid Farah, and publisher Yusuf Abdi Gabobe of the Somali-language private daily Haatuf, would be tried under Somaliland�s 1962 penal code and not the 2004 press law, local journalists told CPJ. Defense lawyer Muhammad Saeed told CPJ that the case should be brought under the press law, which he said has exclusive governance over press issues and which does not allow prison penalties.

The penal code charges could bring more than three years in prison. Dini and Gabobe have been jailed without bail since their arrest on January 2, and Farah has gone into hiding, local journalists told CPJ. The journalists were detained in connection with articles that criticized President Dahir Rayale Kahin�s handling of a territorial dispute, and that accused his wife of corruption. Kahin has not issued any public statements in response to the allegations in the articles, local journalists said. �We condemn this crackdown on journalists reporting on issues of public interest,� CPJ Executive Director Joel Simon said. �We call on authorities to drop all charges against these journalists and to stop actions that criminalize critical reporting.�

The Gadabuursi Manifesto. Part 1

19 Jan 19, 2007

By Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar

Prelude

2006 has been a particularly difficult year for Somaliland. The nation barely held together against the onslaught of the religious right only to face a fresh challenge from the petty dictatorships that plaques the African continent. The punches keep coming. The year ended with freedom in chains and with the Editor and the Publisher of Haatuf (the central defenders of the nation) behind bars. But the nation keeps standing, swaying gracefully with each strike. In these dire circumstances the Gadabuursi comes to the aid of the nation and offers guidance to its president.

Let the obvious be stated. The election of President Dahir Riyaale Kahin was a magnanimous act of national healing and a symbol of national maturity. And for the Gadabuursi it was also a joyous moment of coming in from the cold fringes of political wilderness to its very center. President Riyaale became the very first member of the tribe to carry such a lofty title, at least in the modern history of the Somali people. We bristled with pride. We were ecstatic with his delivery of three elections in rapid succession for the benefit of the nation; elections that were judged free and fair by impartial observers. This surely was a feat that has eluded many of the brightest minds of Africa�s political elite and here was one humble Gadabuursi who could deliver it for his nation. We sang his praises and pointed out for all who had eyes to see; look for the grace of God; there goes a righteous Gadabuursi.

These were the golden days, many moons ago, before the tide turned, before corruption found a home in the palace, way before freedom found itself behind bars. At this critical moment the Gadabuursi tribe comes to terms with the moral responsibly of taking an ethical stand when its own son falters, when the line between right and wrong blurs. Silence in this circumstance will be tantamount to a criminal act. In this Manifesto the tribe speaks so that the nation can live out its ideals of peace, modernity and democracy.

The Manifesto

(I) On the Myth of the Tribal President

The Gadabuursi tribe is fully aware its fortunes will rise and fall with those of all the people in this nation. The tribe will prosper if the nation finds prosperity. The tribe will have peace if there is peace in the nation. The tribe will have justice if justice prevails in the nation�s courts. And the tribe will suffer injustice, starvation, pestilence, war and death if the nation falls apart. It is that simple and the tribe understands it.

A president serves a state, a nation not a tribe or a clan. The very term tribal president is an oxymoron. It is a myth that has sucked the life out of all Somali societies; it is a monster that we must slay if Somalis are to survive as people. For the Gadabuursi and for the nation the 20-mile heartbreak road between Dilla and Borama should serve as a living testimony for the impotence of the concept of a tribal presidency that lives only in the sickness of the tribal mind.

The Gadabuursi tribe enters into a covenant with the nation that it will not allow this President (the son of the tribe) to appeal overtly or covertly to the primitive irrational tribal instinct to hijack national justice, to cover up corrupt practices or to curb the freedom of the citizens of the nation. The tribe will not allow this president to do to it what Siyad Barre did to the Mareexaan, to the Somali nation and ultimately to his own family. The Gadabuursi have no desire for national suicide; no appetite for the rule of a despot and the death of a nation.

Let there be peace for every citizen, justice for every citizen, prosperity for every citizen.

(II) On Reform, Revolution and the Problem President

We live in a formative era. Our nation, the nation of Somaliland, and its social order of democratic dispensation, are under constant threat. We barely survived a voracious revolutionary movement just to be faced by the nightmare in the making that has replaced it. Both threats were born out of the frustration of millions of our brothers in South Somalia and both have shaken Somaliland to the core. Because, and this is important, because the Somaliland system of governance as it evolved under the leadership of president Riyaale in the past few years has weakened the nation like a pillar consumed by termites (sidii UDUB Xar Galay), because the weakened body politic has become too susceptible to adverse encounters of any type.

The mis-government of the nation has turned it into seething pool of explosive conflict, and a breeding ground for revolutionary zest. For those who don�t know already a revolution is not the same as a raid from Somalia or Ethiopia. This may happen but it will be an invasion not a revolution. Somaliland united (any nation united) can stand up to any invasion however mighty. A revolution is a different story altogether. By its very definition it is a radical and violent social experiment. Blood is its normal currency, the blood of those who rule first and that of the ruled later when the violence is institutionalized. A revolution is an internal construct, a homemade product; it cannot be imported or exported. It originates, grows and explodes within the body of a nation. The system in Somaliland is pregnant with revolution and dangerously close to eruption. The drumbeat of the impending revolt is deafening. And the president is deaf. To speak plainly the president is oblivious. To speak plainly the president has become the problem of the nation.

So the tribe warns its wayward son. This is no exaggerated prophecy of doom. Power imposes a peculiar blindness on those who come to possess it. Nicolae Ceausescu and his wife Elena met their end in surprise in the hands of bloodthirsty revolutionaries. Mussolini and his wife met a similar fate in Piazzale Loretto in Milan. They never saw it coming. Siyad Barre had to be smuggled out of Villa Somalia in the middle of a dark night to end his days in the misery of exile. Be forewarned son of the tribe. Be thus advised.

And the tribe also bears good news for its son: Reform. Serious reform will heal the president, and the presidency. It will rescue the nation from the edge of the precipice. Serious reform is the effective antidote to the revolution. And this here, this manifesto is guide to reform. Burying the presidential head in sand like an ostrich would not do the job, futile attempts of placing truth in prison will not do the trick and would surely end up being counter productive. The unjust and vengeful incarceration of Gaboobe, the Nelson Mandela of Somaliland and his colleagues will be nothing but the last straw that will break the back of this presidency. The tribe counsels its son to get the courage of confronting his blunders.

The tribe is wise to this: What has been said so far is not what the President is hearing from the court jesters and carpet beggars that surround him. The main job of these parasitic hangers-on is to soothe the presidential ego, stoke his grandiosity and gloss over the errors of his ways. They do that because that is how they feed. They have to keep the tap running. They are not friends of the President. They are friends of the president�s pocket. They are the curse on the African Presidency. And they always manage to disappear on a president the day after.

And the tribe tells its son: Fear not Aweys. Fear not the Aweys inspired. Fear not Yusuf and the memories of the Las. Fear only the intransigence of the human soul that prevents critical self examination. Fear your court jesters and your carpet beggars. Fear your ego, your grandiosity and your inflating sense of entitlement. Fear the enemy within!

Part II will follow

NB The Gadabuursi Manifesto is penned by Dr. Jowhar. It is however the product of collective tribal enterprise. The document represents the silent majority of Gadabuursi opinion both inside the country and in Diaspora. It is an attempt to recruit tribal culture for sustaining life and liberty of all and preventing it from continuing to remain a hiding place for the evil, the corrupt, the opportunist, the hate monger and the murderer. The manifesto is meant to be a blue print for all Somali tribes. Dr. Jowhar and the silent partners he consulted in preparing the Manifesto belong to the Gadabuursi tribe. The decision is to speak truth to power; truth to President Riyaale who also belongs to the same tribe.

The Gadabursi Manifesto Part 2

26 Jan 26, 2007, 09:42

http://www.garoweonline.com/stories/publish/article_7268.shtml

The first part of this document dealt with the myth of the tribal president and the issues of reform and revolution. The reader is strongly advised to read part 1 first. Ponder.

III) On Corruption

Africa is a continent with the highest rate of corruption and worst health and quality of life indices in the world. Africa loses $150bn to corruption each year. That is 6 times more than the sum total of all the developmental assistance it receives. There are international network of criminal lawyers, Mafiosi, front companies and family members who �assist� Africa�s Robber Presidents to devastate the economy and hope of the continent. Somaliland is no different from the rest of Africa. Indeed here corruption has a semi official status with Government ministers openly justifying it as a necessary evil. Every Somalilander has experienced horror stories of corruption at a personal level. Indeed corruption at the local, regional and national levels has reached a level that is no longer compatible with a functioning state apparatus.

Corruption kills. Every $100 misappropriated steals the life of 10 children who would prematurely die of diarrhea that could have been effectively treated with less than $10 per child. Corruption is more about indirect murder than it is about theft. Every $100 stolen condemns 10 children to a life time of illiteracy and darkness. Corruption glorifies theft and makes mockery of decency and hard work. It destroys the dignity, honor and moral fiber of the nation. Corruption lives in secrecy and thrives in darkness of the night.

Public exposure is the most effective tool a nation can deploy against the corrupt. Oppression, intimidation and even assassination of those who expose the looting are integral to the process of robbing the national purse of a population already half starving to death. The Gadabuursi tribe takes the stand that corruption is equal to theft; equal to murder of the soul of a nation; corruption is equal to shame and disgrace. The tribe calls the nation to banish this evil from its midst.

The tribe speaks truth to its son: Mr. President you have reached the proverbial fork in the road. The times are forcing upon you choices that you can not avoid. We believe that you are being ill advised by your carpet beggars of every tribe whose feeding tubes are illicitly bleeding the national purse to bankruptcy. So we, the moral majority of the tribe, give you realistic alternative options out of love, kinship and respect. The choice of course is yours and so are the consequences.

Choose to be accountable and transparent. Open your private books for public scrutiny. Show the nation what you earned and how you earned it. Expect such a level of transparency and accountability from your ministers and other appointed high officials. Practice the politics of honesty and dignity and you will win over the public. Keep in mind this is the code of ethics that prevails among all democratic societies in the world. This is the Gadabuursi way of leadership, the way of Ali Hussein. We want to hear again the beautiful verse �Daacadi Ninkeedi Dishay �Daawo Gadabuursi�

Un-choose the worn out road of incarcerating those who dare to speak. Such a route leads to no where. It is a counterproductive route for it says to the nation at large �look I am hiding something sinister�. It serves as an admission of guilt in the public eye. It is the preferred route for tin pot dictators. It is a direct encouragement to the really corrupt to go wild on the public purse with impunity. It is a Un-Gadabuursi route. Abandon this route of the corrupt lest you be tainted by it. The tribe prays for you to be blessed with the courage of owning up to your faults and the wisdom of self correction.

No one is above the law. Neither press nor president. That is the beauty of the concept of equality under the law. And so for redress of your personal grievances against members of the media follow the laws of the land. Seek justice as clearly detailed in the press law. Trample not on the laws that you swore to uphold in search of personal or familial vindication.

IV) On Freedom of the Press

The central crisis we face today is not about corruption. It is about the constitution. The Somaliland state has clearly refused to abide by the laws of the nation. It has summarily and unceremoniously set aside the constitutional guarantee of freedom of speech and free press. It has arbitrarily arrested journalists. By its actions it has nullified central aspects of the constitution at its whim. We are threatened with a situation, once again, where the nation is at risk of falling under the whim of one man. There is no way to sugar coat these facts.

The constitutional crisis is of such a central importance to the existence of the nation that it is no longer President Riyaale�s lone responsibility to resolve. The house and Guurti must take it on to the exclusion of everything else. The three political parties must do nothing else, work on nothing else and think of nothing else until the law of the land is upheld, until the journalists of the nation can work freely without fear of arbitrary arrest and incarceration.

Let it be know to all and sundry. We have to exist as a nation of free people before we can fight corruption or poverty or ignorance or intolerance. It is our freedom that is under immediate threat. All of us are prisoners-in-waiting. We might not be behind bars as yet, but we are not free as long as the three heroes of the nation Gaboobe, Dini and Mohamed Omer Sheikh remain in the dungeons of the state.

The Gadabuursi urges the nation to engage itself in the defense of its constitution, its freedom and its heroic journalists. Freedom is indivisible. Freedom is non tribal; it is an urgent national cause. We appeal to nation to defend its freedom for without it nationhood becomes devoid of soul and substance.

V. On Freedom of the Airwaves

The tribe reminds the nation that free radio stations are prohibited in Somaliland. In a society with an illiteracy rate of 80% the abolition of Radio services, the only means of communication that does not require reading, is equivalent to the abolition of free speech. This offensive misappropriation of the national will was implemented with a ministerial edict in 2002 in the early days of Riyaale�s administration. It slipped below the radar of public awareness and it started the nation on the slippery slope of one man monologues and one man rule. We should have fought back then, for it is the reason why we find ourselves today fighting a battle for our freedom to speak, once again. It is not too late yet, it is never too late. We have won over more formidable foes. We will prevail this time too.

In an August 2006 interview with BBC Somali service President Riyaale openly defended his refusal to allow free radio stations in Somaliland. The president cited the horrific role the private radio station Radio T�l�vision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM) played in the Rwandan Genocide of 1994. The president used this as justification for his decision to prohibit free Radio stations in Somaliland. It appears that the great and kind president is determined to prevent Somaliland tribes from massacring each other like the Hutu and Tutsi of Rwanda.

True RTLM was a private radio station. It systematically laid the ground work for mass murder of close to a million men, women and children of the Tutsi and moderate Hutu of Rwanda. The radio was a symbol of evil and no radio like it should ever be allowed into the airwaves of any nation.

Here is what the president did not tell the public: Radio Mille Collines (RTLM) was launched in 1993, backed by family members of the Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana. It was �privately� owned by members close to the government. It broadcasted its hate message using government owned equipment of Radio Rwanda. It broadcasted nothing but government propaganda. The government of Rwanda used this radio station to prepare the ground for the genocide of the Tutsi. In all but name the RTLM was, like radio Hargaysa, the property of the government of the day and its propaganda mouthpiece. President Riyaale�s justification for the prohibition of free speech in the airwaves of Somaliland is therefore only half true. Half-truths are worse and much more deceptive than outright lies.

The tribe calls to the nation�s attention that genocide is a totalitarian byproduct, managed, orchestrated and achieved through a monopoly on the word. The prohibition on the freedom of the airwaves represents the biggest threat to the security, peace and safety of the nation. We assume the kind president who is intent upon preventing tribal massacres knows this too. The deception must therefore serve some other purpose; the purpose that has defeated the African state, the purpose of holding on to power at any cost.

Let us keep our eyes on the prize. The historic challenge facing us today is to ensure freedom of speech in all its forms for ourselves and for our progeny. Let us push back against the forces of oppression and opportunism. Let us snatch victory from the darkness of the moment. Rest not until the evil monopoly of the state on the airwaves is defeated. To paraphrase the American motto; Let us live free or die trying!

By Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar. abdijowhar@yahoo.com

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, January 19, 2007/Source: Radio Banaadir, Mogadishu, in Somali 1700 gmt 19 Jan 07

Tension high in northern Somalia town after deployment of rival forces

Tension is high in Huddun, Sool Region [northern Somalia], after forces from Somaliland and Puntland arrived in the area.

The deployment of the troops was due to the arrival of a delegation from Puntland in Huddun, which is about 50 km to the north of Laas Caanood [the headquarters of Sool Region].

The arrival of the rival forces follows after Puntland decided to form a new administration for Huddun. Somaliland had previously formed an administration in the area.

This comes at a time when demonstrations were held in Sool and Sanaag [all in northern Somalia] regions to oppose Somaliland self-rule.

Anti Somalia government protest rages in Somaliland

http://somalinet.com/news/world/Somalia/6740/ January 16, 2007

Thousands of people have rallied in Hargeisa city, the capital of the breakaway republic of Somaliland in northern Somalia on Tuesday in protest of the transitional federal government policies.

Sources from Hargeisa say that tens of thousands of people took the streets and then gathered at Qeyriyada ground square chanting slogans anti Somalia�s president Abdulahi Yusuf Ahmed.

It was peaceful demonstration in the region's capital, Hargeisa.

The officials of the three main political parties in Somaliland addressed the rally indicating their strong objection to the policies of the Transitional Federal Government.

Young protestors burnt Somalia flag and showed their readiness to enter war with Somalia if it attempt to interfere Somaliland affairs and independence.

In the demonstration, the people supported the region's quest for international recognition.

On Sunday, the leaders of Somaliland declared to hold nationwide demonstrations against Somalia government and in support of international recognition.

Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia in 1991 and has been relatively peaceful and stable compared with the rest of Somalia. But no country recognizes it.

Constitutional Crisis and the Challenge of Theocracy: Somaliland�s Urgent Challenges

http://www.progressio.org.uk

Amongst Somaliland�s friends as well as those within the country and perhaps much of the diaspora, it is axiomatic that the territory has achieved remarkable progress in its democratisation process, but has been cruelly prevented from enjoying the full benefits by a world that is too selfishly or foolishly engaged elsewhere to notice. There is plenty of truth in that sentiment as far as it goes, but it is often the basis of an argument that stifles real debate about the challenges Somaliland faces, and will in the long run make it much harder for the country to succeed.

Constitutional Crisis: There is no real dispute that Somaliland now faces a constitutional crisis. The role of the Guurti, Somaliland�s upper house or House of Elders, was initially outlined at the national reconciliation conference held in Boorame in 1993. The members of the Guurti were then appointed formally in February 1997 at the Hargeisa conference, and given a six year mandate. The Constitution so overwhelmingly endorsed by popular referendum in 2001 also stipulated a six year term of office, and noted that members of the Guurti should be elected �� and a parliamentary law shall organise their election system� (Clause 58). The first six year mandate was due to expire in 2003, but was extended by a further three years to allow time to establish a system for election, along with the necessary preparations. In May 2006, President Rayaale approached the Guurti privately and requested that they extend their own tenure by a further four years, which they agreed to do. Once this became public, there was a predictable outcry, and the situation remains unresolved. The House of Representatives has been unable to agree a system for Guurti elections, and debate rages over whether they should be based on popular mandate or a system of nomination through clans.

On several occasions, the Guurti has played a vital role in fostering discussion and ultimately agreement between disputing parties. Most recently, the stand-off over the appointment of speakers for the House of Representatives was resolved by the intervention of a group of members of the Guurti, who persuaded the Executive to accept the wishes of the combined majority represented by the opposition UCID and Kulmiye parties. If the Guurti is going to continue to play such an important role, the current impasse must be resolved urgently. Clearly there is a need for constructive debate; one that occurs in good faith, with all parties working actively to find a compromise system that addresses as far as possible the concerns of each group. That is no easy task, but it is a vital step for Somaliland, and must not be derailed by a reticence to address real issues robustly but within the context of the system outlined by the constitution.

In July of this year, the Somaliland Times published an editorial that suggested that clan nomination might be acceptable to the two opposition parties if government-salaried Sultans and Aqils were explicitly excluded from involvement in the nomination process. The same editorial also called for seats to be reserved for female and minority members. Alternative systems are suggested by separate parliamentary bills promoting direct (ie popular) and indirect (ie clan-based) election. Concrete suggestions such as these go some way to informing a debate that seems too often to risk failing to rise above unfocused attack on one faction or another, often on the pretext that the attacked party was undermining Somaliland�s unity and integrity by raising concerns in the first place. If complex issues such as these are to be addressed without contributing to the ultimate disintegration of what remains a fragile polity, it is essential that those most directly involved in the process find some way of recognising the point at which they must set aside personal, clan or party interest in favour of real collective national benefit. Indeed, negotiating that balance sits at the very heart of Somaliland�s effort to make the transition from �pastoral democracy� to democratic national entity.

The Appeal of Theocracy: Another issue which has long been dealt with by avoidance rather than engagement has been the nature and extent of threat posed by religious fundamentalism. With the rise of the Council of Islamic Courts (CIC) in Mogadishu and the surrounding areas, this particular concern has suddenly been brought into sharp relief. Again, there is a need for genuine engagement with the issues. There is no doubt that the more intemperate calls by extremists, both in Somaliland and without, for the current system of governance to be overthrown in favour of a more religiously conservative theocracy represents a real challenge. But there is also a need to acknowledge at all levels that much of the support for the Islamic Courts stems from genuine dissatisfaction at what is perceived as the slow speed of political change within Somaliland. While acknowledging that the current regime has maintained stability, this is undermined by the readily apparent unevenness of economic growth, and the inability of the Somaliland state to divert the fruits of such growth into improving infrastructure or services. Where warlords in the south once provided ample evidence that worse alternatives were available, the apparent success of the CIC in Somalia seems now to hold out hope that things in Somaliland might also be better under a nonsecular state.

The CIC themselves offer a paradoxical vision of a possible future. Their relative lack of corruption and the strength of their shared goals have enabled them to achieve a level of security in central and south Somalia with an efficiency that was inconceivable amongst the warlords, and which can even seem to compare well with Somaliland�s own secular government. The reliably attested (though roundly denied) presence of Ethiopian troops in Somalia also strengthens the hand of the CIC, acting as a potent unifying factor for Somalis both in Somaliland and further south, while the closeness of the Somaliland and Ethiopian administrations provides further focus for the same concerns. On the other hand, the rigidity with which some members of the CIC seem inclined to interpret shariah, their heavy emphasis on militarisation and their lack of administrative capacity present a picture that inclines more towards an expansion of conflict and the potentially brutal imposition of a system that is no more accommodating of the needs of Somalis than the failed regimes of the past.

Nevertheless, there is growing evidence that the more extreme version of their message is finding a receptive audience amongst some in Somaliland. The recent circulation of a video purporting to show the torture by the Somaliland authorities of Sheikh Mohamed Ismail has resulted in widespread, though so far limited, anti-government protests around Somaliland. An Islamist court whose sympathies lie at least in part with the Wahabbists of the CIC has been established in Lascanood, and the Puntland militia who control the town seem too weak to suppress it. Meanwhile, reports suggest that many Somalilanders have travelled south for military training, and the CIC periodically issues veiled or explicit threats against Somaliland. This issue, too, must be the subject of open and reasoned discussion within Somaliland, and most importantly, politicians must demonstrate that they are working hard in the interests of a constituency that they take seriously.

Somaliland has made enormous strides in the establishment of a viable and democratic system of government that has much to teach others. The continuation of that process will take an expanded commitment to meaningful debate, in which continued freedom of the press must be coupled with a real and tangible commitment from those in positions of influence to work constructively for the good of the country. Outsiders can play a positive role in that process, and in that context, must continue to work with governments and decisionmakers in the UK and elsewhere to encourage recognition of Somaliland�s very real achievements, and to provide support for a process that remains inevitably fragile and must meet real and daunting challenges in the near future. Equally importantly, non-Somalilanders must be careful to avoid creating or exacerbating problems through ill-guided, albeit sometimes well-intentioned, intervention.

Michael Walls

29 October 2006

About Progressio

Progressio re-opened its office in Hargeisa in 1995 having been obliged to withdraw in 1989 due to civil war.

Country representative in Hargeisa: Adan Yousuf Abokor
Programme coordinator in London: David Tanner

Somaliland

Political context

The Republic of Somaliland (North West Somalia) is situated on the tip of the Horn of Africa. Somaliland was formed in 1991 after separating from southern Somalia following three years of civil war (1988-91) but the country still awaits international recognition. The war led to the deaths of nearly 60,000 people, massive displacement of people internally and to other countries, and a near total destruction of infrastructure, communications systems, banking and all public services.

Following a period of inter-clan conflict in 1995, Somalilanders settled internal disputes using traditional peace-building methods and are now rehabilitating and reconstructing their damaged country. Demobilisation of former militia fighters into a national police force and army has made the country more secure within its own national boundaries.

A stable administration was formed with a smooth transition of leadership when Dahir Riyale took over after the death of his predecessor, former President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, in May 2002. President Riyale was re-elected in April 2003 by a narrow margin of 80 votes.

Parliamentary elections were held on 29 September 2005 - the first since before the 1969 coup in Somalia that brought the dictator Siad Barre to power. Progressio was invited to coordinate a 76-strong team of international election observers. Around 800,000 voters went to the country's 985 polling stations to elect 82 MPs from a possible 246 candidates. Unfortunately, only two were women. This was the culmination of a gradual process: after a 2001 constitutional referendum, 2002 municipal elections and a 2003 presidential election, Somaliland now has a legislature to balance the leadership of the president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, and his UDUB party.

In recent years, a broad range of civil society organisations has emerged in response to the needs of the population and is gearing up to use newly opened democratic spaces. Women's groups are particularly active and human rights are openly discussed. The written media is also able to publish with a freedom rarely found in the region, although the government has imprisoned some journalists.

Prior to the war, Somalia was considered one of the poorest countries in Africa with 70 per cent of gross national product believed to derive from remittances sent back by people working abroad. Somaliland remains desperately poor and, given its lack of international recognition, receives little help other than minimal aid from major donors.

The main national source of government revenue - the trade in camels, sheep and goats to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf states - has been badly affected by a second import ban triggered by concerns over the spread of Rift Valley Fever in 2002 to 2003. At the same time, the lack of international recognition has created a culture of self-reliance among the Somaliland people, supported by relatives and friends in the diaspora, with their remittances being a major contribution to the economy. The population has made an enormous effort to re-establish basic health and education services.

The majority of Somalilanders are pastoral nomads, although the country is in transition as it moves towards increased urbanisation. Camels - the traditional currency of prestige and wealth - sheep, goats and some cattle are raised in large numbers across the plains and rangelands and provide daily subsistence and the economic backbone of the country.

An estimated 60 per cent of the population depends directly or indirectly on livestock and livestock products. Agriculture provides subsistence for nearly 20 per cent of the country's population and is practised mostly in the east and northwest of the country where there is enough rainfall. Crops grown include sorghum, maize, fruit and vegetables. Somaliland is also a producer of frankincense.

The informal economy and trade are strong and the results can be seen in the variety of goods available within the major urban areas. There is a flourishing trade in the stimulant qat - a woody green plant chewed mostly by the men. Unemployment is high, however, and there are few formal jobs for young people.

About Progressio

Progressio is an international development charity working for justice and the eradication of poverty.

We work in partnership with civil groups and governments in: Our approach combines advocacy work to secure equitable policies with the strengthening of community-based organisations that represent the interests of the poor and improve their quality of life (see our core values).

Through our country programmes, we place experienced professionals to share their skills with partners in 11 countries.

THE WOMENS VILLAGE EDUCATION (WOVE) PROGRAMME IN SOMALILAND

The British Association for Literacy in Development (BALID)
14 Dufferin Street, London EC1Y 8PDTel: 020 7426 5849
Email: balid@education-action.org
http://www.balid.org.uk/pdfs/WOVE_Programme_Somaliland.pdf

Emily Oldmeadow or Emma Page,Africa Educational Trust, London WC2E 8JR

The overall aim of the WOVE Programme is to empower women living in rural and pastoral nomadic areas in Somaliland by improving their access to literacy, numeracy and life skills education in health, nutrition, hygiene, environmental awareness and women�s and children�s rights.

The programme has six objectives namely:

(1) To enable 4000 women living in rural and pastoral nomadic areas in Somaliland to access and complete locally developed and delivered functional literacy, numeracy and relevant life skills programmes.

(2) To develop local capacity in the remote and rural areas of Somaliland for delivering locally based education and training projects, especially projects for women.

(3) To develop the teaching skills of fifty women living in remote and rural areas of Somaliland, especially their skills in teaching adult literacy, numeracy and life skills to women.

(4) To encourage and foster capacity at the village, regional and national level to make fair and transparent decisions making and in applying equal opportunities for people from different clans and minority groups.

(5) To encourage and foster a continuing and sustained reading habits and use of literacy in rural and remote areas of Somaliland by the local development of relevant and suitable Somali curriculum and supplementary reading materials for adult basic readers.

(6) To promote peace and reconciliation amongst men and women from different ethnic and clan areas by developing and fostering positive working relations between village and regional community groups from the different areas involved in the project.

In order to achieve these objectives a Participatory Impact Assessment (PIA) was conducted to identify community and stakeholder views on desired outcomes, impacts and indicators of attainment to be used for the project. Following this a local curriculum development workshop was held to design and develop local relevant teaching and learning materials suitable for teaching literacy, numeracy and life skills to women in rural and remote areas, specifically in health, nutrition, hygiene, environmental awareness and women and children�s rights. The facilitators and all participants were from Somaliland.

Following the workshop the Somali project co-ordinator and two regional assistant project officers worked with local organisations to develop fair and transparent procedures for selecting the target villages and the individual beneficiaries within those villages. Regional and village selection committees and monitoring groups were established and each group received training from the local project staff.

Fifty women were then selected as prospective teachers. Each was selected in consultation with the local village committee, where potential women with previous teaching experience were chosen. All received training in the use of the locally developed WOVE curriculum. The village committees then worked with the local project staff to select 2,000 women for the first phase of the literacy, numeracy and life skills course. The classes were arranged in the home villages at times and locations suitable for and acceptable for the women enrolled.

Following the establishment of the classes the project then provided training workshops and financial support to help local writers and artists to produce reading materials relevant to and suitable for adult basic readers, especially women living in rural and remote areas. Twenty short booklets, on topics relevant to the lives and interests of the learners were written, illustrated and printed locally and multiple copies were distributed to all WOVE classes.

The project is now entering its third year. To date over 3,000 women have attended the literacy, numeracy and life skills courses across Somaliland and approximately 20,000 copies of the supplementary reading materials have been printed and distributed to the WOVE learners and other students. In the third year of the project women learners in each WOVE village will be encouraged to prepare and submit a short proposal for a Women�s Community Project. In preparing the proposal they will be asked to demonstrate how their literacy, numeracy and life skills have improved their ability to act together to help their local community. A project committee with representatives from the village groups from each region will then be asked to review and select the projects for small grants to enable the women to implement what the local community considers to be the best proposals.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, January 16, 2007/Source: Radio Banaadir, Mogadishu, in Somali 1030 gmt 16 Jan 07

Opposition parties in Somaliland organize demos in support of self-rule

A demonstration in support of the independence of the [self-declared Republic of Somaliland was today staged in the capital Hargeysa, and the various regions under the Somaliland administration.

Many people gathered at the Freedom Garden in Hargeysa in support of the independence of Somaliland.

The demonstrations were organized by the three opposition political parties in Somaliland.

Somaliland requests AU heads to recognize its sovereignty in Addis Ababa summit

http://www.shabelle.net/news/ne2190.htm

Mogadishu 28, Jan.07 ( Sh.M.Network) The breakaway republic of Somaliland has requested the African heads at the AU summit in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa to officially recognize the independence of Somaliland.

The request has reportedly infuriated the Somali government representatives at the summit. The AU summit would be formally open on Monday, while Sudan and Somalia would be the top priority in the African Union summit.

The Somali president Abdullahi Yusuf, who he arrived at the summit in Addis Ababa, told journalists that his transitional government would be engaged in peaceful dialog with the secessionist government of Somaliland when the rest of Somalia was tenable and peaceful. �My government will not bother Somaliland until we successfully restore peace and security to Somalia,� he told the press.

Diplomatic sources said that the executive council committee of the African Union, which convened in Addis Ababa on Thursday, was amazed when Rwandan foreign minister put on the table an agenda calling that Somaliland should be recognized formally by the AU countries.

The initiative has promptly angered the Somali envoys who asked that the subject regarding Somaliland should not be discussed at the moment. One of the Somali government representatives has argued that Somaliland did not even have the right to be present at the meeting. He said, Somaliland is not internationally recognized.�

Steven Mwayungi, the AU envoy for Somaliland, has told London based paper Alsharqalawsat that Somaliland had the right to show itself and ask the international community for recognition of its independence after 16 years of being separate from the rest of Somalia.

He indicated that it would not reasonable for Somaliland to unite the rest of Somalia to find so-called Greater Somalia.

Somaliland (drought and chronic food insecurity)

http://www.odi.org.uk/hpg/papers/Oxfam_Somaliland.pdf

An NGO Consortium composed by Oxfam-GB, Horn Relief and Norwegian People�s Aid carried out a cash relief intervention to respond to immediate needs of those communities affected by four years drought in Togdheer, Sool, Sanaag and Bari/ Nugaato, in Somaliland. The project aimed at offsetting short-term problems occasioned by prolonged droughts, which had resulted in cumulative asset loss (60% of shoats and 80% of camels died), and to cover urgent needs for food, water and debt repayments to creditors. Severe and chronic environmental degradation was also a key long-term problem in the region. The intervention lasted six months � from January to June 2005, and the main project activities were cash for work and cash relief.

Oxfam-GB focused its response in Togdheer and Bari through local partners, Havoyoco and Shilcon respectively. The programme targeted 3660 households (approx. 30,000 beneficiaries), 969 of the poorest (old, disabled and vulnerable women headed households) assisted through cash relief, and 2,691 poor households assisted through cash for work.

The total budget was �1,093,029, funded mainly by DFID and partially (the 28,8%) by Oxfam. Oxfam GB delivered �809,170 as cash transfer directly to the project recipients, and respectively �671,737 as cash for work and �137,434 as cash grants. Payments were made on monthly basis for a period of 4 months. The cash grants recipients received US$50 per month while the cash for work beneficiaries received US$88 per month, equivalent to US$4 per day for 22 days per month. The project facilitated cash distribution in US $ dollars.

Money transfer companies (Dahabshil and Dalsan) were used to transport and deliver cash. They made payments in the presence of communities and local implementing partners representatives, and represented a trusted link between the local population and the implementing agencies. The money transfer companies were able to quick distribute cash in the project area t minimal risks to beneficiaries.

Impact: A final evaluation found that the response stopped the humanitarian crisis from worsening. Drought affected beneficiaries were properly targeted and were able to access basic needs such as food, water and debt repayment, among others. In addition, the local economy was revitalized through cash injections. No inflation was recorded and this was partially explained by the small amounts of cash that was distributed per month, by the sensitisation of the business community by religious leaders not to hike prices and the fact that the business community had already stocked goods in anticipation for cash injections.

However, although cash relief sustained the targeted households food security over the emergency period, their livelihoods remained as precarious as before, since long-term recovery of pastoral livelihoods is subject to long-term environmental rehabilitation efforts, not just good seasonal rains. The evaluation recommended to strengthen the link between emergency response and the long-term development, and to compliment short-term emergency intervention by long-term recovery programs to rebuild destroyed livelihoods.

Targeting: The problem being addressed was far too severe as compared to the available resources, both financial and material, and as consequence the cash transfer interventions were not accommodate all the poor and deserving households. Targeting difficulties were minimised by the use of community-based approaches. Community social structures (e.g. VRCs) that facilitated settling disputes, promoting proper beneficiary targeting, transparency, accountability, ownership and proper supervision of the project, as evidenced by lack of complains on either targeting or payments to the beneficiaries.

Gender balance and equitable access to resources was ensured through deliberate encouragement of women participation, access and control of project benefits. Women were incorporated in VRCs where they actively participated in project management, supervision and dispute settlements. Women involvement in decision-making in some case contributed to identify lighter tasks for women in recognition of their household workload. Some VRCs earmarked certain types of micro-projects for implementation by women only.

Local Solutions: Creating an Enabling Environment for Decentralisation in Somaliland

Academy for Peace and Development and Interpeace, Hargeisa, published October 2006. 43 pages.

Executive Summary

The election of 332 municipal and district councillors by the Somaliland people in December 2002 brought for the first time the prospect of truly decentralised government in the state widely considered the most stable and progressive in the Somali Region. Since the creation of its first National Charter in 1993, the country has been - at least on paper - committed to a highly decentralised form of governance. Yet while the second post-conflict government made considerable progress in creating government institutions and revenue collection systems, it stopped short of establishing the structures for genuinely decentralised administration.

Since 1991, the government had appointed all of Somaliland's regional and district administrations itself - even after the state's first constitution was formally adopted following the historic national referendum in 2001. While the government argued that clan-divided Somalilanders were not yet ready to select their own leaders, many observers accused the country's leaders of being unwilling to relinquish their own grip on power. Yet while the debate over decentralisation lingers, the return of peace has allowed some local authorities, notably in the urban areas of Awdal, Hargeysa and Sahil, to begin collecting taxes and - often in partnership with private companies - to provide some basic public services, including health, primary education, electricity, water and communications.

With local leaders still accountable to the central government, however, the system reverted to familiar patterns of centralisation , and local leaders themselves continue to face major challenges associated with their poorly-defined legal status, widespread corruption, and a shortage of skilled personnel. In order to help the newly-elected councils begin to overcome these hurdles, the WSP/APD National Project Group in November 2004 endorsed decentralisation as a critical 'entry point' for further research designed to support Somaliland's democratisation under the Dialogue for Peace (DfP) programme.

The overall purpose of the research project was to assist the government, the new councils, and other key national and local actors to consolidate the decentralisation process through the establishment of legal frameworks, the provision of vital leadership training to the councils (which the APD had already been providing in conjunction with UN-Habitat), the initiation of strategic planning processes, and the promotion of greater public involvement and participation in the work of the new councils.

Key Issues

Although some basic local government structures were in place at the time of the 2002 elections, there was a widespread lack of effective administration at all levels of local government - and no defined relationships between central and local authorities. As well as a lack of policies on the reforms required to increase the resources of the new councils and to expand their role in public service delivery, a high-profile power struggle had pitted local leaders against the Minister of Interior, particularly over the latter's appointment of District Executive Secretaries (DESs), who wielded enormous power over the councils' financial affairs.

Another key issue of contention was the continuing confusion over the roles and authority of Somaliland's central, regional and district authorities, and the delineation of their respective boundaries. Questions had been raised over the jurisdiction of the new councils, with common perceptions that councils and mayors represented only urban areas - leaving huge rural populations unattended and unrepresented. This issue has been further complicated by the proliferation of districts, as more clans seek recognition and funding from the government in Hargeysa.

The issue of constituency has been another intriguing problem. While all members of the electorate are able to vote for their local councillors, not all have the same opportunity to stand for council seats, as priority is given to people from each area's indigenous clan. Many people who have lived in a city or a district for generations thus have no opportunity to run for elected office.

As well as little, if any, professional and technical skills, many new councillors have also come under the spotlight for their questionable commitment to public office. The councillors' incompetence to handle council affairs has become widespread, driving some communities to take matters into their own hands and attempt to dissolve their councils. Many councillors have also had prominent run-ins with their mayors, leading to a run of mayoral 'impeachments' in several towns. Women too have been largely excluded from the electoral process - with only two women elected out of more than 300 councillors.

Activities

The first phase of the Dialogue for Peace made use of a broad variety of participatory forums to encourage debate on these and other issues affecting the performance and reputation of Somaliland's new councils. The process was led by a 15-member Working Group comprising key central and local officials, MPs, civic, religious and women's leaders. One of the group's first points of interest was to review two draft laws that were integral to the councils' future - the Regions and Districts Law (Law 23) and the City Charter of Hargeysa - after which it agreed on the need to develop a unified system of bylaws to guide the councils' operations.

Between March 2004 and April 2005, the APD hosted seven participatory workshops in Hargeysa, Boorome, Ceergaabo and Burco to deal with various issues concerning the decentralisation of the legal framework. Each workshop was attended by 40-60 prominent individuals, including councillors, MPs and community leaders. Over the same period, the APD and UN-Habitat also co-hosted 12 training workshops for nearly 150 councillors in Somaliland's major towns on local governance administration, action and strategic planning, and other critical challenges.

As well as numerous field trips to canvas local opinions in rural communities in Awdal, Togdheer and Sanaag, the Working Group hosted two public forums to provide local institutions and civic groups with a chance to air their opinions on decentralisation: the first, on lessons learned from the 2002 elections, in March 2004; the second to share the experiences of the highly-successful public-private partnership which manages the water supply system in Boorome.

Achievements

Among a wide variety of interventions, from groundbreaking public forums to urgently needed councillor training and critical contributions to reforming the legislative environment, the APD has played a consistently high-profile role in promoting decentralisation among the public, the councils, and the national leaders whose commitment will ultimately decide their fate. Among the most critical achievements that it has realised over the past two years are:

Revisions to the Regions and Districts Law: Since its creation in early 2004, Law 23 has become a critical cornerstone in the debate over the central control of Somaliland's councils, prompting the Working Group to conduct a thorough review of the draft law and to provide Parliament with a comprehensive list of proposed amendments. Although the law never made it before the old House, in July 2006 it was unanimously ratified by the new House with several new provisions, including granting authority to councils to propose the dismissal of ineffectual District Executive Secretaries and greater room for municipal authorities to levy their own taxes. The same law was ratified by the Guurti (House of Elders) in October 2006, with some modifications.

Revisions to Hargeysa City Charter: Following the Ministry of Interior's heavy-handed dismissal of the draft city charter drawn up by a UN-Habitat consultant, the Working Group reviewed the draft and forwarded a list of proposed changes to Parliament's Sub-Committee on Internal Affairs. Today, the document is among 22 bills left over from the old House for the attention of its successors - although no timeframe has yet been set for its debate.

Creation of unified council bylaws: Nearly four years after their election, Somaliland's councils continue to suffer from insufficient and confusing internal regulations. In May 2005, the Working Group initiated a series of workshops to seek the inputs of councillors and local communities for a ministerial decree establishing a series of formal council bylaws and procedures. Unfortunately, the workshops' findings - as well as a national conference planned to ratify them - were overshadowed by preparations for the parliamentary elections.

Workshops to review legislation: One of the DfP's key accomplishments has been the adoption of a more open and participatory approach by the new Parliament for canvassing public opinions on draft legislation. In early 2005, the APD organised two high-profile workshops that led to several important recommendations on the controversial Land Reform Law - including the creation of Land Use Regulation and Planning Commissions - and since April 2006 two further House sub-committees have approached the APD to organise public workshops on other draft laws.

Training of council leaders: Since becoming the lead partner in UN-Habitat's Good Local Governance and Leadership Training Programme in April 2004, the APD has played a key role in training Somaliland's new local leaders, including running the programme in Hargeysa, Ceergaabo and Burco, holding public consultations to lay the ground for action planning exercises in the three towns, assisting the Universities of Camuud and Hargeysa to translate 14 training manuals on the roles and duties of local councillors, and developing an hour-long play on local governance, which played to over 2,500 people in seven towns.

Lessons and Recommendations

The many activities of the DfP in Somaliland have served to remind its leaders of the broadly 'unfinished' nature of their decentralisation - and of the desperate need for them to provide their new local authorities with greater administrative responsibilities. As well as the lack of basic laws to define their responsibilities, efforts are urgently required to increase their financial resources - either through inter-governmental transfers or the authority to extend their taxation base. It is clear that, despite considerable 'lip service' to decentralisation, vested interests among the government and other influential actors are holding the process back.

It is also clear that real decentralisation will call for a sea-change in Somaliland's political culture, to provide for greater engagement by citizens' groups, neighbourhood committees, and the private sector. It has not taken Somalilanders long to realise that their councillors should be people with a genuine stake in their communities, who are not running purely for the sake of money or employment. One 'silver lining' of the poor quality of current councillors is that it has immeasurably raised the stakes in the next local elections, scheduled for late 2007, when the political parties will be under strong pressure to field better candidates - and the National Electoral Commission to initiate more rigorous vetting.

As well as the calibre of councillors, the Habitat/APD training programme has learned some important lessons regarding the need for more focused, long-term training, possibly including on-the-job training. The Academy will continue to rally both local and international support to extend its training to include specific skills in policymaking, council budgets and financial systems, procurement policies, public meetings, public records, and other vital aspects of local government operations.

In the near-term future, the APD will continue to provide technical support to - and advocacy for - the Somaliland government to design more formal policies defining local government roles and operations, as well as more specific definitions of local government structures and responsibilities in the national constitution. And it will continue to maintain pressure on Parliament to follow up the review and reform of other laws pertaining to decentralisation, such as laws on local government finances, taxation and land issues.

Zimbabwe: Somaliland Embraces Evicted Zim Farmers

Zimbabwe Independent (Harare) January 12, 2007

Augustine Mukaro

THE scramble for dispossessed Zimbabwean farmers intensifies in Africa with Somaliland becoming the latest country to offer land to evicted farmers looking for a new start.

More than 20 African countries are scrambling to snap up Zimbabwe's commercial farmers displaced from their properties by the chaotic and often violent land seizures in their bid to develop commercial agriculture.

Somaliland, a former British colony, broke away from Somalia over 10 years ago.

Foreign minister Abdulali Duale told Farmers' Weekly in South Africa that he was keen to discuss agri-investment with experienced farmers from anywhere in the world, "but I must say we would favour our fellow Africans, of any colour, because they have an emotional stake in the continent".

"There are many projects waiting to be developed, to restock our wildlife, open up commercial farming and rebuild the forest," Duale said. "I know we are not one of the glamour destinations, but we do have a sound democracy and total commitment to a new age of commercial farming. I hope some farmers and conservationists will come and have a look at our little country.

"We are a sovereign state with a great future. Our government and people would be honoured to see new immigrants from southern Africa coming to build our farm sector," he said.

Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) spokesperson Emily Crooks said although there wasn't an official approach from the Somaliland government, a number of overtures had been undertaken and farmers would readily accept any offers enabling them to restart their businesses.

"As farmers we are very excited about the recognition of their skills by other Africans states," Crooks said. "We would take any opportunities that would allow our members to go back into faming."

Officials at CFU said the success of the farmers' venture in Nigeria had generated intense interest from African governments keen to develop commercial agriculture.

"The Nigerian project has opened many doors, and will continue to open more doors in other surrounding countries with private companies and government departments approaching us, wanting to put together similar projects," an official with the CFU division of Farmers In Touch said. "Countries that have contacted us include Ghana, Cameroon, Sudan, Guinea Bissau, Benin, Central African Republic and Namibia."

The official said a team was working on getting a project similar to the one in Nigeria together in Senegal.

"Three trips have been made to Senegal and proposals are being put together. All parties involved are positive about this venture," he said. Fifteen farmers and their families have already relocated to Kwara State in Nigeria.

Ethiopian premier, Somaliland president discuss Somalia

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Jan 9, 2007. pg. 1 Ethiopian TV, Addis Ababa, in Amharic 1700 9 Jan 07/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

Prime Minister Meles Zenawi today meet and held talks with President Dahir Riyale Kahin of Somaliland. The president told the premier that he was happy with the victory scored against the extremists. Nebeyu Solomon has the details.

[Solomon] Prime Minister Meles Zenawi today in his office meet and held talks with the president of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin. The president told Prime Minister Meles Zenawi that he was happy with the victory scored against the extremists groups of the Somali Union of Islamic Courts [UIC], a high ranking official of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs noted.

The president also told the premier that Ethiopia's role in building a stable Somalia is very great. He also said that the people of Somaliland lauds Ethiopia's efforts to bring about peace in Somalia.

Prime Minister Meles and the Somaliland president also discussed the prevailing peace and stability of the region and trade and economic relations between the two countries. [Passage omitted].

Source: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) 09 Jan 2007

UNHCR helps female returnees regain financial autonomy in Somaliland

GARBODADAR, Somaliland, January 9 (UNHCR) - The future looked grim for Elmi Kadhra and her nine children when they left a refugee camp in Ethiopia eight years ago and crossed the border into the self-declared Somaliland.

When they finally reached her home village, Garbodadar, in the Awdal region bordering Ethiopia and Djibouti, Kadhra says she found only "wild animals running around. This place was a battlefield, no one could stay here. I had lost everything to the war." That included her husband, who was killed by crossfire before they even reached sanctuary in Ethiopia some 15 years ago.

Most of the other 670,000 people who have repatriated to Somaliland over the past decade - mainly from Ethiopia and Djibouti - also found ruins. But with the help of UNHCR, Kadhra and other like-minded former refugees have rebuilt their lives and are thriving back in their homeland.

To support the sustainable reintegration of returnees, UNHCR has since the 1990s been rebuilding infrastructure and helping returnees - mostly women - find sources of income. The UN refugee agency helped build a school, police station and water well as more and more people started returning here.

Kadhra, meanwhile, had set up a teashop in Garbodadar to make some money to feed her family as she tended the 15 goats UNHCR gave to help her get started on her return. The horned ruminants and their descendants have provided a steady and vital supply of milk, meat and money over the years.

When UNHCR launched a small revolving fund four years ago, Kadhra was one of 50 women who formed a group and applied for the loan of US$3,000 that the agency was offering to support small agricultural and business projects run by women. The first 10 women each received US$300 and when they had paid off the debt, the money was loaned to one of the other women in line.

Kadhra used her loan of US$300 to buy more goats, paying back US$10 a month. After selling the livestock for a profit in neighbouring Djibouti, she has made enough money to rebuild her home and make life easier and more comfortable for her children.

The UNHCR scheme has proven successful because of the diligence of the women in meeting their obligations and repaying their loans in a timely fashion. Similar loan programmes have been launched in about 30 other villages around Somaliland and UNHCR has loaned a further US$2,000 to Kadhra's cooperative.

The reliability and success of the women in her group reflects on the care with which they were vetted and chosen. "Whoever is willing to join must be trustworthy, willing to make a difference, enterprising and understand the protocol of repaying," Kadhra said.

"The person must also have an asset, such as a business, animals or valuables, that can be confiscated if she doesn't fulfil her obligations - or someone who can guarantee their loan," she explained.

The other entrepreneurs have used their money to expand their shops, invest in their farms or buy livestock - US$300 buys 25 sheep and goats that can be sold for a profit across the border in Djibouti.

UNHCR places great importance on the relationship it has developed with women in villages like Garbodadar because it is much more than a simple financial arrangement. "It gives us access to them. We can then hear their protection-related problems, such as early marriage or sexual mutilations," said Ahmed Yagoub, who is responsible for UNHCR activities in Somaliland.

Formerly known as British Somaliland, the country united with Italian Somaliland in 1960 to become Somalia. The union collapsed when the autocratic President Siad Barre was overthrown in 1991 and the Republic of Somaliland declared - people soon started fleeing the anarchy that followed. A further 4,000 Somalis are expected to return to the Awdal region, mostly from Djibouti.

By Catherine-Lune Grayson, In Garbodadar, Somaliland

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, January 9, 2007/Source: Ethiopian TV, Addis Ababa, in Amharic 1700 gmt 9 Jan 07

Ethiopian premier, Somaliland president discuss Somalia

Prime Minister Meles and the Somaliland president also discussed the prevailing peace and stability of the region and trade and economic relations between the two countries. [Passage omitted].

Somaliland: Recent Troubles Refocus International Attention

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=6105. 2007-01-08

A return of violence and turmoil to the troubled state of Somalia has refocused international attention on the unrecognised state of Somaliland, as its people continue to witness events from their relatively peaceful northern territory.

British Somaliland was granted independence in 1960, and after a brief period of independence, joined former Italian Somalia to form the Somali Republic. Civil war and widespread unrest put increasing pressure on this union, which was exasperated further by the eventual collapse of the Somali Republic in 1991, following the overthrow of its military dictatorship.

In response, clan elders led the former British protectorate to announce an end to the union with Somalia, thus declaring formal independence for Somaliland in 1991. A 2001 referendum reaffirmed this status and also provided its government with a new democratic constitution. Despite these successful efforts to enhance its legitimacy and democratise its institutions, international recognition of Somaliland's independence has not been forthcoming.

The latest period of unrest in Somalia has however yet again emphasised the achievements of the government in Somaliland. Recent events were observed from a position of relative peace and stability, as the territory remained unaffected by the violence and divisions that plague its neighbour to the south. This fact will undoubtedly be seen as further evidence for the view that Somaliland deserves the opportunity to escape the difficulties of Somalia, and so the opportunity to continue its process of democratisation and development as a fully fledged member of the international community.

The fragile peace that has followed the Ethiopian backed expulsion of the Union of Islamic Courts from Somalia has however also provided renewed prospects for a viable and strong negotiating partner, affording the interim government of Somalia with new opportunities to restore order, along with the prospects of an African Union Peacekeeping Force to assist in this work. This, it is hoped, might finally offer the prospect of a meaningful dialogue with respect to recognising Somaliland's independence, thus providing its people with the means to address the numerous economic challenges they continue to face as a people suspended in political limbo.

Somaliland: Egyptian vessels seized for illegal fishing

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Jan 5, 2007. pg. 1/Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 5 Jan 07/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC Two Egyptian fishing vessels were seized yesterday by Somaliland's coast guards.

Two Egyptian fishing vessels were seized yesterday by Somaliland's coast guards. The commander of Somaliland's coast guards said that the two vessels contravened a previous agreement and had also failed to pay the required fees.

The vessels are also said to have illegally entered an area where fishing was banned.

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=6097/2007-01-05

Somaliland: Djibouti, Somaliland In Port Dispute

Below is an article published by Awdalnews:

After Saudi Arabia last month surprisingly lifted its damaging 2001 ban on the import of live livestock from the Horn of Africa, a lucrative export trade has been revived. But this has sent Djibouti and non-recognised Somaliland into a new fight over becoming the region's leading export harbour, with Djibouti even expelling Somalilander diplomats.

Apart from Djibouti, Somaliland's city of Berbera is the only port on the northern coast of the Horn able to serve land-locked Ethiopia, with its large trade on a regional scale. The small state of Djibouti - which has its greatest revenues from its port facilities - is best connected with the Ethiopian hinterland; by road and train, but relations between Djibouti and Addis Ababa are not always the best.

With the December lift of Saudi Arabia's 5-year livestock import ban from the Horn region, trade passing through the ports of Djibouti and Berbera are expected to boom. Before the ban was announced in 2000, livestock was among the main export goods from Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia/Somaliland.

As soon as the ban was lifted, Djibouti authorities announced that their diplomacy had plaid a vital part in achieving this aim. The Saudis and other Arab nations officially had imposed the ban in 2001 after an outbreak of Rift Valley Fever among cattle, but critics claim that the outbreak had never occurred on the Horn. Also the exceptionally long ban indicated that it was rooted on protectionist policies.

Several diplomatic efforts to have the ban lifted failed throughout the years, creating a crisis for the regional livestock industry. Livestock constitutes the backbone of the Somaliland economy and is essential to most rural communities in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Somalia, with Saudi Arabia historically being the main market.

Djiboutian diplomats claimed they were to be thanked for the lifting of the Saudi ban. Djibouti had launched several proposals to assure animal health for exports to Arab nations. Therefore, the nation's Foreign Ministry held in December, other countries in the region should award Djibouti by using its port facilities to export livestock. Djibouti would now become a regional "hub for livestock exports," the Ministry said in a statement.

At Djibouti port, the Ministry claimed, quality would be assured due to the August 2004 establishment of a quarantine centre with a veterinary clinic and laboratories. These modern US$ 6 million facilities would assure that another regional livestock would be avoided in future. Shortly after these statements, President Ismail Omar Guelleh inaugurated a new port terminal worth US$ 40 million, mainly aimed at serving Ethiopia's trade.

Neighbouring Somaliland however for long has been suspicious on Djiboutian efforts to secure a monopoly situation for its port. Two years ago, Somaliland authorities accused Djibouti of trying to control its economy following a proposal by Djibouti aimed at making its ports a gateway for Somaliland's livestock exports to Arab Gulf countries.

Somaliland's Berbera port is seen as the country's greatest potential for economic development, and only last week, port authorities disclosed they had made a purchase of US$ 640,000 worth of dock loading and stacking equipment used for lifting goods and container freight - one of the first major investments for around 20 years in this port.

Answering the Djiboutian initiative to capitalise on the lifting of the Saudi ban, Somaliland authorities in December banned the sending of home-grown cattle to Djibouti for re-exportation. Somalilander livestock heading towards Saudi Arabia was to be shipped out from Berbera, authorities ordered.

With its modest investments in the Berbera port, Somaliland also hopes to gain a part of the Ethiopian livestock export market. Ethiopia is not uninterested, as it currently has better ties with Hargeisa than with Djibouti, following the latter's low-profiled support for the defeated Somali Islamists.

Underlining the seriousness in the harbour fight between the two neighbours, Djibouti immediately expelled Somalilander diplomats in what has been described as a tit-for-tat reaction. No country, not even Djibouti, officially recognises Somaliland, which nevertheless has diplomatic stations in most countries of the region.

Indeed, without securing transit revenues from other livestock exporters, Djibouti is to gain little from the Saudi ban lifting. The Djiboutian livestock industry is in a deep crisis after years of drought. According to the US agency Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS), the 'Heys/Dada' rains - which are essential for the viability of coastal dry season grazing areas - performed poorly also in November 2006.

"These rains serve a vital function in the migration cycle of pastoralists," the latest FEWS report on Djibouti warned, noting that pastoralists were facing a crisis. "Successful recovery for pastoralist communities requires prevention of distress livestock sales and continued restocking over several consecutive seasons," the US agency added.

Also in Somaliland and Ethiopia, the last few years have not been the best for pastoralists, but in large parts of these two countries, relatively sound stocks of livestock are still present, ready for exportation to the Saudi market.

Exports of Somaliland livestock has started already. In late December, the first consignment of over 400,000 livestock heads were supposed to be exported to Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, to coincide with the Hajj, whose rituals require that every pilgrim kill one sheep as a sacrifice. Reportedly, almost a quarter of these sheep had however been smuggled to Djibouti for re-export to Jeddah. Berbera port authorities have yet to report how many went through their facilities.

Also Djibouti port authorities rapidly reported cattle export successes after the ban was lifted. Only four days after the lifting, over 10,000 livestock heads - of unclear origin - were shipped to Saudi Arabia. The port has been made ready to receive "thousands of animals on a daily basis originating from bordering countries," Djibouti port authorities state optimistically.

Three Somalias --and counting

Gerald Owen. National Post. Don Mills, Ont.: Jan 5, 2007. pg. A.15

Little has been said in the past few weeks about one real Somali government with a track record. In 1991, when the rest of the country turned to anarchy or tribalism, the northwest formed a government, declared independence as "Somaliland," and has kept out of Somali civil wars, though no state has granted it diplomatic recognition. (The curious fact that the National Assembly for Wales invited the speaker of Somaliland's parliament in March, 2006, to open its new building in Cardiff, is not really an exception, though Wales -- about 10,000 Somalis live there--is sending some aid to Somaliland, with the consent of the British Foreign Office.)

Though no utopia, Somaliland may be a credit to the British Empire, because it is roughly the same region of Somalia that Britain once ruled; in 1960, the formerly British and Italian chunks of Somalia merged to become an independent state, while French Somalia became Djibouti.

The regimes of both Somaliland and Puntland explicitly factor clans and sub-clans into their politics. The upper house of Somaliland's parliament is composed of clan elders. (Now there's a robust, unapologetic senate for Canadians to think about!) A comparable clan system in the Highlands of Scotland was ruthlessly rooted out by the Whig/Hanoverian predecessor of our own North American regimes, after the failure of Bonnie Prince Charlie in 1745.

While many eyes were on Lebanon, in July, I wrote a column pointing out another likely regional war, based on a rumour that Ethiopian soldiers had moved into Somalia.

Now, Ethiopian tanks and Mi G fighter planes have turned a Potemkin village of a Somalian government, a stage set for the international community's wishful thinking, into something real. The militias of the Somalia Council of Islamic Courts, which for half a year had controlled most of south and central Somalia, just melted away.

Much of the media spoke of the success of "government forces." An outstanding instance of such question begging -- I use this phrase in its technical, logical sense -- was the Toronto Star's headline a week ago, "Somali forces seize capital," as if the Islamists were not Somalis.

There is also Puntland in the northeast, which formed a government in 1998, but more modestly claims mere autonomy, and its politics are somewhat entangled with those of the hitherto ungovernable or ungoverned remainder of Somalia. The name is a romantic claim to be the Land of Punt, to which ancient Egyptians travelled to buy ebony and incense-producing trees, most notably on a well-recorded expedition sent by the female Pharaoh Hatshepsut in the 15th century BC.

But nothing like King George II's government is available to do the same in Somalia. Ethiopia knows how draining it can be to be an occupying power, and Islamist and warlord militias may well keep going a long but irregular war of attrition.

The new government has spoken sensibly about amnesty. It knows that, just as the people of the capital, Mogadishu, welcomed its arrival, so they had welcomed the order brought by the Islamic courts. That feeling faded when some of those courts became too strict, cracking down on Bollywood movies and the chewing of a mildly narcotic leaf called qat.

Clan and sub-clan structures and Muslim jurisprudence are what Somalis have in the way of a civil society that could in time ground a decent political order. The courts were an instance of a nation trying to reconstitute itself from the bottom up, largely on the initiative of clan elders, with the good result that customary law softened the harsher punishments of Shariah.

For lack of police, the courts formed militias. Then, as a 2005 report by the International Crisis Group put it, "a degree of inter- court co-ordination" became necessary, because Mogadishu -- though hardly a capital at the time, for lack of a state -- was so large and varied in clan makeup.

In the end, though, the umbrella organization did not evolve into a prudent enough government; jihadis were more politically pushy than old-fashioned jurists and elders. Provocative threats were exchanged between Courts Council leaders and the Ethiopian government. For the time being, the regional power has prevailed.

The Somalis had withdrawn in 1991 into a primeval, tribal world of their own, though jarringly accompanied by 20th-century assault rifles. All that is certain now is that Ethiopia has pulled Somalia back into world history, for keeps. One good sign is that falling demand has brought the price in Mogadishu of an AK-47 down to a bargain $18.

Somalia: Watchdog condemns arrest of four journalists

BBC Monitoring Media. London: Jan 5, 2007. pg. 1

Reporters Sans Frontieres press release, Paris, in English 4 Jan 07/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

Text of press release by Paris-based organization Reporters Sans Frontieres (RSF) on 4 January

Reporters Without Borders today condemned arrests of journalists in the past three days in both the northern breakaway state of Somaliland and in the south western city of Baidoa, where the transitional federal government has its seat. Three executives of the Hargeisa-based independent daily Haatuf have been arrested in Somaliland. Hussein Mohammed Abikar of the privately-owned Voice of the Holy Quran radio station has been arrested in Baidoa.

"The fall of the Islamic Courts was supposed to usher in an era of peace and democracy in Somalia, so we are stunned to see the new year begin with a journalist being abducted again by government militias in Baidoa, while a newspaper known for being critical has been shut down in Somaliland and its executives thrown in prison," Reporters Without Borders said.

"President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad, whose powers have been increased by the state of emergency, must ensure that Abikar is quickly freed and that his followers respect the press, while the Somaliland government must release Haatuf's management and allow this newspaper to resume publishing without any further impediments," the press freedom organization added.

Police stormed into the offices of Haatuf in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, on the afternoon of 2 January and arrested publisher Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, editor Ali Abdi Dini and chief financial officer Hussein Kalif Abdullahi, who was beaten while he was being taken to the police station. The authorities have not yet explained why they were arrested or why they are still being held.

Abikar, the Voice of the Holy Quran's correspondent for the Lower Shabelle region, was arrested in Baidoa on 1 January by forces loyal to the transitional federal government, who seized his journalistic material. It is not known where he is being held.

The Reporters Without Borders partner organization in Somalia, the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), said Abikar was reportedly suspected of spying. He was arrested once before in the district of Diinsor and his material was confiscated on that occasion as well. Following his first arrest, he was freed as a result of the intervention of the deputy defence minister.

Reporters Without Borders meanwhile hails NUSOJ's action in joining with most of Somalia's media and journalists' organizations on 2 January to issue an appeal to the transitional federal government to respect press freedom. Reporters Without Borders endorses the appeal and reaffirms its support for Somali journalists who are committed to the principles of democracy and equity.

http://www.afrol.com/articles/23608

Somaliland journalists spend third day in detention

afrol News / Awdal News Network, 4 January - A Somaliland court has today given seven days to the prosecution to present its case against two local journalists who were arrested on Tuesday for allegedly defaming the President and his family in an opinion article. The repeated arrests of Somaliland journalists are received with frustration among citizens, otherwise proud of their breakaway republic's democratic advances.

In a telephone conversation with 'Awdalnews Network', Abdifatah Mahmoud Aideed, 'Somaliland Times' assistant editor, denied any wrongdoing on the part of the paper. "The relevant op-ed was the latest of a series in which one of the reporters compares government corruption practices between the government of the late President Mohammed Ibrahim Egal and the incumbent President Dahir Riyale Kahin," he said.

Mr Aideed further noted that there was nothing that could be described as defamation against the President or his family. The assistant editor accused the government of using highhandedness in arresting Yusuf Abdi Gaboobe, editor-in-chief of 'Somaliland Times', and Ali Abdi Dini, editor of the Somali language 'Haatuf' newspaper, while they were working in the paper's offices.

About 30 police officers had stormed into the sister newspapers' offices on Tuesday 2 January without an official warrant and took the two editors away for detention at the CID headquarters.

'Haatuf' reported that the editors first refused to accompany the police, requesting them to produce an official arrest warrant, but had later accepted to go with them after the police scuffled with some of the staff.

"The police has violated the country's press law that has been approved by the parliament and endorsed by the President which bans the arrest and detention of journalists," Mr Aideed said, adding that Somaliland Police Commander General Mohammed Dubad Saqadi claimed that the law allowed him to arrest reporters if they published slanderous accusations against the President and his family.

'Awdalnews Network' tried to reach government officials but all our calls remained unanswered. The two editors were brought to court today during which the judge had asked the prosecution to present his case within seven days.

The repeated tough action against the Somaliland press is also causing increased frustrations by Somalilanders abroad. "Somalilanders in the Diaspora who have been trying to sell to the public and government officials of whichever country they live the successes of the people of Somaliland cannot swallow this one. How can one justify imprisoning and harassing media people?" asks Abdi Goud Musa, living in the US.

"Somalilanders have to be commended and thanked for keeping the peace, rebuilding our homeland, and establishing democratically elected institutions in the local administration of every town in Somaliland, elected parliamentarians, elected president and now working on how to elect members of the upper house of parliament. Though these are positive and steps in the right direction, arbitrary arrest of the media people and rampant corruption are steps backward," the occasional columnist noted.

Committee to Protect Journalists. http://www.cpj.org E-mail: info@cpj.org

SOMALIA: Two journalists held in Somaliland over critical report

New York, January 3, 2007-Police in the northern self-declared republic of Somaliland stormed the offices of the Somali-language daily Haatuf late Tuesday and seized two journalists over an article alleging corruption by the president's wife, according to local media reports and local journalists. Managing editor Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and editor Ali Abdi Dini have been held for questioning at the offices of the Criminal Investigation Department in Hargeysa, according to the newspaper's associate editor Rashid Mostafa. He said about 40 police stormed the newspaper offices and did not show arrest warrants.

Police Commissioner Muhammad Sangade Dubad was quoted by government-owned Radio Hargeysa as saying that the journalists were arrested over an article on Tuesday "insulting the president of the republic of Somaliland and his wife." The article alleged the president's wife had embezzled government property, according to Mostafa.

"It is outrageous that dozens of police officers should storm the offices of a newspaper and haul away two journalists for writing about a public figure," said Joel Simon, executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists. "We call on the authorities to release our colleagues Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and Ali Abdi Dini immediately."

The journalists were allowed visitors, but their cell phones and a camera from the newsroom were taken away, according to Mostafa.

Somaliland declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991, but has never been internationally recognized. It has maintained relative peace and stability while southern Somalia has sunk further into violence and chaos.

Somaliland authority arrests editor, publisher for "insulting president"

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Jan 2, 2007/Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 2 Jan 07/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC The commissioner of police of the Republic of Somaliland, Muhammad Sangade [phonetic] Dubad, has said they have this afternoon arrested Yusuf Abdi Gaboobe, who is the owner of Haatuf Newspaper, and the editor of the newspaper, Ali Abdi after the newspaper today published an article, as he put it, insulting the president of the republic of Somaliland and his wife.

The report further says the issue will be investigated and the culprits be taken before a court of law.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, January 2, 2007/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 30 Dec 06

Somaliland paper urges Ethiopia to restrain Somalia's transitional government

In his Thursday [ 28 December] press conference, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi mentioned that the threat the Islamic courts posed to Ethiopia was the main reason he went to war against them. He also added that Ethiopia has no intention of meddling in Somalia's political affairs, and will leave as soon as his forces have accomplished their mission.

Although the prime minister's statement sounds reassuring, it has left out some important facts, foremost among which is the possible consequences of Ethiopia's intervention on Somalis who are neither part of the Islamic courts or the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) that was concocted in Mbagathi [Kenya]. A case in point is the statement by the prime minister of the TFG, Ali Gedi, in which he implied that Somaliland was part of the ban on air and sea traffic that he had announced.

Although Gedi's statement had no impact on the flow of air and sea traffic to and from Somaliland, it touched a raw nerve in Somaliland. Having brought Gedi and his partner, Abdullahi Yusuf, all the way to the outskirts of Mogadishu, Ethiopia now bears some responsibility for their political behaviour, and that was the part that was missing from Prime Minister Zenawi's press conference.

Furthermore, the militias under Abdullahi Yusuf's command are ill-disciplined and will be operating in areas inhabited by other clans. Any atrocities committed by these militias will implicate Ethiopia, because it is Ethiopian troops that handed these areas to them after clearing out the Islamic courts.

Mr Zenawi should keep this in mind. That is why it is very important that he should restrain Gedi, Abdullahi Yusuf, and their clan militias.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, January 1, 2007/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 30 Dec 06

Somaliland denounces Premier Gedi's "provocative" remark

The Somaliland parliament condemned Thursday [28 December] a remark made on Somaliland by the prime minister of Somalia's Transitional Federal Government [TFG] during a Wednesday interview with the BBC's Somali service. Asked whether instructions he had just issued banning flights over Somalia would include Somaliland as well, he replied that there was no such a thing as Somaliland.

In a strongly worded joint statement, the Somaliland House of Representatives (Lower House) and the House of Elders (Upper House of Guurti) said that Gedi's statement was provocative and only served to heighten tension in the region. The legislators reiterated that Somaliland will not tolerate any infringement on its sovereignty. They also reminded Ethiopia not to allow its resources and military capabilities to be used by the TFG against Somaliland.

The Guardian (London) December 29, 2006

Reply Letters and emails: Plea for Somaliland

Virtually no mention is made in media reports about Somalia of Somaliland, the former British colony which has been a de facto independent sovereign state since the civil war of 1991 (Leaders, December 27). Somaliland is a remarkably stable, though impoverished, country with a democratically elected president and parliament. It has no appetite for conflict, and certainly no desire to be absorbed into an Islamic Greater Somalia.

The international community has thus far refused to recognise Somaliland, often resorting to the mantra that Somalia must be first to acknowledge Somaliland's independence. This is clearly not only unlikely, given Somalia's continued instability, but also grossly unfair to the people of Somaliland, who have struggled to build a stable and peaceful democracy in the face of numerous obstacles.

One thing is clear: Somaliland needs the protection of the international community if it is maintain its position as beacon of stability in a troubled region. Formal recognition of its existence as an independent sovereign state would be a significant first step.

Kerry McCarthy MP, Lab, Bristol East

SOMALIA: SOMALILAND STEPS INTO THE FRAY

Mogadishu, 27 Dec. (AKI) - The unrecognised de facto state of Somaliland, located in the northwest Somalia has entered the widening conflict between Somalia's Ethiopian backed transitional government and the Islamist Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) movement - on the side of the government, the Qatari state news agency reports. Somaliland soldiers are reported to be fighting alongside Ethiopian ones on the Galcayo area front.

The area is under the control of Somalia's neighbouring semi-autonomous Puntland region and former warlord Abdiqueybdid. Somaliland fighters and forces opposed to the UIC on Saturday took the city of Jalinsor, the second to fall to the anti-UIC military alliance after Bandiredley. The alliance is said to comprise Somali and Ethiopian government troops, as well as a loose alliance of Somali, Somaliland, and Punta warlords opposed to terrorism. Critics of the UIC allege it has links to the al-Qaeda terror network - claims the UIC denies.

The Arab League is meeting in the Egyptian capital, Cairo, on Wednesday to discuss the escalating violence in Somalia, which appears to be verging on a civil war threatening to draw in Ethopia's longterm enemy Eritrea on the side of the UIC as well as other powers.

The UN envoy to Somalia, Francois Lonseny Fall, has urged the Security Council to mediate to end the fighting in the war-ravaged country where 2 million people in the centre and south are also suffering the effects of flooding.

The Security Council is due to resume later on Wednesday its discussions on Somalia after the African Union (AU) on Tuesday said Ethopia has the right to intervene militarily in Somalia as the country feels threatened by the Islamic militia operating there. The UN estimates that at least 8,000 Ethopian troops may be supporting the weak transitional government based in Baidoa in southern Somalia.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, December 26, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 23 Dec 06

Kenyan MPs back independence of Somaliland

Members of a Kenyan parliamentary delegation which arrived in Hargeysa on Wednesday [20 December] on a fact-finding mission are now fully convinced that Somaliland is qualified to be recognized as a sovereign country by countries in the region and the international community at large. Led by veteran MP Paul Muite, the five member delegation was given a heroic welcome on arrival and has since held a series of extensive discussions with country's political, traditional, and civic leaders.

The Kenyan MPs met with Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin and held talks with leaders of the parliament and political parties. On Thursday morning the visitors were in the Somaliland House of Elders (Guurti), where MP Muite was given a rare opportunity to address a joint session of Parliament and the House of Elders. The panel also dismissed claims that recognition of Somaliland would violate the inadmissibility of changing colonial boundaries as called for in the African Union's charter.

On Friday the delegation visited the port city of Berbera as well as Sheekh District.

Mr Muite, a lawyer himself, said since Somaliland reverted to the colonial boundaries that it inherited from the British rule, the inviolability of the frontiers was not applicable to the case of Somaliland.

The Kenyan MPs included Mr Oloo Aringo (Narc), Mr Mauka Maore (KANU), Mr Patrice Ivuti (Ford-A) and Aldai's Jimmy Choge (KANU). The delegation was accompanied by former Mandera MP Adan Abdullahi, Prof. David Anyoti, and Abdirahman M. Isma'il, a Kenyan who works for Nepad [New Partnership for Africa's Development].

The parliamentary mission is expected to raise a report on their findings to the Kenyan legislature. They also plan to present a motion in the Kenyan parliament calling on the Kenyan government to fully recognize the republic of Somaliland as a sovereign country. The Kenyan MPs are expected to wind up their visit today and leave for Nairobi this afternoon via Addis Ababa.

BBC Monitoring International Reports, December 20, 2006/Source: Daily Nation website, Nairobi, in English 19 Dec 06

KENYAN MPS VISIT SOMALILAND ON FACT-FINDING MISSION

Five MPs visited Somaliland on a five-day fact-finding mission. Kabete MP Paul Muite is leading the team which includes Mr Oloo Aringo (nominated), Mr Maoka Maore (Ntonyiri), Mr Patrice Ivuti (Kitui South) and Aldai's Jimmy Choge.

The leaders left the country yesterday accompanied by former MP Aden Abdullahi, who is also the Former Parliamentarians Association treasurer.

Somaliland is a former British protectorate which gained its independence on June 26, 1961. It joined southern Somalia which attained independence in July 1960 to form the Republic of Somalia. It, however, declared independence following the overthrow of Siad Barre.

True situation

Mr Muite said owing to increased interest in Somaliland, the members are expected to gather "credible information regarding the true situation to warrant consideration for recognition as a separate state".

The Horn of African country has been without a government since Barre was deposed over a decade ago. And Islamic Courts leaders are fighting an interim transitional government that took over last year.

Last month, Foreign Affairs minister Raphael Tuju started talks to defuse tension in Somalia and announced that he was working with IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority for Development] to set up measures geared to prevent more deaths.

Foreign Affairs permanent secretary Thuita Mwangi said the government was concerned about recent bomb attacks in Baidoa in which four people were killed. "Kenya condemns the perpetrators of the suicide bomb in Baidoa and we call on all parties to exercise maximum restraint," the PS said.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, December 17, 2006/Source: Haatuf, Hargeysa, in Somali 15 Dec 06

Somali courts chief threatens to free men convicted of terrorism in Somaliland

The Mogadishu-based Islamic courts have threatened to free some convicted terrorists from prisons in Somaliland.

This is according to the chairman of the consultative council of the Union of Islamic Courts, Hasan Dahir Aweys, who said on Ceel Buur radio, "The men (held over terrorism) have men who can help them and have their God. We hope to release them from Somaliland jails as we have released those who were abducted by the warlords in Mogadishu and put in prison."

He said the courts were unhappy with the way the men had been treated and said the Somaliland administration was not different from that of Siyad Barre as it has some of its members.

Africa News, December 13, 2006/BYLINE: The Ethiopian Herald

Border Security to Improve Between Ethiopia and Somaliland

Ethiopia and Somaliland have agreed to work together to maintain peace and security along their common border which is in jeopardy due to Al-Ithad, Al-Islamya and other breeding disreputable threats.

During talks with a high-level Somaliland delegation led by Interior Affairs Minister Abdullahi Ismael Ali yesterday, Federal Affairs Minister Siraj Fegessa said: "Ethiopia and Somaliland need each other more than ever before." He further said that with the international community taking a policy of appeasement towards Al-Ithad forces, Ethiopia and Somaliland can no longer put off making essential choices for adequately meeting the challenges posed by the terrorists against their nationals security interests.

On the occasion, the Minister welcomed the effort made by Somaliland security forces to capture terrorists who attempted to infiltrate from Somaliland into Ethiopia.

Siraj said: " The ties between the two countries must be further strengthened in all spheres on the basis of mutual respect and common interest."

Speaking on his part, Mr Abdulahi Ismael Ali, said: "It is difficult to differentiate the benefit of the security of Somaliland to the security of Ethiopia" Any danger is posed against Ethiopia is also a threat to Somaliland, he added.

The former British Somaliland protectorate became fully independent from the United Kingdom on June 26, 1960. The state of Somaliland united with Somalia, creating the Somali republic.

The Republic of Somaliland restored its independence after the total collapse of Somalia on May 18, 1991. Constitutionally, Somaliland has a multi-party system.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, December 13, 2006/Source: Haatuf, Hargeysa, in Somali 12 Dec 06

Somaliland condemns partial lifting of Somalia arms embargo

Somaliland authorities have condemned the lifting of the arms embargo on the Mbagathi [transitional federal] government of Somalia, saying the move would threaten peace in the Horn of Africa.

The statement was made by Somaliland's foreign affairs state minister, Sa'id Muhammad Nur, whom we interviewed last night. The interview was conducted via telephone and it touched on many subjects. He said Somaliland would be affected if war breaks out in Somalia. He talked about Somaliland's relation with Ethiopia and Djibouti, which he described as unchanged.

Speaking on a recent incident where Somaliland MPs were returned by Djibouti following the death of the former president, the minister said the move was meant to avenge for an incident during which Somaliland barred a delegation from Djibouti to attend the burial ceremony of the former Somaliland president, Muhammad Ibrahim Egal. This, he added, was not political.

Speaking on Somaliland's stance on UN resolution that led to the lifting of the arms embargo on Somalia, the minister said: "Somaliland had long ago taken a clear stance rejecting the lifting of the arms embargo on Somalia. The lifting of the arms embargo is not in the interest of anyone in the Horn and can lead to insecurity in the region".

Somaliland cleric detained on alleged terrorism offences released BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Dec 12, 2006/Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 1600 12 Dec 06

Thousands of people gathered today in the town of Burco to welcome one of the most prominent cleric in the area who has been in detention on charges relating to a plot to carry out terrorist attacks in Somaliland. Mustafa Haji Adan has sent us the following report from the town of Burco.

[Mustafa] Shaykh Muhammad Mahmud Nur, aka Imam Nur, who has been under detention for one year and three months at the Hargeysa Central Jail, was today given a big welcome in Burco, the provincial capital of Togdheer Region. The shaykh was welcomed by a convoy over one hundred vehicles and a large crowd of people who were waving green twigs to welcome Shaykh Muhammad.

[Mustafa] Shaykh Muhammad Mahmud Nur gave a brief speech at the Burco town square and said while in detention at the Hargeysa Central Jail he was treated well. The shaykh said he would appeal against the decision to detain him.

Somaliland: Why the USA Should Recognize Somaliland's Independence Garowe Online/ 2006-12-26

The United States government should officially recognize the independence of Somaliland, a moderate Muslim democracy in the Horn of Africa. Such an argument may seem counterintuitive at a time when tensions are rising in the region. But I submit that it is precisely because of those rising tensions that it is time for the Bush administration to act, especially if it is truly serious about democracy promotion, counter-terrorism, and curtailing the spread of Islamic fundamentalism.

Why does Somaliland deserve U.S. recognition?

First and foremost, it is important to recollect that, after achieving independence from British colonial rule on June 26, 1960, Somaliland was duly recognized as a sovereign entity by the United Nations and thirty-five countries, including the United States. Several days later, on July 1, the independent country of Somaliland voluntarily joined with its newly independent southern counterpart (the former UN Trust Territory of Somalia that was a former Italian colony) to create the present-day Republic of Somalia. Somalilanders rightfully note that they voluntarily joined a union after independence, and that, under international law, they should (and do) have the right to abrogate that union, as they did in 1991. Examples abound in the second half of the twentieth century of international recognition of countries that have emerged from failed federations or failed states, including East Timor, Eritrea, Gambia, and the successor states of the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. The same legal principle should be applied to Somaliland.

The political basis for Somaliland's claim is that the voluntary union of 1960 was derailed in 1969 by a military coup d'etat in Mogadishu that ushered in more than two decades of brutal military rule under the dictatorship of General Mohamed Siyaad Barre. Himself a southerner, Barre destroyed the foundations of the north-south democratic compact, most notably by unleashing a murderous campaign (bordering on genocide) against northern civilians that resulted in more than 50,000 deaths and created over 500,000 refugees as part of a widening civil war during the 1980s. Even after Barre was overthrown in 1991 by a coalition of guerrilla armies, including the northern-based Somali National Movement (SNM), northern expectations of a government of national unity were dashed when southern guerrilla movements reneged on an earlier agreement and unilaterally named a southerner president, which in turn was followed by the intensification of inter and intra-clan conflict in the south. Nearly thirty years of unfulfilled promises and brutal policies ripped the fabric of the already fragile north-south political compact. A "point of no return" had been reached for Somalilanders intent on reasserting their country's independence. In May 2001, a popular mandate was given to dissolving the union, when a resounding number of ballots cast (97 percent) in a national Somaliland referendum favored the adoption of a new constitution that explicitly underscored Somaliland's independence.

Somaliland deserves recognition if the Bush administration is truly sincere about promoting democracy in the wider Middle East. In sharp contrast to southern Somalia where instability and crisis have reigned and in fact intensified in the last fifteen years, Somaliland has established a democratic polity that, if recognized, would make it the envy of democracy activists in the Muslim world. The essence of Somaliland's successful democratization was captured by U.S.-based International Republican Institute and the National Endowment for Democracy in convening a September 2006 panel discussion on Somaliland. They wrote that "Somaliland's embrace of democracy, its persistence in holding round after round of elections, both winners and losers abiding by the rules, the involvement of the grassroots, the positive role of traditional authorities, the culture of negotiation and conflict resolution, the temperance of ethnicity or clan affiliation and its deployment for constructive purposes, the adaptation of modern technology, the conservative use of limited resources, and the support of the diaspora and the professional and intellectual classes are some of the more outstanding features of Somaliland's political culture that are often sorely lacking elsewhere."

Somaliland also deserves recognition from a purely U.S.-centric national security perspective. The Somaliland government and population embody a moderate voice in the Muslim world that rejects radical interpretations of Islam, including that espoused by various portions of the Council of Somali Islamic Courts (CSIC) currently in control of Mogadishu and its environs. It would serve as a bulwark against the further expansion of radical ideologies in the Horn of Africa by offering a shining example (along with Mali and Senegal and other predominantly Muslim Sub-Saharan African democracies) of how Islam and democracy are not mutually exclusive, but rather mutually reinforcing. Somaliland leaders are also eager to cooperate with the Bush administration in a variety of counter-terrorism measures, including working with the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) based in Djibouti. They are currently prohibited from doing so due to U.S. legislation that prevents cooperation with unrecognized Somaliland authorities.

The critiques of the pro-independence position are numerous, but don't stand up to close examination. One strand of thought is that Somaliland is not economically viable. This position is reminiscent of claims made by Europeans during the 1950s with respect to their African colonies, with the aim of delaying independence throughout Africa. In any case, the argument is belied by Somaliland's creation of a highly self-sufficient, well-functioning economy even though it has no access to the economic benefits that would come with statehood, such as access to loans from international financial institutions.

A second critique, typically offered by African policymakers, is that recognition of Somaliland will "open a pandora's box" of secessionist claims throughout Africa. However, as in the case of Eritrea, which gained independence from Ethiopia in 1993, the Somaliland case does not call into question the African mantra of the "inviolability of frontiers" inherited at independence. The north-south union followed the independence and recognition of both the British and Italian Somali territories, and its dissolution therefore would constitute a unique case of returning to the boundaries inherited from the colonial era.

Others, especially those connected to UN efforts throughout the Horn of Africa, argue that recognition will derail the UN-sponsored "building blocks" approach to national reconciliation that includes the reconstitution of a central government in Mogadishu. This approach, however, has been an utter failure, as witnessed by the short-lived Transitional National Government (TNG) and its replacement by a Transitional Federal Government (TFG), the authority of which extends little beyond the town of Baidoa. What authority it has is largely due to the intervention of Ethiopian troops opposed to the further expansion of the Islamic Courts. It is time to recognize that the UN-sponsored "building blocks" cannot be stacked together to create a reunified central authority in Mogadishu.

A fourth critique claims that the "time is not right" for recognition because it will further intensify the widening crisis between the Islamic Courts and the TFG, and between their respective regional and international supporters. This argument has been heard repeatedly in the last fifteen years whenever efforts at reconstructing a unified central government were thought to be on the "verge of success." Success has proved elusive over all this time, however, and it is now clear that southern Somalia will remain in crisis regardless of what is done with respect to Somaliland recognition. The most dire prediction of some Somali watchers is that the Islamic Courts movement will emerge victorious in the current conflict, assert its control over all Somali territories outside of Somaliland, and then threaten open warfare with Somaliland to bring it back into the Somali fold. If this should happen, it will likely be too late for the United States or others to intervene in a timely and effective manner to prevent Somaliland's absorption into an Islamist Somalia. This reality makes recognition all the more urgent.

One of the more nuanced critiques of recognition is that loyalty to Somaliland in its eastern districts of Sanaag and Sool is contested, especially among the Warsengeli and Dhulbahante clans, and that any movement toward independence would potentially require the redrawing of Somaliland's eastern boundary - which the leadership in Hargeisa (Somaliland's capital) is unwilling to entertain. It is important to reiterate that Somaliland's current boundaries are those of the original British Somaliland Protectorate created in 1884 and the independent country recognized by the international community beginning on June 26, 1960, and therefore have a solid legal basis under international law. The 2001 referendum provided an unequivocal popular basis for the independence claim. One way of resolving this issue, as was done with Eritrea in May 1993, would be to hold a territory-wide, UN-sponsored and internationally monitored popular referendum on independence that would be binding. If, as would be expected, pro-independence forces prevailed, those unwilling to live under Somaliland rule would have to make hard decisions about whether to continue living in Somaliland. .

A final critique involves the concept of "African solutions for African problems." Proponents contend that the United States should wait for African countries led by the AU to first recognize Somaliland. This approach is the topic of a thought-provoking International Crisis Group report, "Somaliland: Time for African Union Leadership," published in May 2006, and was publicly endorsed by Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazer in a presentation on November 17, 2006 at the annual meeting of the African Studies Association. Although Frazer's statement that the United States would recognize Somaliland if the AU acted first was welcomed by specialists on Somaliland, it is unclear when or if a AU recognition process will actually unfold. The encouragement of African action should not become the basis for inaction on the part of the United States.

The time for U.S. recognition of Somaliland is now, not only because it is right, but because it is in the interests of the United States. Recognition of Somaliland, followed by expanded engagement by Somaliland with the international community, would serve as a powerful lesson for other countries within the region (not least of all southern Somalia) of the benefits associated with the creation and consolidation of democratic systems of governance. Somaliland would become a model to emulate, and the United States would be congratulated for undertaking a proactive policy in support of a moderate, Muslim democracy.

Peter J. Schraeder is a professor in the Department of Political Science at Loyola University Chicago. He writes on African politics and U.S. Africa policy.

Twelve people including Islamic cleric convicted of terrorism in Somaliland

BBC Monitoring Newsfile. London: Dec 9, 2006. Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 9 Dec 06/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

The following were convicted: Abdirahman Yusuf Warsame, Abdirahman Jama Inda Adde, Ahmad Abdi Godale who was sentenced in absentia, Ibrahim Jama alias Ibrahim Afghan in absentia, Ibrahim Bere [phonetic], in absentia, Muhammad Aydid in absentia and Sahal also in absentia. All these were sentenced to 25 years. While Ahmad |Ali Husayn alias Ahmad Kayse, Muhammad Shaykh Isma'il Hasan, Muhammad Ibrahim Ahmad Labagunu [phonetic], Abdullahi Muhammad Ahmad alias Gaab, and Muse Ali Yusuf were jailed for 20 years.

The Hargeysa regional court today sentenced 12 criminals to terms ranging between 20 to 25 years. These were the terrorists arrested in Hargeysa and Burco at the end of September [2005] as they were planning to carry out terrorist actions.

The Hargeysa regional court had held 22 sessions including and altering charges and examination. Following the validation of the crimes, seven of the accused were jailed for 25 years, while four of them were sentenced in absentia.

Five of the terrorists were jailed for 20 years, while one suspects was released for lack of evidence.

The ruling which was made today at the Hargeysa regional court was witnessed by relatives of the accused and others.

The judge of the Hargeysa regional court, who is the chairman of the regional court, Abdirahman Jama Ayan used the Holy Koran, Islamic law, and statutory laws to reach a verdict.

The weapons which the terrorists were going to use in their mission was exhibited at the court. These included bombs, pistols, guns, and some liquid chemical substances which would have caused major explosions and caused bodily harm to people.

Ten video cassettes on jihad which were filmed in Bosnia, Chechnya and Afghanistan were also played back before the court.

The court also dismissed as a fabrication a [recent] video footage that showed [one of the suspects] Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il being tortured.

Muhammad Mahmud Nur Farur was released for lack of evidence.

Agence France Presse, December 9, 2006

Court acquits top Somali Islamic leader of terrorism charges

A court in the breakaway republic of Somaliland on Saturday acquitted the leader of the country's powerful Islamic movement of terrorism charges, but sentenced nine others to lengthy jail terms, officials said.

Judge Abdirahman Ghama Ayan ruled there was insufficient evidence to convict Islamic leader Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys and top commander Aden Hashi Ayro for allegedly plotting terrorist acts in September 2005, they said.

The pair are currently leading a powerful Islamic movement based in Mogadishu, the capital of neighbouring Somalia. It was not known that they had been charged until Saturday's ruling was read.

Ayan sentenced nine others, including the Islamic preacher Sheikh Mohamed Ismail, to jail terms ranging from 20 to 25 years in Hargeisa, the capital of the northwestern region, said Abdi Idris, a spokesman for the Somaliland presidency.

Some of those convicted are also still at large and believed to be hiding in southern Somalia, where the Islamic movement, headed by Aweys, threatens the authority of the transitional government, officials said.

In September 2005, Somaliland authorities said they had arrested three Al-Qaeda operatives, including "an internationally known" Afghan-trained extremist, allegedly in the region to organize attacks on local leaders and foreigners.

The arrests of the other defendants which took place since then were not reported by the Somaliland authorities until Saturday's ruling.

Aweys, Ayro and the defendants sentenced on Saturday were charged with terrorism and smuggling of illegal weapons and explosives, among other charges.

Aweys is being sought by Washington for suspected links to Osama bin Laden's Al-Qaeda network, but the hardline cleric has denied the charges.

Aweys heads the Supreme Islamic Council of Somalia (SICS), which controls vast swathes of southern Somalia and has started imposing Islamic law within its territories.

Currently Islamic fighters are clashing with government troops backed by Ethiopian forces near the seat of Somalia's government in Baidoa, about 250 kilometres (155 miles) northwest of Mogadishu.

In November last year, a Somaliland court sentenced eight men to death and seven others to life in prison for murdering foreign aid workers in the Horn of Africa territory.

Somaliland, a former British protectorate, became independent on June 26, 1960, but days later united with the Italian colony to the south to form the republic of Somalia.

It seceded from Somalia in May 1991, five months after late Somali strongman Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown, and has remained relatively calm even as the rest of the country has plunged into anarchy.

Unlike Somalia itself, where violence still rages, the breakaway region has managed to develop instruments of statehood, including a viable justice system.

Somaliland: Security team holds meeting with clan leaders

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Dec 3, 2006/ Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 3 Dec 06/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

The Toghdeer Region [central Somaliland] security committee today held a meeting with over 100 clan elders and chiefs in Togdheer Region. The meeting discussed some recent statements made by some clan leaders in Burco [Toghdeer administrative HQ]. Our Toghdeer reporter Yusuf Ibrahim Warsame Ilka'ase has the details:

[Ilka'ase] The Toghdeer Region security committee today met over 100 clan elders on the political ramifications of the recent statement by some clan leaders. The Toghdeer regional governor Abdi Husayn Dheere said the government would succeed in its actions. He urged clan elders in Toghdeer to resist those who are creating discord and support the government.

Some clan elders during the meeting said they would resist any moves by elements trying to destabilize the country [passage omitted on education minister's comments on education in region].

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, December 3, 2006/Source: Shabeelle Media Network website, Mogadishu, in Somali 3 Dec 06

Somalia: Somaliland soldiers reportedly defect to Islamic courts

Some Somaliland military officers based in Ari Adeye [eastern Somaliland, northwestern Somalia] have defected to the Islamic courts forces according to a news conference held by the officers in Mogadishu.

One of the officers was dressed in the Islamic courts army uniform.

Two officers who were on the frontline in Ari Adeye said they had decided on their own volition to defect to the courts. The two officers Muhammad Abdullahi Abbas, an artillery man and Abdi Du'ale Abubakar from the airforce have had military training in Ethiopia.

The officers said they had defected to defend Somalia against Ethiopian troops. Muhammad Abdullahi Abbas said they would use their knowledge to resist the Ethiopian troops.

The officers urged their colleagues who have similar training to defect to the Islamic courts to defend the country and its faith.

This is the first time that officers from the Somaliland army have defected to the Islamic courts of Somalia.

Somaliland town said to be tense following arrest of clan leader

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Dec 2, 2006/ Somali Union of Islamic Courts website, Mogadishu, in Somali 0000 2Dec 06/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

The sultan of the Habaryonis clan in the self-styled Somaliland Republic, Sultan Usman Ali Madar,is missing for the second day following his arrest by the administration from his home in Burco [alternate spelling,Burao]. A tribal elder by the name of Muhammad Farah Adan was also arrested at the same time and their whereabouts is unknown.

The Habaryonis clan on Thursday held a meeting attended by 250 members including religious leaders,elders and businessmen in Burco and called for the implementation of shari'ah law in Somaliland.

Reports from Burco say the situation in the town is tense following the arrest of the sultan and the tribal elder who are believed to have been taken to Hargeysa prison. [Passage omitted].

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, November 28, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 25 Nov 06

Somaliland: Editorial says Egypt supports Islamists to protect Nile waters

The highly controversial allegation that 720 Somali Islamists were recruited to fight in Lebanon last summer along Hezbollah in battles against the Israeli army seems to be the only surprise that came up in the UN panel's report listing the countries that have been sending arms to Somalia's main two rival factions - the Transitional federal government and the Islamic Courts Union [ICU]. There is of course no evidence to support the panel's conclusion that the ICU militia men actually fought for Hezbollah following the outbreak of hostilities earlier this year between the Shi'is Party of God and the Israeli military. Besides, the whole idea of Hezbollah turning to the ICU for troops defies all logic. But the controversy stirred by this particular allegation shouldn't necessarily mean that the credibility of the rest of the information contained in the UN report on violators of the arms embargo against Somalia is also questionable.

For example, it is true that Iran and Syria have been providing arms and logistical support to the ICU. It wouldn't be difficult to verify this assertion since one can see in Mogadishu weapons, ammunition, foodstuff, and medicine bearing Syrian or Iranian marks. Due to their common rivalry to the US, the two Muslim countries have apparently found a new ally in the ICU, which Washington accuses of harbouring terrorists. So, Iran's and Syria's motive in assisting the ICU has been to demonstrate that they can spoil things for the Americans not only in the Middle East but in the Horn of Africa as well.

While one can understand what drives the Syrian and Iranian regimes to act mischievously towards the Americans, isn't it reprehensible that a country like Egypt which gets 2bn dollars annually should come to the aid of the ICU as well? Egypt has since time immemorial been obsessive about the source of two-thirds of its water - Ethiopia's Blue Nile. Always worried about the prospect of their water supplies declining as a result of an expanded Ethiopian utilization of the Blue Nile waters for ambitious agricultural or hydro-electric based development projects, Egyptian leaders sought to make life difficult for Ethiopia. The reason why Egypt has been meddling in Somali affairs for the 16 years was to ensure that any government installed for Somalia was one that would protect Egyptian interests: the uninterrupted and undiminished flow of the Blue Nile waters. Egypt opposes Somaliland's recognition because it thinks that an independent and democratic Somaliland that is friendly with Ethiopia, will weaken its traditional leverage vis-A -vis Addis Ababa. Cairo has also instigated Saudi Arabia to impose a decade-long ban on the entry of Somaliland livestock into the kingdom

Blinded by its Nile policy, Egypt has now allied itself with Hasan Dahir Aweys and his terrorists. It is up to President Bush's government to decide whether the Egyptian regime may still continue to receive billions of dollars in direct and indirect US aid while at the same endangering America's national security interests.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, November 26, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times, Hargeysa, in English 26 Nov 06

Somaliland: Twenty people arrested for rioting over disused cement factory

Somaliland's regional Sahil authorities in Berbera have said so far that they have in custody 20 people it asserts were behind last weeks (16 Nov 2006) civil unrest which caused wide spread looting and destruction of governmental offices and public properties in the port city of Berbera.

Initially, local youth, students and residents in Berbera took to the streets in demonstration when news of the defunct cement plant on the outskirts of the city was said to be dismantled/sold and shipped abroad as scrap metal by local persons the government had given its consent to. The demonstration quickly turned into a riot and government offices and local municipality HQ were sacked and vandalized.

Somaliland Times has learnt that the number of persons in custody arrested over the past week exceeds the government's official number of those detained and in custody. From reliable sources in Berbera Somaliland Times has been told over 40 men and three women are held in Berbera central police station and in the local town prison. The minister of Interior, Mr Abdullahi Iyro was asked by Somaliland Times to comment on the number of those in custody but declined to give us any comments but simply said that there were a number of persons arrested and in custody and that he will issue in the coming days a statement regarding those in his custody.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, November 19, 2006/Source: Puntlandpost.com website in Somali 19 Nov 06

Islamists to extend olive branch to Somaliland

Officials of the Union of Islamic Courts have disclosed that they will hold talks with the government calling itself Somaliland in the north of Somalia.

The leaders of the Islamic courts say they will to go to all lengths to hold talks with the Somaliland administration. This means that the the Islamic courts have recognized Somaliland as a government independent of the rest of Somalia.

"We want to meet the leaders of Somaliland to ensure that there is no war between the Islamic courts and Somaliland. This is a way that will save us from confrontation with the government of Somaliland." This is what was stated in the new initiative in which the Islamic courts want to mend fences with the government calling itself Somaliland.

Somaliland recently expressed its opposition to the activities of the Islamic courts in Somalia, saying those activities were expansionist and that it would stand up to any attempt by the courts to encroach on its territory.

The Islamic courts do not seem to be keen to attack Somaliland even though Hasan Turki recently said the courts would capture Somaliland and introduce Shari'ah law there.

From Plunder and Profit to Prosperity and Peace:
Resolving Resource-based Conflict in Somaliland

Academy for Peace and Development (APD) and Interpeace, Hargeisa, November 2006. English, 38 pages.
http://www.apd-somaliland.org/news/20061112dfppublic.htm

Executive Summary

After decades of political upheaval in greater Somalia, land tenure systems in Somaliland State lie in grim disarray. Years of national civil war steadily eroded traditional systems of managing land and resources and resolving conflict, the young state government has since failed to replace or return these systems, and poverty has meanwhile run rampant throughout. These three conditions in concert have opened the gate to a mass scramble for dwindling natural resources that now poses great threat to the people of Somaliland, to her environment, to economic growth and to prospects for lasting peace.

Agriculture, both rain-fed and irrigated, for food crops and fodder, is slowly eating away grazing land. Diaspora returnees are bringing newly acquired enthusiasm for the business of sedentary agriculture, while livestock herders destitute from the war are turning to farming out of desperation. As agriculture expands its hold over the countryside, pastoralists and farmers are increasingly coming into conflict over scarce land and water. The devastated rural economy, victim of war, drought and a livestock export ban, drives the poor to any means for survival. Forests, one of the few remaining resources in Somaliland left to exploit, are now falling at ecologically suicidal rates to the axes of loggers and charcoal burners.

Somaliland's traditional methods of conflict resolution are becoming increasingly unreliable. Conflicts are many, varied and complex, and often extend beyond the narrow clan ties upon which traditional intervention relies.

Somaliland is awash with small arms; in some areas, unemployed youth are readily available as 'guns-for hire.' Skirmishes quickly escalate into endlessly spiraling vendettas due to the ubiquity of deadly weapons and inadequate policing. Government forces are weak, under-funded and undisciplined.

These overwhelming problems prompted the Academy for Peace and Development (APD), in partnership with WSP International, to help Somaliland government institutions establish policies and laws to tackle the underlying causes of these conflicts, improve natural resource management systems and help build peace in the region.

From a strong foundation in participatory action research methodology, the project sought specifically to bring together all public stakeholders to dissect, debate and discuss conflicts over natural resources, raise public awareness of and involvement in the issue, develop a concrete plan of action to address the causes and finally begin to reverse the environmental and societal devastation.

At a National Group Meeting held in Hargeisa in November 2004 - the first in a series of APD led workshops on natural resource based conflicts in Somaliland - key decision makers, professionals, experts and civic and traditional leaders met to begin discovering the underlying causes of such conflicts, and in particular those surrounding charcoal, in an attempt to find sustainable solutions.

Key issues

The first question to ask when formulating plans, policies and regulations governing natural resource management: Who controls the resource? Before the civil war, authority over the use and ownership of natural resources rested firmly in the hands of the omnipotent, if undemocratic and often unjust central government. With the collapse of the Siad Barre regime in 1991 and the emergence of a budding, inexperienced state government in Somaliland, the situation has a taken a turn for the worse. Increasing urbanisation, settlement, sedentarisation and fencing have diminished available grazing land and, with it, pastoralists' hopes for a return to traditional livelihoods.

There are no clear government policies or laws governing natural resource use, and little or no room for development programmes in Somaliland's official budget. The private sector has tried to fill the gap, making significant investments in education, health care, communication and trade. Government encourages these efforts, but rarely coordinates them to improve efficiency or impose basic minimum standards. The same is true of aid agency projects.

Fencing rangeland

The increasing prevalence of fenced enclosures in traditional pasturelands and the growth of sedentary agriculture are two of the most important causes of natural resource-based conflict in Somaliland. To the west and southwest of Hargeisa, for example, pastoralists from Alleybadey District on the Ethiopian side of the border can no longer seek water and pasture for their livestock in neighbouring vicinities in Somaliland because of the proliferation of fences and farms in the area. Violent conflicts are common.

Burning forests for fuel

Charcoal is the primary source of fuel for Somaliland's 160,000 urban households, which consume nearly 5 million bags of charcoal each year. Forests everywhere are retreating visibly from the periphery of human settlements. Charcoal production has increased dramatically since the imposition of the 1998 livestock export ban forced pastoralists to scramble for economic alternatives. To make matters worse, rural communities are also switching to charcoal as the more compact, convenient and cleaner-burning fuel. The export trade has added another dramatic dimension to the problem, increasing both local profit margins and production demands to such an extent that traders now employ fully armed militia for protection. Bloody encounters are reported regularly in the media.

Settling around water

Water is vital to pastoral livelihoods, and in its pursuit roaming pastoralists are unlikely to respect artificial barriers placed in their way, especially in times of great need. When the prize is a dwindling resource that both need to survive and thrive, conflicts between mobile pastoralists and sedentary farmers seem inevitable. Water points have proliferated steadily since the British colonial administration first established communal earth dams along the Ethiopian border in the 1950s, in the process encouraging the growth of settlements - and the attendant erosion of topsoil, destruction of trees and acceleration of desertification. And the need for water still grows. In Somaliland's fragile and often harsh semi-arid environment, the clear end result of the rush for scarce resources is ecological and economic devastation.

Implications for Peace

As annual rainfall levels decrease and become more sporadic, the movement of animals beyond traditional boundary lines is increasingly provoking hostility from host communities. With Somaliland's rule of law still in its infancy and societal fragmentation from years of civil strife yet to completely heal, such conflicts over resources will continue to lie at the heart of any attempt to build peace.

Key Recommendations

Clear policy and law: Pastoralists need free mobility and access to water and pasture; expanding settlements threaten the viability of pastoralist livelihoods. The land tenure situation in Somaliland calls for thorough and rigorous understanding before formulating realistic laws and policies that can address all aspects of land ownership and access.

Living incomes: A variety of rangeland trees produce valuable gums and resins, such as Acacia Senegal (gum Arabic) but the pastoral community has never been made aware of their commercial potential. With greater awareness, living trees could become a valuable and renewable source of income.

Regional cooperation: The charcoal issue has grown so pervasive and complex that regional dialogue and regulation is now necessary. Rising tensions along the borders with Puntland to the east and Ethiopia to the south could lead to war. All parties must reach a common understanding of the problem, and together develop a common approach to seeking solutions.

Efficient use: Existing technologies, such as energy-saving stoves and machines that turn waste charcoal dust into briquettes, can help make more efficient use of charcoal and thus reduce overall demand.

Alternative fuels: There are several promising alternatives to charcoal, including potentially rich local coal deposits and technologies harnessing solar and wind energy. Nearly 90% of Somaliland's urban households rely on charcoal as their main source of energy, and will continue to do so until the cost of these and other alternatives such as kerosene and LPG can be lowered through tax breaks and other subsidies, distribution networks can spread to compete with charcoal's convenience, and public awareness rises. Doing away with the charcoal trade entirely is not feasible, but alternative fuels can reduce both the demand and the environmental damage.

Community involvement: With a weak central government and conflicting land use laws the situation is unlikely to improve without the involvement of local communities. Working groups from the APD workshop series recommended the formation of locally initiated district or village associations to help regulate access to grazing areas and forests, establish community-controlled reserves and initiate reforestation projects. Government can assist by establishing national parks and game reserves to serve as sanctuaries for vegetation and wildlife now being decimated through poaching and the expansion of human settlements.

Achievements and Lessons Learned

Raising awareness, encouraging action: Two APD-produced video documentaries on natural resource-based conflict have aired repeatedly on local TV. The visual impact of charcoal's extensive environmental toll and evidence of the sheer enormity of the trade struck a chord among many audiences, including the government. These and other broadcasts on the subject led to the formation of a National Task Force of Ministers, nominated by the President, to look into the problem and potential solutions.

Showcasing solutions: An APD-led exhibition presenting alternatives to charcoal - including efficient charcoal stoves and kilns, solar technologies and a locally assembled, affordable and easy-to-maintain 3KW wind generator - was a valuable exercise in drawing public attention to practical problem-solving. Hands-on demonstrations of this nature inspire action, collaboration and the spread of solutions in a way that discussion alone often cannot.

Breaking down barriers: Inspired by partners' earlier efforts, APD and another local NGO, Haqsoor, successfully assisted local communities to remove enclosures in Borama, one of Somaliland's most fenced and settled districts. After lengthy deliberations at an open local public dialogue session to discuss the issue and work toward consensus, all villagers agreed that the enclosures should be removed; many volunteered their own time and labour. Local committees were formed to ensure that the fences do not return.

Empowering pastoralists: With the pastoral community marginalised in all matters of policy, the continuous encouragement of a more participatory, enabling and empowering approach will be a major priority. The planned formation of a National Pastoral Forum and grassroots pastoral associations will be central to achieving this goal, helping to strike a balance between local initiatives and those of international organisations and government authorities at district, regional and national levels.

Conclusion

As Somaliland's demand for charcoal grows, priority must go to the sustainable management and use of the forest resources that provide fuel, fodder and essential environmental services such as soil protection, biological diversity and carbon sequestration. The main challenge will be to strike a precarious balance between competing demands for land and resources, and in the process bring together diverse groups and interests in one common cause: finding concrete and lasting solutions to the charcoal crisis.

Somali Islamists to "apologize to Somaliland on past crimes"

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Nov 20, 2006. pg. 1/Goobjoog website, in Somali 19 Nov 06/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

The Somali Islamic Courts Council [SICC] has said it would apologize to the northern regions [of Somaliland] on the atrocities committed against them by the former military regime that ruled the country.

Speaking last night to Shabelle's Diirada [compass] programme, the Islamic courts' Shura Council chairman, Shaykh Hasan Dahir Aweys, said they would possibly solicit funds to compensate the self- declared republic of Somaliland, which claimed to have seceded in 1991 from the rest of Somalia, following atrocities on them by the former regime.

"At the moment, we are advancing our apology to our brothers who had been mistreated by the former military regime through the abuse of power," said Shaykh Aweys.

The SICC has also indicated its intention to enter dialogue with Somaliland by, first of all, correcting whatever had taken place [between the south and northern regions], then work together in future through common understanding of Somali interests.

Somalia: Islamists to Compensate the Secessionist Government of Somaliland

Shabelle Media Network (Mogadishu) November 19, 2006

Aweys Osman Yusuf, Mogadishu

Somalia's Northern provinces that broke away from the rest of Somalia and dubbed themselves "Somaliland" have once again surfaced to main agenda of the Union of Islamic Courts that entirely puts a question over their secession.

Following the fall of former military government led by late president Mohammed Siad Barre, politicians, scholars and the foresighted of northern provinces came to a decision of breaking away from Somalia and become a full independent sate of Somaliland on 18 May 1991, but failed to achieve the UN and international recognition.

Somalia's Union of Islamic, which is now in control of most central and southern provinces of the country, including the capital Mogadishu, has revealed it would apologize to population of Somaliland for any ordeal inflicted on them by former military regime that collapsed in 1991.

In an interview with Islamic Courts consultative leader Hassan Dahir Aweys by Shabelle Radio Aweys said, "We sympathize with our fellow citizens in northern provinces and we promise we will compensate them in the right time for the destructions of their livelihood and the loss of lives they had faced during former military government that oppressed Somali people in general", Aweys said.

Aweys reiterated an apology to the people of Somaliland; influencing them to unite once again with the rest of Somalia.

Islamic Courts have also revealed they intend to engage in peaceful dialog with the administrators of Somaliland to talk about the general interest and a common future for Somalia.

Somalia's Islamists took control of the capital Mogadishu early June, evicting warlords from the capital after deadly battle in which hundreds of the civilian population lost their lives.

"It is time that all Somalis everywhere they live to be unified against their enemies desperately wanting to split Somalia up and engender animosity among us", Aweys said.

This is the first the Islamic Courts have pronounced their intention of uniting whole Somalia by trying to persuade Somaliland to unite with southern parts of Somalia that was in tribal feuds and racial wars for the past 15 years.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, November 19, 2006/Source: Puntlandpost.com website in Somali 19 Nov 06

Islamists to extend olive branch to Somaliland

Officials of the Union of Islamic Courts have disclosed that they will hold talks with the government calling itself Somaliland in the north of Somalia.

The Islamic courts do not seem to be keen to attack Somaliland even though Hasan Turki recently said the courts would capture Somaliland and introduce Shari'ah law there.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, November 16, 2006/Source: Somaaljecel website in Somali 16 Nov 06

Ethiopia reportedly asks Somaliland, Puntland to join against Somali Islamists

Reports reaching us from Hargeysa [northern Somalia] say that the Somaliland administration headed by Dahir Riyale Kahin is tiptoeing around the Ethiopian government request that bitter rivals Somaliland and Puntland combine their troops and work together against the Islamic Courts' expansion in Somalia. The reports add that since Somaliland claims to have seceded from the rest of Somalia and considers Puntland a part of Somalia, the merger of its forces with those of Puntland is unacceptable it.

Puntland and Somaliland are involved in a territorial dispute over Sool and Sanaag regions, with both administrations claiming ownership of the regions.

Unconfirmed reports say that Somaliland is weighing up the request, although it does not want to get involved in the affairs of Somalia. If attacked, Somaliland wants to defend itself without outside help. Somaliland would become a party to Somalia's conflict if it accepts the Ethiopian request .

Source: United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) Date: 15 Nov 2006

Education: Tents to the rescue of Somali children

By Denise Shepherd-Johnson

Hargeisa, Northwest Somalia ('Somaliland'), November - 13 October 2006 marked the first anniversary of the opening of a school for internally displaced children of the State House settlement in Hargeisa Northwest Somalia ('Somaliland'). The settlement has existed for 15 years but it was only in 2005 that the school, State House Primary, was opened to serve the community.

The school is one of five in the area established by UNICEF in partnership with the Norwegian Refugee Council with funding from the European Community. Ten teachers (three of them female) serve the five schools. UNICEF support includes the provision of teacher training and the provision of school tents, text books, education kits, school registers and floor mats.

The pupils, many of whom have lived their whole lives in the camp, are the children of Somali returnees from Djibouti, Yemen and Ethiopia: people who fled the country during years of conflict.

State House Primary School, housed in a large tent, accommodates 60 children aged 6 -14 who sit on large mats on the floor and attend classes in two shifts. Taught in groups of 30 (15 boys and 15 girls), children participate in either the morning session (from 8.00 a.m. - 12.00 p.m) or the afternoon session (from 1.30 p.m. - 4.30 p.m)

At government schools, fees are around US$1.00 per month. Uniforms, exercise books and pens are extra. At State House Primary the education is free but limited to one child per family. With 2000 families in the camp, school places are at a premium.

Asha Hussein is the mother of ten school-age children but only her ten year old son is able to attend.

Nevertheless, Asha, who recognizes the benefits of education, awaits the day when the school can expand to take more children and says she'll happily send her eldest daughter (aged 14) when the opportunity arises.

"I couldn't afford school fees, uniforms or books but here everything is provided. The children are so excited about going to school.They have promised to take more children when they get more tents.I would like to send my 14 year old to school. If I open a shop [my daughter] cannot help. Education is important even for shop keepers. I never went to school but I'd like my children to go to school"

With only 20% of Somali children attending school (and only 35% of them girls) UNICEF and its partners are promoting basic education, especially for girls and the disadvantaged, as part of a "back to school" campaign. Schools are created as 'convergence points' to improved access to services (water and sanitation, health awareness and promotion) as well as child rights. At State House Primary the provision of clean water and separate sanitation facilities for boys and girls are important to ensure that children stay in school.

Sanitation and hygiene education also reaches far beyond the school compound, helping to influence the community and encourage neighbourhood clean-ups. Consequently, when UNICEF supported the community with 100 latrine slabs community members dug the latrine pits.

Environmental science happens to be the favourite subject of 11 year old Nimo. At State House Primary she also studies mathematics, the Somali language and Arabic. The subjects are part of the UNICEF-supported 'primary alternative education' curriculum developed for children who cannot afford to attend formal primary schools. Before State House Primary was established, Nimo was fortunate enough to attend a government school 1km away but her friend Ayan (also aged 11) had only experienced life at home, assisting her mother with daily chores.

Nimo says she wants to be a teacher when she grows up. Some of the male pupils, who formerly made a living as shoe-shiners, now dream of becoming doctors and teachers. It's apparent that State House Primary School is opening up a world of possibilities for the internally displaced children living in the adjacent settlement.

With the exception of public UN sources, reproduction or redistribution of the above text, in whole, part or in any form, requires the prior consent of the original source.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, November 6, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 4 Nov 06

Somaliland clan chief reportedly meets Islamist leaders in Mogadishu

Sultan Mahmud Guled Mire, one of eastern Burco's traditional leaders, met last night with leaders of the Islamic Courts at Ramadan Hotel in Mogadishu. The Sultan arrived in Mogadishu by air on Thursday [2 November] from Somaliland.

The purpose of the Somaliland traditional leader's visit to Mogadishu was still unknown. But it is worth recalling that the Sultan was among a number of personalities who have recently called for the application of the Islamic shari'ah law in Somaliland. However, Somaliland government officials who were aware about the sultan's departure were shocked by the news that he has surfaced in Mogadishu. According to knowledgeable sources, the sultan had sometime earlier this month informed the Somaliland authorities of his intentions to go to Nairobi for a medical check-up and treatment. The government is even reported to have given the sultan an amount of money as financial assistance.

Sultan Mire was booked on a last Thursday flight to Nairobi. Initially, a number of government sources thought he could have been stuck in Mogadishu as a result of flight problems. However, government officials felt furious and embarrassed following the confirmation of Mire's meeting with leaders of Mogadishu's Islamic Courts. It was still unclear for how long the traditional leader will stay in Mogadishu or whether he will proceed to Nairobi or not.

Somaliland Imams denounce firing of female workers over Islamic dress

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Nov 13, 2006/ The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 11 Nov 06/BBCMonitoring/(c) BBC

The Somaliland minister of information, Ahmed Haji Dahir, sacked last week two female employees for wearing Islamic dress to work.

Zeynab Yusuf, a secretary in the minister's office, and Hodo Iman, a computer operator, lost their jobs at the Ministry of Information after they refused to comply with a demand by the minister that they stop coming to work in hijab, the obligatory Islamic dress that covers the head and the rest of the woman's body with the exception of the face and hands.

While the two women regularly had the hijab on, Hodo also used the nikab, a piece of clothing for covering the face that according to most Muslim scholars in the four different Islamic schools of thought is not obligatory.

The minister's action has, however, provoked a tsunami of anger and condemnations from Somalilanders. Mosque imams at yesterday's Friday [10 November] prayers accused President Riyale and his government of condoning actions violating the fundamental principles of the shari'ah law. Critics demanded the immediate removal from government of Ahmed Haji Dahir.

Somaliland opposition chief condemns sacking of women over Muslim dress

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Nov 9, 2006/ Jamhuuriya, Hargeysa, in Somali 9 Nov 06/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

The chairman of the opposition Kulmiye party, Ahmad Muhammad Mahamud a.k.a Silanyo, described the information minister's firing of female employees for wearing the hijab as shocking and not expected from a Muslim, working in an Islamic country.

In an interview with Somaliland TV [SLTV], Silanyo reacted to the firing by the information minister of two women working for Radio Hargeysa for wearing the hijab

Silanyo said the decision would have an impact on the people of Somaliland who are Muslims and who practise Islamic Shari'ah as their law. He said it was awkward for the minister to talk like that.

He said the minister caused a big problem for President Rayale [Kahin] and it was unwise for the president to appoint people with such ideologies to hold public positions. [Passage omitted]

Two Somaliland female radio journalists fired for wearing hijab

BBC Monitoring Media. London: Nov 9, 2006/ Somaaljecel website in Somali 8 Nov 06/BBC Monitoring/(c) BBC

Reports reaching us from Hargeysa [Somaliland capital] say two women working for Radio Hargeysa have been fired for wearing the Islamic hijab at work. The two women, Hodo Iman Muhammad and Seynab Yusuf Ahmad, told the media why they were fired. Hodo Iman said she grew up in Kenya where she used to wear the veil.

"The majority of people in Kenya are Christians and yet while I was there nobody bothered me for wearing the hijab. It is baffling that I cannot wear the hijab in my own country that is 100 per cent Muslim. My dismissal was ordered by the Somaliland minister of information," she said.

Seynab Yusuf Ahmad said: "I was shocked to lose my job for dressing for Islam. My only crime was wearing the hijab as commanded by the Islamic religion. I can't underhand why some officials still practice ignorance. I worked for the Ministry of Information for over three years and in that period I always wore the hijab at work." She said the dismissal order was issued by the new information minister.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, November 6, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 4 Nov 06

Somaliland: Editorial urges regional states to recognize breakaway territory

Text of editorial in English entitled "The collapse of the Khartoum talks and Somaliland's recognition -

The international community can no longer delay the inevitable recognition of Somaliland" by Somali newspaper The Somaliland Times website on 4 November

The collapse of the third round of the Khartoum talks between Somalia's Transitional Federal Government [TFG] and the Islamic Courts Union [ICU] demonstrates beyond any doubt that neither the two Somali rival factions nor their regional mediators were prepared to make the necessary compromises for the scheduled peace negotiations to take place and to succeed. In fact, it has been evident from the beginning that the only reason why each of the TFG and the ICU accepted attending the talks has been to avoid being blamed by the international community as the side undermining Somalia's peace process. The ICU refused even to begin the talks, insisting that the Ethiopians withdrew their troops from Somalia's territory and Kenya's co-chairing of the meeting be replaced by Sudan before they could attend. The TFG countered by making its own precondition: no talks unless Kenya is allowed to co-chair. The two delegations were so uninterested in the talks that each one avoided casually meeting members of the other side at the corridors of their Khartoum hotel.

IGAD [Inter-Government Authority on Development] and the Arab League cannot also escape part of the blame for what happened at Khartoum. It is well known that both Kenya and Ethiopia supported the TFG, while the Eritreans and Arab countries, with the exception of Yemen, backed the ICU. Yet the two regional blocks made no serious attempts to use their enormous influence with their respective Somali clients to get them talking to each other. Frankly, there exists little, if any, incentive for both the ICU and the TFG to be interested in a peace deal at this juncture. Relying on the huge external support that they are still getting, the two belligerents remain determined to slug it out militarily until one side destroys the other. Even the surprise visit to be paid to Mogadishu today by the Speaker of the TFG parliament, Sharif Hasan, comes too late to prevent the outbreak of war. The visit, albeit a heroic attempt by the speaker to salvage the peace talks, might only lead to a split up of the TFG into two or more factions.

With the ICU and TFG militias along with their allied foreign troops poised to go into war against each other, the best thing that the international community could do now is to take the necessary steps towards minimizing the regional effects of the conflict when it occurs. In this respect, one of the most appropriate actions that may be promptly considered by the international committee is granting recognition to stable, peaceful, self-reliant, and democratic Somaliland. Recognition of Somaliland has been long overdue and if granted now would help this country enormously whether in terms of coping with a spillover from the conflict brewing in Somalia or mounting an effective defence against the nefarious new threats posed by extremists within the ICU. As an oasis of peace in a troubled region, Somaliland has already drawn attention as a valuable asset for regional security as well as international security. Recognition of Somaliland would greatly help in bringing leaders in the former Italian Somalia to their senses. A recognized Somaliland would be seen as a model for democracy by the Muslim people in Somalia and elsewhere in the region. Recognition would enable Somaliland to serve as a bulwark against regional terrorism in a more effective manner while the lack of it would render Somaliland's security more exposed and fragile. Recognition would enable Somaliland to put its tremendous Somali experience in conflict resolution and state building under the disposal of its brothers in war-ravaged Somalia.

Somaliland was once a separate and internationally recognized country. Its recognition wouldn't violate the African Union's constitution which perpetuates colonial borders. Somaliland has not been recognized until now for political and not legal reasons. And in the last 15 years since declaring withdrawal from its 1960 union with Somalia, Somaliland has shown how vitally important is its existence as an independent state to regional and, by extension, world security interests. The defining moment has come now for sub Saharan Africa to bring Somaliland from the cold and enable it rejoin the African family. It is a challenge, especially for the countries of this region, such as Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, and Ethiopia to embrace this historic moment by taking the lead in the question of Somaliland's recognition. Africa and the international community can no longer afford to delay the inevitable recognition of Somaliland.

Analysis: The Arabs and the Great Game in Somalia

BBC Monitoring Africa. London: Oct 31, 2006. pg. 1

Abstract (Document Summary)

Egypt's interest in Somalia goes back a long way. Cairo has for long regarded a strong and united Somalia as a linchpin in its national security strategy, no doubt attracted by the country's geographical proximity to Ethiopia and one of the principle sources of the Nile waters. Egyptian strategists see Somalia as a crucial pressure card which Cairo can use in its tussle with Ethiopia over the use of the Nile waters.

Another area of difference between Ethiopia and Egypt is the question of what kind of state a future Somalia should look like. Egypt is unimpressed by the "bottom-up policy" favoured by Addis Ababa, which led to the creation of Somaliland and later Puntland. Cairo's argument is that the creation of mini-states militates against the emergence of a strong united Somalia. Consequently, Cairo has been energetically campaigning against the recognition of Somaliland.

During the oil boom in the 1970's, Saudi Arabia launched an ambitious programme of extending its sphere of influence in the Horn. Saudi teachers were sent to the region, especially Somalia and Saudi-funded madrassas established. Somali students were given free scholarships to study at Saudi universities. Saudi NGOs and charities spread their activities to the remotest corners of the country. Within a decade, Saudi Arabia overtook Kuwait, Libya and Egypt - the traditional Arab benefactors of Somalia - to become the largest Arab donor.

Somalia is now officially at the epicentre of a regional Great Game that threatens to unleash a devastating war that could draw in over 12 countries in Northeast Africa.

The Horn version of the Great Game is much more serious than the cloak-and-dagger stuff of imperial espionage and diplomacy that pitted Czarist Russia against the British Empire in the period between 1813-1907 in Central Asia. Rarely before in post-colonial Africa have we seen such an intense regional power struggle to shape the destiny of a country.

A report prepared for the US State Department by the former US ambassador to Ethiopia and Somalia, Prof David Shinn, entitled: "Somalia: Regional involvement and implications for US policy" warns up to 12 countries in the Greater Horn of Africa could be sucked into the Somalia conflict if the current stand-off between the powerful Islamists and the weak interim government leads to a full- scale war.

The report, whose content was highlighted this week by Kenya's The EastAfrican newspaper, confirms what many have suspected for long. Indeed, no-one disputes the fact that the perennial instability in Somalia is largely fuelled by this ferocious regional power struggle.

While it is true the new competition over Somalia has its origin in the old historical fault lines in the Horn - a complex mix of political, geostrategic, and even religious rivalries - the story is much more complicated.

The principal actors in the new Great Game in Somalia are Ethiopia, Egypt and Saudi Arabia - three powerful states that have for decades vied with each other to ensure Somalia is little more than a satellite state. The other named states - Djibouti, Eritrea, Kenya, Yemen, Iran, Libya, Tanzania, Uganda and the UAE - are merely playing a supplementary role.

The role of Ethiopia and Eritrea in the current tension has been commented upon and is well known. Eritrea's growing profile in Somalia essentially stems from its border dispute with Ethiopia. What is not well-known, though, is the role being played by Egypt, Saudi Arabia and other Arab states such as Yemen, Libya and the UAE.

Egypt's "southern front"

Relations between Cairo and Addis Ababa have been worsening in recent years, mainly because of the growing dispute over how the Nile waters should be utilized more equitably between the Nile Basin states.

In fact, Ethiopian officials have recently been claiming the Egyptian armed forces are being trained in jungle warfare in preparation for a possible future military intervention in the Nile Basin.

Egypt on the other hand suspects Ethiopia of being behind the regional campaign to have the colonial treaty on the usage of the Nile Waters drawn up in the late 1950's renegotiated. The campaign attracted wide support in the Great Lakes region and in east Africa, and Cairo felt increasingly isolated and had to eventually abandon its hardline stance.

To rally wider Pan-Arab support for its policies, Egypt has also sought to portray Ethiopia as a threat to Arab national security and a regional bully bent on undermining any peace effort in Somalia by encouraging regionalism and arming the warlords.

An editorial by the semi-official Egyptian daily Al-Ahram on 14 June entitled "Next Stop Somalia" called on Arabs not to be consumed too much by the conflict in Iraq and thus forget the conflict unfolding in the "southern front".

"It is high time the Arabs start focusing on the southern front, not just the eastern one," Al-Ahram said.

It is revealing the newspaper, which reflects the views of the Egyptian establishment, sees the current Horn tension in military terms.

"Arabophiles"

If it is true Egypt is supporting the Somali Islamists with weapons and cash, the motive is clearly to help the Islamists challenge Ethiopian "designs" in Somalia. Cairo must be pleased with the growing military and political clout of a militant anti- Ethiopian movement in Somalia.

Egypt, like many Arab states, says it recognizes the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG), but has made little secret of its dislike for the TFG's pro-Ethiopian president, Abdullahi Yusuf. The TFG president is largely viewed in Arab circles as an Ethiopian puppet.

Abdullahi Yusuf has found it difficult to get along with Arab leaders. He regularly visits Arab states and attends Arab League meetings, but it appears his relationship with major Arab powers is still frosty.

In an angry speech before the parliament in Baidoa recently, Abdullahi Yusuf dismissed the Islamists in Mogadishu as a bunch of "Arabophiles frothing at the mouth". Such rhetoric is bound to further distance the weak TFG from the Arab world.

With the Khartoum talks now entering a delicate phase, Egypt appears to be stepping up its diplomatic offensive to ensure any outcome is one favourable to Cairo. A report by the Somali Islamist website, Goobjoog, on 29 October, said Cairo had officially invited the de facto head of the Somali Islamist movement, Shaykh Hasan Dahir Aweys for talks. The subject of the talks has not been made public, but it may be related to the troubled Khartoum peace talks.

It is perhaps significant here to note that Aweys frequently visits Arab states like the UAE and Saudi Arabia despite the fact he is on the UN Security Council's targeted sanctions list in accordance with Resolution 1267 of 15 October 1999.

It is no secret Egypt was deeply unhappy with the IGAD (Inter- Governmental Authority on Development) process that led to the creation of the Somali Transitional Federal Government in Kenya in October 2004. Cairo felt wrong-footed by Ethiopia, which wielded so much influence over the whole process. It now wants to ensure the Arab League keeps a tight control of the talks in Khartoum so that any power-sharing deal struck between the Islamists and the TFG is one that would not disadvantage its geostrategic interests in Somalia.

This new tug-of-war between the Arab League and the IGAD over the Somalia peace process is adding another troubling dimension to the Somalia crisis. It is bound to further complicate matters if not derail the whole effort to find a lasting peace.

"Bottom-up policy"

Somaliland commentators often paint Egypt as the biggest obstacle to Somaliland's quest for international recognition. Some even suggest Egypt is behind the move by Saudi Arabia to maintain the punishing ban on the import of livestock from Somaliland. While these claims cannot be proved with any certainty, it is true the emergence of Somaliland and its staunchly pro-Addis Ababa ruling elite must have been a great setback for Cairo.

Somalilanders have also been infuriated by claims in recent years the authorities in Hargeysa have been conducting secret negotiations with Israel and that Somaliland may have signed a secret military pact with the Jewish state. These reports became even more strident when a six-year-old Somaliland boy was treated in September 2004 in an Israeli hospital.

Somaliland authorities have since denied these claims, suggesting they are being disseminated by hostile powers that want to drive a wedge between them and their Arab cousins.

Saudi connection

While Saudi Arabia and Egypt may share the common strategic goal of curtailing Ethiopian influence in Somalia, Riyadh has two primary geostrategic interests that Cairo may not necessarily share. One of this is actually a security imperative, largely of its own making.

One of the consequences of this Saudi financial and educational aid was the rapid growth of the puritanical Wahhabi sect, especially the Salafi strand of Wahhabism. Saudi authorities actually encouraged this development and had no problem until the emergence of Al-Qa'idah - itself an extremist Salafi movement - as a global threat following the 1998 bombings of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania and later 9/11. Suddenly, there were fears in Riyadh, and indeed, elsewhere, lawless Somalia could become a haven for Al- Qa'idah militants escaping manhunts elsewhere.

Saudi Arabia, which is currently engaged in its own bitter struggle with "Al-fi'at al-zala" (the deviant group) - a code-word for the extremist Salafi militants - fears Somalia may become a magnet for Saudi Salafi zealots who may later cause problems back home.

The respected Middle East commentator, Adel Darwish, in a commentary published by Al-Sharq al-Awsat on 12 August warned events unfolding in Somalia may have deep implications for the national security interests of Arab states in the region, especially Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

"The price of ignoring the Afghanization of Somalia will be costly. The national interests of nations such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt will be threatened, especially if the war moves closer to the sources of the Blue Nile in Ethiopia... These [Islamic] courts are an extension of the Salafist-Takfiri [ultra-puritans who consider other Muslims as apostates] forces which do not recognize the legal boundaries of states. They will not hesitate to set the world ablaze, subdue it by the sword and impose their own vision of what they see as Islam," Mr Darwish warned.

Containing Iran

The other Saudi objective is to counter the growing influence of Iran - its traditional Gulf foe - in the Horn and the Red Sea regions. Riyadh was alarmed at the ease with which Iran recruited Sudan into its camp. Comoros, a traditional Saudi ally, is now ruled by a cleric trained in Iran and looks like its drifting towards the Iran camp. The nightmare scenario for Riyadh, as some analysts suggest, is to be encircled by states loyal to a belligerent nuclear- armed Iran.

Saudi Arabia maintains close ties with the leadership of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC). Shaykh Hasan Dahir Aweys is a regular visitor to the Kingdom and recent Somali media reports say Aweys received treatment at a hospital there. Aweys spent some years in the Kingdom and is thought to have established links with prominent Saudi business leaders and officials.

The Saudis appear keen to maintain and cultivate this relationship, possibly to ensure the UIC does not give refuge to fugitive Saudi militants.

If it is true Iran is now also an active participant in the Great Game in the Horn, then Riyadh would have more reason to strive to cosy up to the UIC.

The minnows

Libya, the UAE and Yemen - the so-called minnows in the Great Game in the Horn - each have their own reason for involvement in Somalia.

Yemen appears to have broken ranks with the Arabs and is said to be currently backing the TFG, although there have been previous claims it backed the Islamists in Mogadishu.

Sanaa is primarily wary of Eritrean influence over the UIC. The relationship between Eritrea and Yemen is far from cordial since the two countries fought a brief border war over the disputed Hanish Islands in December 1995. Though the dispute was settled after arbitration by the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague, the rancour left by the crisis continues to fester. Indeed, Yemen's decision to spearhead the formation of the Sanaa Cooperation Forum with its main regional allies Ethiopia and Sudan in 2002, was largely seen in Asmara as a hostile move to further isolate Eritrea.

The UAE for its part is primarily motivated by economic reasons. The country is now the main hub for Somali-run telecom and money transfer businesses. With the increasing importance of remittances and investment by Diaspora Somalis, and the growing entrepreneurial energy in Somalia, UAE's economics-driven foreign policy sees the country as a potentially lucrative growth area. UAE investors are keen on Somalia's untapped oil and mineral potential. They are also keen in investing in the country's infrastructure like the main port of Mogadishu.

It is worth noting that many of the profitable telecom and money transfer agencies with offices in Dubai and the other emirates are run by supporters of the UIC.

Libya's alleged support for the UIC is as surprising as it is inscrutable. Perhaps all one can say is it is yet another example of Al-Qadhafi's predilection for backing militants groups overseas irrespective of their ideological leanings. In fact, Libya is not the only guilty party in this sad saga. All the actors are primarily motivated by their own geopolitical and geostrategic interests as they perceive them. It is cynical for secular Arab regimes that are engaged in a bitter struggle with their own domestic militant Islam to be seen to be promoting it abroad.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 30, 2006/ Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 28 Oct 06

Somaliland denies taking side in Somalia's conflict

Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin denied on Thursday [26 October] that his government was inclined to back one of the main antagonists in Somalia's conflict.

Mr Riyale's statement came after a group of 30 members of the House of Representatives on Thursday accused the Somaliland government of leaning towards the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia, which is involved in a power struggle against it's rival, the Mogadishu-based Islamic Courts Union.

Speaking about Somaliland's policy towards Somalia's rival factions during a cabinet meeting on Thursday, President Riyale, however, reiterated that his government would not choose one faction in preference to others as long as all of them remained opposed to Somaliland's independence. He said that Somaliland's independence is irrevocable.

"Somaliland is 100 per cent Muslim and it is the first Muslim nation that chose, through referendum, to base its constitution on Islamic law. Therefore, any attempts to undermine Somaliland's stability in the name of religion will not be acceptable."

Riyale said it is Somalia that needs to learn from Somaliland's nation-building process, not the vice-versa.

"Unlike Somaliland, they have no experience to offer in terms of conflict resolution."

Referring to recent developments in Somaliland and the wider region, the Somaliland leader emphasized that the most worrisome danger facing his country today was not an external enemy but an internal one.

"We have to be vigilant and aware of the destabilization and disinformation tactics employed by the enemy in our midst," President Riyale added.

Mr Riyale concluded by stressing the need to go forward in resolving differences between the executive and the legislature in a bipartisan fashion.

"The strategy of the government is to unite the internal front against the common enemy."

Security tightened in Somaliland cities

BURAO, Somalia Oct 28 (Garowe Online) - Hundreds of police officers aboard armored vehicles have reportedly increased patrols in Burao, the second-largest city in the Somali breakaway Republic of Somaliland, according to reporters in the city.

Somaliland authorities, who are wary of a possible pro-Islamist popular revolt, have increased security patrols as a precaution to counter the rise and influence of the Mogadishu-based Islamic Courts movement, who have supporters throughout Somali-speaking territories in the Horn of Africa.

Analysts say that Burao city has many Islamist sympathizers, adding that the visit to Mogadishu in late September by a prominent Sheikh [Sh. Ali Warsame] from Burao had many Somaliland officials anxious.

Unconfirmed reports add that between 700 and 900 Somaliland militiamen stationed near the military frontier with Puntland have been returned to the Burao area to strengthen internal security.

Somaliland unilaterally declared independence from Somalia in 1991, claiming legitimacy on the colonial boundaries of the ex-British Protectorate of Somaliland. Puntland, a semiautnomous region within federal Somalia, has fought pitched battles with Somaliland for ownership of the disputed regions of Sool and Sanaag.

Source: Food Security Assessment Unit (FSAU) Date: 31 Oct 2006

Monthly nutrition update for Somalia - Oct 2006

SOMALI A - OVERVIEW

Findings from the recently conducted nutrition assessments indicate typical levels of 1global acute malnutrition (GAM) of 10.0- 14.9%) in Bari Region (September 2006) and a stable but still critical situation in Bossasso IDPs (October 2006).

Trends of admissions of severely malnourished children 6-59months from the 2UNICEF consolidated database of 310 reporting Therapeutic Feeding Centres (TFC) across central and Southern regions have shown a gradual reduction over the last 3 months. This is in line with expected seasonal trends. Performance indicators for the TFC are very encouraging reaching the recommended 4Sphere standards for cured, defaulter and death rates. Although trends in admissions into supplementary feeding centres (SFC) of children 6-59months indicate an overall increase over the last 3 months in central and Southern Somali this is as a result of increasing numbers of centres and actors reporting, however admission rates of moderately malnourished children remain more or less stable in individual feeding centres. Performance indicators for the SFC are also very encouraging again all achieving the recommended cut offs for cured, death and defaulter rates as recommended by the Sphere standards.

With the onset of the Deyr rains, recent flooding was reported in 5Burao with at least 1000 households affected. Preliminary findings do not suggest any immediate nutritional concerns. However due to the concerns over sanitation, stagnant water and access to safe drinking water there is a risk of water borne diseases which can have an impact on nutritional status. Additional flooding was reported in central and southern regions in October, the extent of the damage is yet to be verified.

Access for the delivery and monitoring of humanitarian assistance is being hampered in parts of Central and Southern regions by ongoing insecurity and tensions in addition to poorly accessible roads due to the rains.

Analysis of findings from 12 nutrition assessments conducted in Somalia in 2006 indicates that Vitamin A supplementation coverage in the 6-59 months old category exceeds 50% in most areas, but remains below the recommended minimum of 95% (Sphere 2004).

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 27, 2006/Source: Somali Puntlandpost website in Somali 27 Oct 06

Somali Islamists deny threats to attack breakaway territory of Somaliland

The chairman of the Executive Council of the Union of Islamic Courts [UIC], Shaykh Sharif Shaykh Ahmad, has said recent statements made by one of the their officials, Shaykh Hasan Turki, that the UIC will attack Somaliland is a personal view and not that of the UIC.

"The statement made by Shaykh Hasan Turki that the UIC is planning to attack Somaliland is not true" he said, adding "Turki spoke on his personal view and the UIC is not planning to attack Somaliland or any other area that is secure". [Passage omitted]

The Daily Telegraph (LONDON) October 27, 2006.BYLINE: David Blair in Hargeisa

Britain's 'friend in the Horn of Africa' pleads for statehood

IN THE harsh terrain of the Horn of Africa, torn by decades of war, a peaceful Muslim democracy with a pro-Western government has emerged on the territory of a former British Protectorate.

Somaliland has its own flag, anthem, currency, army and elected government - yet the country of 3.5 million people does not appear on any map. By seizing de facto independence from Somalia 15 years ago, Somaliland escaped the anarchy engulfing its southern neighbour.

However, it has remained a stateless enclave ever since, denied international recognition or legal status.

Camels stride through its tumbledown capital Hargeisa, where the streets swirl with desert sand. But no one carries a gun in public and there has been no fighting here since a brief outbreak of clan warfare about 11 years ago.

President Dahir Rayale Kahin, who won a closely fought election in 2003, is leading a campaign for the world to recognise Somaliland's independence. As the colonial power from 1884 until 1960, Britain's position in this campaign is vital.

"How can a country that has met all the conditions of statehood be rejected by the international community,'' Mr Kahin asked during an interview with The Daily Telegraph.

"We are struggling for recognition. We have fulfilled every condition, but the world has left us stateless. Our people have no enmity for the British. They have sympathy with the British. They want Britain to come again and recognise our independence.''

After Britain ended the Protectorate on June 26, 1960, Somaliland enjoyed five days of recognised independence until it chose to unite with Somalia, formerly under Italian rule.

Two decades later, Somaliland began a guerrilla war to regain its independence. Victory came with the overthrow of President Siad Barre and the destruction of Somalia's central government in 1991.

Since then, Somaliland's leaders have managed to disarm 50,000 militiamen and rebuild Hargeisa, which Barre's forces razed in 1988.

A series of free elections has taken place. Mr Kahin, 54, won power by a margin of 217 votes. Two years later, the opposition defeated his party and won a majority in parliament.

Mr Kahin, who is the only African president who "cohabits'' with his opponents, said this proved Somaliland was a "secular democracy''.

"The isolation we are living with gives us enough problems. We don't want to create problems within our country,'' he added.

But without recognition, Somaliland has no international aid or loans. Its agricultural economy has a minimal tax base and the national budget is only pounds 20 million.

Few regions are more dangerous for a weak, unrecognised state than the Horn of Africa. To the south, Islamist radicals have seized control of Mogadishu and much of southern Somalia. Their goal is to "reunite'' the entire country, by force if necessary.

Already, Islamist sympathisers have held demonstrations in Hargeisa, calling for the imposition of Sharia law. Somaliland occupies a strategically vital position on the Gulf of Aden, with a large port at Berbera.

Without international help, its government may not be able to withstand the pressure. Mr Kahin warned of the consequences of Somaliland's collapse. "Many foreigners, including the British, will regret that they lost a friend in the Horn of Africa,'' he said.

But recognising Somaliland is fraught with risk. Islamist radicals would view it as a Western plot to divide the Muslim world. The League of Arab States, which counts Somalia as a member, is adamantly opposed.

So are many African countries, who fear that welcoming Somaliland into the club of nations would encourage separatists inside their own borders.

But observers in Hargeisa say the very future of Somaliland hangs in the balance. Hussein Bulhan, a local commentator, said that internal collapse followed by an Islamist invasion was the main threat.

"We are really at the 11th hour here,'' he said. "In my view, it is a race between a collapse and being recognised by the world and rebuilding our country.''

BBC Worldwide Monitoring. October 26, 2006/Source: Shabeelle Media Network website, Mogadishu, in Somali 26 Oct 06

"Prominent" Muslim cleric arrested in Somaliland

One of the prominent clerics in Somaliland, Shaykh Mahmud Abdullahi Gelle, was last night arrested by the police while he was at his house.

The arrest reportedly comes after the cleric condemned the self-declared authority's arrest of Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il, another prominent cleric in Somaliland. The cleric made the remarks during recent Id celebrations. The location at which the Shaykh is being held is not yet known. [Passage omitted]

Somaliland: Islamist Militia in Somalia Intend to "Unify All Somali People"

http://www.unpo.org/article.php?id=5693. 2006-10-25

Somalia's Islamists said Tuesday they had stationed troops within 40 kilometres of Baidoa, the seat of the country's fragile interim government, and plan to seize the town. Islamist militia commander Hassan Abdulle Hersi, commonly known as Hassan Turki, did not say when the Islamists intend to attack Baidoa, but told reporters that the Islamists will move on to capture the semi-autonomous Puntland region and breakaway republic Somaliland to create a "unified" Somalia.

"Our forces advanced to Baidoa, and we are 40 kilometres away. Our main agenda is to seize Baidoa, then we will capture the Puntland and Somaliland regions," Turki said. "We want to achieve a unified Somalia," which includes Somali- speaking areas of neighbouring Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti.

Turki did not say how many troops are positioned near Baidoa, but senior-level Islamist military commanders told Deutsche Presse- Agentur dpa that around 1,200 soldiers have gathered. The government's information minister, Ali Ahmed Jama Jangali, said it would retaliate on any attack by "jihadists."

The Islamists have accused Ethiopia of sending troops to protect the weak government in the provincial capital Baidoa. Ethiopia has admitted sending military trainers to the government, but denied deploying soldiers.

The Islamists, who have been waging a successful campaign of territorial expansion across central and southern Somalia since June, are set to meet the transitional government for a third round of peace talks next week in the Sudanese capital Khartoum.

Despite both sides accusing the other of violating partial peace agreements, Turki said the Islamists will attend the peace talks, but that they "will not be fruitful."

The Horn of Africa country has been without strong central rule since the 1991 ouster of a dictator plunged the country into anarchy. The third round of peace talks is seen as crucial, as a power- sharing agreement between the internationally-backed government and the Islamists is to be discussed for the first time.

Somalia: Somaliland arrests another Islamic cleric

HARGEISA, Somalia Oct 26 (Garowe Online) - Authorities in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland have detained a prominet Islamic cleric after he made comments during Eid celebrations, according to sources in Hargeisa.

Sheikh Mohamud Abdullahi Ghelle was arrested by the police after he publicly criticized the Somaliland administration's detention of Sheikh Mohamed Ismail.

Somaliland claims that Sheikh Mohamed Ismail is in jail on terrorism charges but a video showing the alleged torture of Sheikh Mohamed at the hands of Somaliland police officers was distributed throughout the Internet earlier this month, causing massive demonstrations in Somaliland cities, including Hargeisa and Burao.

Africa News, October 25, 2006 /BYLINE: Shabelle Media Network

Military Build Up in Somaliland

The security situation in the self declared break away republic of Somaliland has been tightened in a mid of verbal attacks exchanged through the local medias by the Somaliland authorities and some influential religious men in Hargeisa the capital of Somaliland.

There are reports confirming that there are more troops build up in many towns of Somaliland

Eyewitnesses say. Several checkpoints have been erected in the main road which links Burco to Hargeisa while there were many battle wagons belong to Somaliland authorities seen moving to and fro.

This move is coincided when both the interior minister of Somaliland Abdullahi Mohamed Du'ale and the chief commander col. Noh Thani are in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian headquarter for unknown reasons.

Speculations indicate, both men have had talks with Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the president of Somali transitional federal government.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 24, 2006/Source: Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 1600 gmt 24 Oct 06

Shari'ah law to be applied in Somaliland - President Riyale

[Presenter] President Dahir Riyale Kahin of Somaliland has, for the first time, said Islamic shari'ah law would be applied in Somaliland.

President Riyale's remarks come at a time when Somaliland Muslim scholars have called on the president to make his stand clear regarding shari'ah. Muhammad Abdulle Ilmi from Hargeysa has more on this.

[Ilmi] Somaliland President HE Dahir Riyale Kahin has disclosed that shari'ah law will be applied in Somaliland. The president was speaking at Hargeysa Jamia Mosque yesterday where he joined thousands of people in Id prayers.

[Riyale] In the name of God, most gracious, most merciful. I would like to disclose [rest of passage indistinct].

[Presenter] President Riyale Kahin's statement comes at a time when Somaliland Muslim scholars have appealed several times to [the president] that shari'ah be applied in Somaliland, as clearly stipulated in the constitution.

The constitution clearly spells out that the religion of Somaliland nation is Islam, and that shari'ah should be the basis for all the legislative sources.

Meanwhile, clerics from Burco town [in southern Somaliland] on Sunday [22 October] held a news conference and urged the Somaliland president to make clear his stand regarding remarks attributed to Somaliland foreign minister, whom they said had offended the honour and feelings of the [Somaliland] people.

Up to now there has been no response from the government regarding the appeal made by the clerics from Burco. However, political analysts say President Riyale's speech on Monday could be an indirect response to the clarifications sought by the scholars from Burco.

Africa News, October 21, 2006/BYLINE: The Reporter

Ethiopia; Somaliland Pushes for Recognition As Tensions Rise

Granting recognition to Somaliland is the only way the relative stability in that country can be saved, Somaliland's foreign minister Abdillahi M. Duale said Thursday.

Duale made the statements upon concluding his visit here.

"The government of Somaliland believes that de jure recognition of Somaliland will certainly galvanize all Somalilander's uncompromised nationalism which will in no doubt encourage our people to stand off against the Union of Islamic Courts' (UIC) continuous threat and expansion in the region," the minister told journalists at the Sheraton Addis.

Duale who was in Addis Ababa on the invitation of the African Union also met with Ethiopian foreign minister Seyoum Mesfin, the chairperson of the African Union and representative of the EU.

Despite failing to gain international recognition Somaliland has been advocating for independence ever since it seceded from Somalia in 1991.

It however, has managed to maintain its stability in that part of the region fraught with violence and lawlessness.

As of recent, the UIC in Somalia have evolved powerful and managed to control Mogadishu and swath of territory in the south.

The courts have also been making advances towards Somaliland and the Ethiopian border sparking fears of regional instability.

Duale expressed concerns that those developments were threat to his country's stability.

During his meeting with officials he requested for financial assistance and cooperation in the spheres of military and security.

Africa News, October 19, 2006/BYLINE: Shabelle Media Network

Islamists' Supreme Leader Sheik Aweys Denies Sending 30 Young Islamists to Somaliland

Union of Islamic Courts Judiciary Council supreme leader Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys has refuted the existence of a message letter that he had reportedly signed.

According to al-Sharqalawsat newspaper, Aweys denied he had sent a letter to 30 young men, known as "Shabab" to secretly penetrate in the secessionist government of Somaliland to create mayhem in Hergeysa.

Aweys stressed the letter was written in several internet websites to undermine the images of the Islamic Courts.

Somalia's Islamic Courts have taken control of central and southern Somalia, including the capital Mogadishu.

He pointed out the letter was fabricated by people he called the enemy of Somalia

The president of the breakaway republic of Somaliland Dahir Riyale kahin showed he was skeptical about the authenticity of the letter, pledging his administration would investigate the letter.

The news comes days after Somalia's Islamic Courts had denounced Somaliland for torturing local religious people for their belief.

Somalia had no central authority since 1991 when tribal warlords had ousted former president Mohammed Siyad Barre.

Africa News, October 19, 2006/BYLINE: International Federation of Journalists

Mogadishu Radio Station Shut Down By Islamic Courts Council; Journalists Temporarily Detained in Somaliland Airport

The International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) today condemned the latest attacks on media in Somalia, which included the closure of a radio station, the burning of newspapers and barring journalists from entering Somaliland.

On Sunday 15 October, the Islamic Courts Council (ICC) shut down the radio station East Africa Radio in Mogadishu. According to the head of the ICC information office, Sheik Abdirahim Ali Mudey, the station was closed because of "misinformation and faults." He added that the ICC will appoint a new administration and workers for the radio station.

The East Africa Radio was owned by businessman Bashir Rage Shirar, allegedly a member of the warlords defeated by the ICC in June. Shirar has been in exile since then.

"We condemn the closure of East Africa Radio," said Gabriel Baglo, Director of the IFJ Africa Office. "We urge the Islamic Courts Council to reopen the radio and let the original employees work safely and freely."

On Saturday, 18 journalists from south-central Somalia and Puntland were detained for three hours at Egal Airport in Hargeisa, Somaliland, by immigration officers.

The Somaliland authorities said they were not informed of the arrival of the journalists. The journalists were invited to a media workshop organised by UNICEF and WHO. The journalists were later allowed to enter Hargeisa, thanks to the intervention of the Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA).

The day before, an angry mob in the town of Buro in Somaliland burned more than a thousand copies of Haatuf newspaper for being critical of the ICC. The newspaper also received many phone calls from people threatening to burn down the newspaper's offices in Hargeisa.

"We denounce the burning of Haatuf newspapers as a deliberate destruction of the newspaper's property and the refutation of open criticism," said Omar Faruk Osman, Secretary General of the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ).

Tensions have been mounting in recent weeks in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland (northwest Somalia) as Islamist Courts have threatened to attack it.

"We protest against the threats on Haatuf and the burning of the copies of the newspaper," the IFJ's Baglo said. "We call on the authorities of Somaliland to take strong measures to ensure this kind of press freedom violation does not happen again and to make sure that journalists can travel freely for their work."

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 19, 2006/Source: Shabeelle Media Network website, Mogadishu, in Somali 19 Oct 06

Somali Islamist denies plotting assassination of Somaliland leader

The chairman of the Consultative Council of the Union of Islamic Courts [UIC], Shaykh Hasan Dahir Aweys, has denied the existence of a letter, bearing his signature and dated on 6 Ramadan [28 September], saying Aweys was planning to send 30 UIC youth militias to the self-declared republic of Somaliland. The mission of the militias would be to create chaos and assassinate the president of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin.

Shaykh Aweys insisted that the letter, published by several internet sites, was aimed at undermining the image of the UIC. He blamed the forged letter on people he termed enemies of the Somali people.

The president of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, doubted the genuineness of the letter during a statement made yesterday in Hargeysa. He said his government is investigating the letter.

The letter comes at a time the UIC leaders are accusing Somaliland of torturing some religious leaders in Somaliland.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 19, 2006 /Source: ENA website, Addis Ababa, in English 19 Oct 06

Somaliland fears "fundamentalist" threat from Somalia

Addis Ababa, 19 October: The situation driven by the fundamentalists poses greater threat to not only to Somaliland but also to the whole region of Horn Africa, Somaliland foreign minister said.

"De jure recognition of Somaliland will certainly galvanize all Somalilanders to stand off against the fundamentalist's continuous threat and expansion in the region," he said.

Speaking at a press conference on the current situation in Somalia and the recognition of Somaliland here at the Sheraton Addis on Thursday [19 October], Somaliland Foreign Minister Abdullahi M Du'ale stressed that the situation in Somalia is a dangerous threat to democracy, peace and stability of the Somaliland as well as the region.

He said, "Tackling the situation is therefore a collective responsibility for all peace loving forces in the region", added that "on our part, we have taken strategic steps to withstand the threat from fundamentalists."

The ambitious process of nation building in which the Somaliland has been engaged for the past 15 years would not be sustained due to the current regional geopolitical equation, he said.

Somaliland has been playing a significant role in the regional geopolitical stability and sustained peace and tranquility with in Somaliland, he added.

Somaliland maintained close cooperation and collaboration with its neighbours, particularly with Ethiopia whose relationship is based on a strategic partnership, he noted.

The minister called on Ethiopia and other friendly countries to encourage member states of AU, the Commonwealth, particularly African, Caribbean and pacific states (ACP), to recognize Somaliland while promoting the case of Somaliland in international organizations.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 18, 2006 /Source: Somali Puntlandpost website in Somali 18 Oct 06

Somali president, Somaliland team, hold "secret talks" in Ethiopia

The president of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad, and some Somaliland officials led by the foreign affairs minister, Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale, have held a secret meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Reliable reports received by Puntlandpost from sources in Ethiopia, especially in Addis Ababa, say the meeting was organized by the Ethiopian government. The two sides discussed the situation in Somalia.

The Somaliland delegation and President Yusuf reportedly held the meeting on Monday [16 October] night. The two sides agreed on the issues discussed during the lengthy meeting. The issues discussed remain unknown.

However, the two sides said they discussed the interests of Somalia in general, and developments in the Horn of Africa states, including Somalia.

According to the reports, the two sides are expected to hold a second round of talks in Somalia, reportedly in Baydhabo [alternative spelling Baidoa, seat of the transitional government of Somalia].

Somaliland president pardons 600 prisoners

HARGEISA (Reuters Oct 17, 2006 ) - President Dahir Rayale Kahin of Somalia's self-declared breakaway republic of Somaliland has pardoned 600 prisoners to coincide with the end of Ramadan, the prosecutor-general said on Tuesday.

Detainees to be freed include 44 women and 12 men jailed for protesting last month against the alleged torture of Sheikh Mohamed Sheikh Ismail, arrested last year on suspicion of being involved in terrorist activities.

"All those who were sentenced for 6 months or 3 months for taking part in the demonstration...will be released," Somaliland prosecutor-general Hussein Dhere told reporters.

But prisoners serving jail terms for terrorism, murder and rape would not be released, he added.

The end of the Muslim fasting month is due to be celebrated in Somaliland on Sunday or next Monday.

It was not immediately clear how many prisoners are serving time in the northern enclave which declared independence from Somalia in 1991 when warlords ousted dictator Mohamed Siad Barre, plunging the country into chaos.

Local media said last month's protest in Somaliland's capital Hargeisa was sparked after several websites published pictures purported to show the torture of Ismail by interrogators.

The government has denied any wrongdoing.

However, opposition parties and some clerics have called on an independent committee to be formed to investigate the case.

Despite its relative stability compared to the rest of Somalia, the killings of four foreign aid workers in recent years has raised fears Somaliland -- which is not recognised internationally -- is becoming a base for terrorists.

Last October, authorities said they arrested several al Qaeda suspects accused of trying to disrupt a parliamentary poll.

http://www.afrol.com/articles/21969

Suicide bombers "heading for Somaliland"

Awdal News Network / afrol News, 17 October - An internal document shows that Somalia's new Islamist rulers have decided to send suicide bombers to the neighbouring peaceful self-proclaimed state of Somaliland. Their aim is to topple the elected Hargeisa government. The Islamists have already staged violent demonstrations in Somaliland to destabilise the government.

In a decision signed by Sheikh Dahir Aways, the most radical leader of the Mogadishu Islamists, and a copy of which has been received by 'Awdalnews Network', the Shura Council of the Union of Islamic Coutrs (UIC) decided to send 30 young assassins to Hargeisa as suicide bombers to kill what they called the Jewish and American collaborators.

"The Shura Council of the Perseverance Alliance has decided to send 30 young martyrs to carry out explosions and killing of the Jewish and American collaborators in the northern regions," the document said.

The list of targeted personalities include Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin, Foreign Minister Abdillahi Mohammed Duale, Finance Minister Hussein Ali Duale, Defence Minister Adan Waqaf, Aviation and Transport Minister Ali Mohammed Waran Adde, Minister of Information Ahmed Dahir Elmi and other seven senior officials.

Written in Arabic and dated on the 6th Ramadan 1427 of the Hirjri calendar (28 September 2006), the decision blasts the Somaliland leadership for being apostates who reneged from Islam and opted to work with Jews and Americans at the expense of their nation and religion.

The Council said the decision was made "After the Follow Up Committee of the Perseverance Alliance submitted reports related to the circumstances in which religious scholars live in the northern regions [Somaliland], and after the reports mentioned the personalities that carried out the torture against Islamic clerics and after the Council watched a video footage of the torture of Sheikh Mohammed Ismail."

Other measures recommended by the decision include forming a committee tasked to circulate the alleged torture video footage and stir protest marches and dissent in the Somaliland towns of Buroa, Las Anod, Erigavo and Buhodle. These are all towns known to shelter a large - so far peaceful - opposition to the Hargeisa government; Buroa being the centre of Islamist cleric in Somaliland and Las Anod being occupied by Somalia's autonomous Puntland region.

The Islamist council also decided to train 3000 young mujahids hailing from the northern regions, or Somaliland, that are currently living in the southern towns of Mogadishu, Kismayo and Guri Eel. These would later be dispatched to Somaliland, the document reveals.

Somalia's Islamist media have been repeatedly showing the alleged torture video of Sheikh Mohammed Ismail, an Islamist cleric jailed in Hargeisa for alleged terrorist acts. Somaliland officials described the torture video as a fabrication.

In an interview with 'Awdalnews' early October, Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin said that the footage seemed to be a fabrication, underlining that Somaliland was investigating the case and would present the outcome to the public.

"We don't use torture as an investigative method and we don't torture anyone in our prisons. It is against our values and our laws," President Kahin added, pointing out that the whole episode could be a ruse by some people trying to use the name of Islam for their own agenda. Mr Kahin confirmed that the man was suspected of being behind the explosives found in Hargeisa during the parliamentary elections in September 2005.

The UIC, however, seems to have made some inroads in Somaliland recently, particularly with the recent departure to Mogadishu of Sheikh Ali Warsame, a former leader of Al Ittihad, an illegal Islamist movement seen close to Al Queda. Mr Warsame, who until recently lived in Buroa, is also the brother-in-law of Mr Aweys, the main author of the document threatening Somaliland.

Meanwhile, a number of demonstrations against the alleged torture video took place in major Somaliland towns such as Hargeisa, Buroa and Erigavo. A number of Somaliland clerics have also issued statements, calling for the Somaliland government to apply Islamic Sharia without any delay.

Also a mob led by extremist clerics on 13 October burned many copies of 'Haatuf' newspaper, Somaliland's leading paper with a clear anti-Islamist profile, in the town of Buroa, for being critical of the UIC. 'Somaliland Times', the English sister of 'Haatuf', said the newspaper burners were led by Mubarak Ahmed Diriye who has been suspected of having ties to al-Shabaab wing of Mogadishu's Islamic Courts, whose overall leader is Adan Hashi Ayro, an Afghan trained Jihadist.

Somaliland, a former British colony that has unilaterally annulled its union with the rest of Somalia after the collapse of the Said Barre regime in 1991, has since then enjoyed a high degree of peace and stability. It also established a robust democratic system and held internationally observed presidential and parliamentary elections.

Scoffing at Somaliland's peace and stability, Mr Aweys recently accused the Somaliland people of worshipping the wrong idol. "The Somaliland people forgot to worship Allah and instead worship an idol called Peace," he said in a statement to the media.

Mr Aweys, considered to be the leader of the hardliner faction of the UIC, was a former military colonel in the Somali army and the commander of the military wing of Al Ittihad Al Islami after the collapse of the central government. He is on Washington's wanted list for having links with Al Qaeda. One of his loyal underlings, Ahmed Hashi Ayro, is suspected of being behind the assassination of foreign humanitarian workers in Somaliland in late 2003.

The UIC, which has sworn to export its Islamist revolution in Somalia to neighbouring countries, is also suspected to be behind the sudden and surprising religious violence in Ethiopia, a country that aids Somalia's transitional government in fighting the Islamists. Meanwhile, Ethiopia's archrival Eritrea is known to breach the UN arms embargo against Somalia, supplying the well-funded Islamists with weapons.

Mogadishu Islamists vow to send suicide squads to Somaliland

By (AND) - www.andnetwork.com. October 17, 2006
http://politics.andnetwork.com/index?service=direct/1/Home/top.fullStory&sp=l53641

HARGEISA, Somalia's new Islamist rulers decided to send suicide bombers to Somaliland in an attempt to assassinate what they called the apostate leadership of the breakaway region.

In a decision signed by Sheikh Dahir Aways, the most radical leader of the Islamists, and a copy of which has been received by Awdalnews Network, the Shura Council of the UIC decided to send 30 young assassins to Hargeisa as suicide bombers to kill what they called the Jewish and American collaborators.

"The Shura Council of the Perseverance Alliance has decided to send 30 young martyrs to carry out explosions and killing of the Jewish and American collaborators in the northern regions," it said.

Written in Arabic and dated on the 6th Ramadan 1427 of the Hirjri calender (28 Sept. 2006), the decision blasts the Somaliland leadership for being apostates who reneged from Islam and opted to work with Jews and Americans at the expense of their nation and religion.

The Council said the decision was made "After the Follow Up Committee of the Perseverance Alliance submitted reports related to the circumstances in which religious scholars live in the northern regions (Somaliland), and after the reports mentioned the personalities that carried out the torture against Islamic clerics and after the Council watched a video footage of the torture of Sheikh Mohammed Ismail."

The Council also decided to train 3000 young mujahids hailing from the Northern regions (Somaliland) but currently living in the southern towns of Mogadishu, Kismayo and Guri Eel and later dispatch them to Somaliland.

The Islamist media has been repeatedly showing the alleged torture video of Sheikh Mohammed Ismail. Somaliland described the torture video as a fabrication.

In an interview with Awdalnews early October, Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin said that the footage seemed to be a fabrication, underlining that Somaliland was investigating the case and would present the outcome to the public.

"We don't use torture as an investigative method and we don't torture anyone in our prisons. It is against our values and our laws," he added, pointing out that the whole episode could be a ruse by some people trying to use the name of Islam for their own agenda.

Kahin, however, confirmed that the man was suspected of being behind the explosives found in Hargeisa during the parliamentary elections in September 2005.

The UIC, however, seems to have made some inroads in Somaliland recently, particularly with the departure of Sheikh Ali Warsame, a former Al Ittihad leader, and brother-in-law of Aweys himself, to Mogadishu.

Also a mob led by extremist clerics burned three issues of Haatuf newspaper, Somaliland's leading paper, on Friday 13th Oct. 2006, in the town of Buroa, for being critical of the UIC. Somaliland Times, the English sister of Haatuf, said the newspaper burners were led by Mubarak Ahmed Diriye who has been suspected of having ties to al-Shabaab wing of Mogadishu's Islamic Courts, whose overall leader is Adan Hashi Ayro, an Afghan trained Jihadist.

Somaliland, a former British colony that has unilaterally annulled its union with the rest of Somalia after the collapse of the Siyad regime in 1991, has since then enjoyed a high degree of peace and stability. It also established a robust democratic system and held internationally observed presidential and parliamentary elections.

Scoffing at Somaliland's peace and stability, Aweys recently accused the Somaliland people of worshipping an idol called Peace instead of Allah.

"The Somaliland people forgot to worship Allah and instead worship an idol called Peace," he said in a statement to the media.

Aweys, considered to be the leader of the hardliner faction of the UIC, was a former military colonel in the Somali army and the commander of the military wing of the Al Ittihad Al Islami after the collapse of the central government. He is on Washington's wanted list for having links with Al Qaeda. One of his loyal underlings Ahmed Hashi Ayro is suspected of being behind the assassination of foreign humanitarian workers in Somaliland in late 2003.

Newspaper critical of Islamic courts is publicly burned in Somaliland's second city

http://www.ifex.org/en/content/view/full/78418/

Country/Topic: Somalia (Somaliland)
Date: 17 October 2006
Source: Reporters Without Borders (RSF)
Person(s): Target(s): newspaper(s)
Type(s) of violation(s): attacked
Urgency: Threat

(RSF/IFEX) - Reporters Without Borders has voiced concern that an angry crowd in Buro, the second largest city in the northern breakaway territory of Somaliland, burned more than a thousand copies of the independent daily "Haatuf" on 13 October 2006 on the grounds that it criticises the Mogadishu-based Islamic courts.

"Newspaper-burning is serious and should be condemned by all those who claim to be the guarantors of peace in Somalia," the press freedom organisation said. "The Somaliland authorities must take steps to identify and punish those behind this public outrage. And those who incited this mob should realise it is an unacceptable and dangerous thing to do. Criticism is an inalienable right that you suppress to your own cost."

Around 100 people took part in the public newspaper-burning in protest against "Haatuf"'s reports criticising the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), which has controlled Mogadishu and two thirds of Somalia's provinces since the summer. Somaliland has had de facto independence from the rest of Somalia since 1991.

The Reporters Without Borders local partner organisation, the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ), quoted Somaliland-based journalists as saying the crowd had gathered in response to calls from local religious leaders linked to the UIC.

The NUSOJ said "Haatuf" had received several anonymous calls threatening to set fire to its office in Hargeisa, Somaliland's capital. "Haatuf" - one of the most widely-circulated newspapers in all parts of Somalia - reacted by publishing the text of the threatening calls along with the phone numbers from where they had been made.

NUSOJ secretary-general Omar Faruk Osman told Reporters Without Borders: "This is a first in Somalia's history. Never before has a newspaper been publicly burned anywhere in our country."

Islamists burn Somaliland newspaper

From http://www.afrol.com/

Awdal News Network / afrol News, 16 October - A huge number of issues of Somaliland's independent daily 'Haatuf' newspaper were burned in the town of Buroa by extremists linked to the Islamist courts of Mogadishu in neighbouring Somalia. 'Haatuf' is highly critical on the Somali Islamist movement, terming them "terrorists", and was first to report on their Buroa-based Somaliland link.

An estimated 1,300 issues of 'Haatuf' newspaper were burned in Buroa on Friday morning, at 10:30 "by extremists linked to the terrorist courts of Mogadishu," according to reports in the daily's sister publication 'Somaliland Times'.

The people who publicly burned 'Haatuf' newspapers were said to be the same ones who had sent threatening telephone calls to the headquarters of 'Haatuf' in Hargeisa - the capital of self-proclaimed Somaliland - a few days earlier, in which they said they would attack and burn its offices if the newspaper did not stop criticising the Islamic Courts of Mogadishu.

The leader of the newspaper-burning group was said to be Mubarak Ahmed Diriye, who has been suspected of having ties to al-Shabaab [the Youth] wing of Mogadishu's Islamic Courts Union (ICU). This extremist group's overall boss is Adan Hashi Ayro, who is said to have been trained in Afghanistan and is among the people listed in the US as a terrorist.

During the burning of the newspapers, one of the religious extremists, Bashir Abdillahi Tagane addressed the local media and said, "We had warned the newspaper many times about the things they write but they didn�t listen." Mr Tagane also admitted that he was one of the people who had sent the threatening telephone calls to 'Haatuf', and that the newspaper had printed their phone number, therefore, they had decided to burn the newspaper in protest.

The Mogadishu ICU view 'Haatuf' newspaper as a powerful independent voice that stands in the way of their ongoing efforts to mobilise support from within Somaliland itself, 'Somaliland Times' reports.

In addition to the reasons cited above, Bashir Abdillahi Tagane and Saeed Muse Faraas mentioned that the newspaper had reported that a meeting took place between the traditional elders of an east Buroa clan and clans from Puntland in Las Anod, when in fact this news item was not reported by 'Haatuf', but was reported back in May by 'Codka Shacabka' newspaper which is no longer published.

One of the newspaper burners, Saeed Muse Faras, was also reported to have said after Friday players at a mosque in the Hodan neighbourhood of Buroa, "there is nothing sacred about Somaliland's unity, the only thing that is sacred is the Holy Book," according to 'Somaliland Times'.

On Saturday evening, the 'Somaliland Times' had also contacted the governor Abdi Hussein Dheere of Somaliland's Togdheer region, which also includes Buroa, but he told the newspaper he was not aware of this matter. He would however investigate it.

'Haatuf' newspaper meanwhile does not seem to have become scared about the Islamist provocation in Buroa. In its latest editorial, the independent newspaper appeals to the United States to finally take Somaliland and its efforts to stop terrorism seriously by recognising the self-proclaimed state.

"Because given the current takeover of large swathes of southern Somalia by terrorists and the fading fortunes of the one-city 'government of Somalia' that is holed in Baidoa, Somaliland's position as a front-line state against terrorism and extremism has become much more significant," the Hargeisa newspaper's editorial wrote. Washington now needed to stop taking Somaliland's efforts "for granted," 'Haatuf' warned.

''War Clouds Loom over Somalia as Military Fronts Open Up Amid a Flurry of Diplomacy''

http://www.pinr.com/ 16 October 2006

During the first two weeks of October, conflict in the stateless country of Somalia entered a new phase as opponents to the Islamic Courts Council's (I.C.C.) bid to establish an Islamic state in Somalia mobilized for armed resistance throughout the country, raising the probability of civil and regional war.

The event that triggered the increased militarization of the conflict was the I.C.C.'s peaceful takeover on September 24 of the key seaport of Kismayo in Somalia's deep south and its inroads into the southern regions of Middle and Lower Jubba. These takeovers gave the Courts movement preponderant control of all Somalia south of the border of the breakaway sub-state of Puntland, with the exception of the southwestern Gedo region bordering Kenya and Ethiopia, and the area in the south-central Bay region surrounding the town of Baidoa -- the seat of Somalia's feeble but internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government (T.F.G.) that is protected by Ethiopian troops.

The I.C.C.'s successful entry into Somalia's deep south signaled to the other domestic and external actors involved in Somalia's conflict that the Courts movement was on the brink of achieving indisputable power, leading to the judgment that there was only a small window of opportunity either to repulse the Courts through force of arms or to exert sufficient pressure to bring the I.C.C. and T.F.G. into a power-sharing deal through diplomacy.

As the sense of "now or never" seized all the players, points of tension began to resemble military fronts and tests of arms broke out. Western and local analysts and regional and domestic political leaders raised the specter of war, often projecting doomsday scenarios and floating conspiracy theories. Whenever the possibility of war draws near, propaganda becomes more extreme and disinformation abounds, rendering predictive intelligence more difficult to achieve. Cutting through the war fever in Somalia, it is still too early to forecast armed civil and regional conflict. No actor has an unambiguous interest in a war, yet all actors believe that they must be prepared for one. Whether any player will make a decisive move remains to be seen.

With resistance to its revolutionary momentum mounting, the I.C.C. has endeavored to centralize and consolidate its authority in the areas under its control. On September 29, the I.C.C. announced that it was creating a unified Islamic military force that would transcend clan affiliations and bring disparate Court militias under a single command. On October 5, the I.C.C. made good on its pledge to set up a centralized Islamic administration, inaugurating an Upper Islamic Council to unify local authorities. The head of the Courts' Shura (consultative and policymaking) Council, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, announced that "the courts will become officially unified into one court, which will lead the country by determining what is right and what is wrong."

Although centralization of I.C.C. authority is far from being realized, the I.C.C. began the process by instituting a single court for the Banadir region, which includes Somalia's official capital Mogadishu. The I.C.C. announced that similar administrations would soon be set up in the Middle and Lower Shabelle regions. On September 30, the I.C.C. had taken over official control of Lower Shabelle from its Courts-affiliated former warlord Yusuf Indha Ade, who was co-opted into the I.C.C. as its director of security. On October 14, the I.C.C. peacefully gained authority over the town of Barawe in Lower Shabelle -- the last area that had resisted the Courts in the region.

Moves by the I.C.C. to create a unified armed force and a centralized administration amount to the institution of a governing apparatus that competes directly with the clan-based T.F.G. Aweys and the head of the I.C.C.'s Executive Council, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, have made it plain that the Courts movement will not share power within the T.F.G.'s clan-based constitution and will only accept an Islamic state that brings together all Somalis under a formula of religious nationalism. Indeed, Aweys invited the T.F.G. to leave Baidoa and come to Mogadishu where, he promised, it would be given power over the country if it agreed to establish an Islamic state. A piece of artful propaganda, Aweys's offer was not taken up by the T.F.G.

As the I.C.C. moved to institutionalize its revolution, it faced resistance at every turn from its opponents, forcing it to go on war footing on fronts throughout Somalia.

The Emergence of Military Fronts

The highest probability for armed conflict between the I.C.C. and its opponents is in Somalia's deep south -- the Middle and Lower Jubba regions -- where the Courts movement faces a counter-attack to retake Kismayo by militias led by the city's former chief warlord, Col. Barre "Hirale" Adan Shire, who is also the T.F.G.'s defense minister.

In moving on Kismayo, the I.C.C. had violated its policy of only entering an area after it had negotiated an agreement with local clerics and warlords and was assured that it would be well received. The Courts movement broke with its successful pattern in order to head off a possible African peacekeeping mission that would enter Somalia across its border with Kenya and would be supplied through Kismayo. The city was controlled by a loose coalition of warlords -- the Jubba Valley Alliance (J.V.A.) -- that was divided by factions and constituencies favoring a deal with the I.C.C. and opponents of an agreement led by Hirale. Although Hirale and his forces fled Kismayo when the I.C.C. moved in, the city remained divided and Hirale did not acquiesce in defeat.

Although the I.C.C. acted quickly to establish an administration in Kismayo, it was immediately faced with a series of violent street demonstrations against its rule that resulted in one death and scores of arrests. The most serious protest was a rare night demonstration on October 7 in which hundreds of people burned tires, hurled stones and vandalized shops, impelling I.C.C. forces to fire on the crowd. Whereas previous demonstrations had reportedly been organized by traders in khat -- a mild stimulant drug that the I.C.C. had banned during Ramadan -- the October 7 protest was mounted by disaffected clans that complained that the new I.C.C. administration had been formed without consultation, included officials from outside the city and was unrepresentative.

As the I.C.C. attempted to cope with popular unrest in Kismayo, Hirale retreated to his stronghold in the Gedo region where he mobilized his forces for an advance east into the Jubba regions. The I.C.C. responded by taking over the town of Buale -- the capital of Middle Jubba -- and the Afmadow district in Lower Jubba in order to block an advance by Hirale. I.C.C. forces also moved to the Kenyan border in an attempt to seal it from peacekeepers, prompting Nairobi to place its border police on alert. On October 6, after consulting with clan elders, the I.C.C. formed an administration for Lower Jubba that would also function temporarily for Middle Jubba.

Throughout the first half of October, a flurry of reports placed Hirale's forces in various parts of the Jubba regions and even near Kismayo, with I.C.C. militias taking positions to confront them. Swearing to retake Kismayo, Hirale petitioned the T.F.G. for military support, but was rebuffed by its president, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who favored a more comprehensive and coordinated response to the I.C.C.'s takeover of the city. Hirale nonetheless claimed that he had reached an agreement with the T.F.G.

On October 5, the leader of the I.C.C.'s Jubba campaign, Sheikh Hassan Turki, said that the I.C.C. had opened peace talks with Hirale and that they were progressing well. On October 8, the I.C.C. claimed that Ethiopian troops had crossed into the Middle Jubba and Gedo regions to support Hirale.

On October 15, Hirale's forces finally moved on Kismayo and were engaged in a firefight by I.C.C. militias, which forced the attackers to retreat. Another armed clash occurred in Buale with similar results. These first incidents were, according to Hirale, only the beginning of a serious campaign to displace the I.C.C. from Kismayo.

Although the entire situation in the deep south is clouded by conflicting reports and possible disinformation, it is clear that Hirale has not given up and that the I.C.C. is determined to hold the Jubba regions. At a pro-I.C.C. demonstration in Kismayo on October 5, reportedly attended by 5,000 people -- mostly women and religious students -- I.C.C. cleric Sheikh Adam Elmi predicted: "This will be the first place where the soldiers of Allah and his enemies will face each other."

A second area in which armed conflict is a growing possibility is Somalia's western Hiraan region around its capital Beledweyne where several thousand Ethiopian troops are massed on the border and in some cases have crossed it in order to protect Ethiopia's ethnic Somali Ogaden region -- where Addis Ababa faces an insurgency -- from I.C.C. incursions and to cut off support for the rebels from the Courts movement.

Facing the possibility of a major move into Hiraan by Ethiopian forces, which might be a prelude to a campaign to take central Somalia from the Courts, the I.C.C. captured the village of Jawil, which controls the only road between Ethiopia and central Somalia, on September 30. As was the case in Kismayo, the I.C.C. failed to reach an agreement with local authorities before its takeover of Jawil, which was accomplished by force. After a firefight, the local pro-T.F.G. militia fled across the Ethiopian border. In early October, the I.C.C. reinforced its position in Jawil and the neighboring village of Kalaber with ten battle wagons and 100 troops.

On October 5, the I.C.C. accused Ethiopian forces of shelling its bases around Beledweyne, a charge denied by Addis Ababa, which has persisted in claiming that it has no forces in Somalia despite an abundance of credible reports to the contrary. Tensions ratcheted up on October 7, when the I.C.C. closed border crossings in the Hiraan region and charged that Ethiopian forces were planting mines, firing artillery and conducting maneuvers in the border areas. On October 9, there were reports that Ethiopian troops were massing near Beledweyne as the I.C.C. gained full control of the town's airstrip from the allied local militia.

On October 14, the I.C.C. held a mass rally in Beledweyne to mobilize resistance against a possible Ethiopian invasion. The I.C.C. also opened up recruiting centers in the town to forge a popular armed resistance. Officials from the Beledweyne court were reportedly traveling to Mogadishu to develop a strategy for defending the Hiraan region.

Although the I.C.C. and Ethiopian forces have been testing each other in the west for the past several months, the recent moves by both sides bring them closer to an armed clash than ever before. It is not possible at present to determine whether Addis Ababa plans a major move into central Somalia through Hiraan, but it is highly probable that if it makes one, the I.C.C. will resist it militarily.

A military offensive by Addis Ababa became more likely when a new front opened up in the central Mudug region, where militias loyal to the warlord Abdi Qeybdid, who is allied to Ethiopia and had been driven from Mogadishu by the I.C.C., were reportedly positioning around the towns of Gelinsoor and Bandiradley close to the region's capital Galkayo on the Puntland border. The I.C.C. responded by moving forces close to Qeybdid's position, creating another tension point that could become the focus of armed confrontation.

As tensions rose in the deep south, west and center of Somalia, the northern regions of the country controlled by the sub-states of Puntland and Somaliland came under pressure from the I.C.C. and responded by tightening security measures. Both sub-states have functioning administrations and military forces, and both are allied to Addis Ababa, but there are also sectors of their societies that are favorable to the I.C.C. and would like to see Islamic courts installed in the north.

With the goal of unifying Somalia in an Islamic state, the I.C.C. has attempted to stir up pro-Courts sentiment in the sub-states and has reportedly been training forces from the northern regions in Mogadishu that would infiltrate into the those regions to support popular bids to set up Islamic courts in them.

Most directly threatened by I.C.C. penetration, Puntland's President Mohamud "Adde" Muse issued an unprecedented decree on September 27 banning all aliens from entering Puntland from the south and threatening deportation of at least some of the several hundred thousand southern Somalis who already reside in the sub-state and form an important part of its economy. Muse also warned I.C.C. sympathizers from Puntland not to collaborate with the Courts movement in an attempted takeover of the sub-state.

On September 30, Muse took the further step of banning all commercial flights into Puntland from southern Somalia, charging that the airlines flying from Mogadishu had brought in members of the I.C.C. who were planning to organize courts.

Amid reports that he was facing rising domestic opposition, Muse flew to Dubai on October 7 for talks that he had reportedly requested with the I.C.C.'s Ahmed, with Puntland Islamist Sheikh Mohamed Yasin mediating. On October 9, fresh infusions of Ethiopian troops were reported to have entered the northern part of Galkayo, which is under Puntland's control and would be a flashpoint for a military conflict between the I.C.C. and the sub-state's forces.

Although immediate armed confrontation is less likely on the emerging northern front than it is in the deep south and west, it would become a near certainty if Addis Ababa mounted a major offensive into central Somalia from the west. It is apparent that Puntland's administration is cooperating with Addis Ababa in an attempt to encircle the I.C.C. as the latter pushes outward, partly to defend itself against Ethiopia and partly to achieve its goal of unifying Somalia under Islamist rule.

More insulated from the I.C.C., Somaliland, which is in the far north and does not share a border with Courts-controlled territories, came under unaccustomed pressure from the Courts movement during the first half of October.

On September 29, Somaliland's deputy justice minister, Yusuf Ise Duale Tallaabo, warned the I.C.C. against trying to realize the "dream of capturing Hargeisa [Somaliland's capital]" and told Somalilanders to reject "a new prophet" from Mogadishu. Tallaabo's statement was prompted by the presence of Somaliland's prominent Islamist cleric Sheikh Ali Warsame in Mogadishu, where he was thought to be strategizing with the I.C.C. on plans to set up Islamic courts in the sub-state. Warsame was a founder of the radical Islamist organization al-Ittihad al-Islami (A.I.A.I.) that pre-dated the I.C.C., has been linked by Washington to al-Qaeda and included among its leaders the I.C.C.'s major power figure, Sheikh Aweys.

Somaliland's administration encountered domestic opposition after the release of a videotape allegedly showing the torture by Somaliland authorities of Islamist cleric Sheikh Mohamed Ismail who had been arrested on charges of terrorism. On October 1, there was a demonstration in Hargeisa protesting Ismail's alleged mistreatment, in which 56 protestors were arrested. Somaliland authorities claimed that the videotape was a fabrication produced by the Puntland administration, with which Hargeisa has territorial disputes. Somaliland's president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, who is constrained to keep Puntland and the I.C.C. at bay, reiterated his position that Somaliland would not rejoin Somalia, but would discuss cooperation when a stable government was formed in the south. Distancing himself from Puntland and Ethiopia, Riyale stated that he was not opposed to the I.C.C. as long as it stayed out of Somaliland and called for non-interference of external powers in Somalia's conflicts.

Riyale's moderate tone did not prevent a strong response to the Ismail affair from the I.C.C. Military commander Turki pledged that the I.C.C. would free all religious prisoners in Puntland and Somaliland, and said: "We will forcefully free Sheikh Mohamed from Somaliland if it does not release him immediately."

More reverberations from Ismail's jailing came on October 10, when 13 Muslim scholars in Hargeisa called for an independent investigation of prison torture, the release from jail of demonstrators arrested in protests triggered by the torture video, and the institution of Shari'a law in Somaliland. The scholars group hailed the I.C.C. for the restoration of security in southern Somalia and for implementing Shari'a law, but urged the Courts movement not to "create discord" in Somaliland.

A military confrontation between the Somaliland administration and the I.C.C. is distant, but the events of early October show that the sub-state is being drawn into the wider conflict and faces an internal opposition sympathetic to the Courts movement. Long considered stable and insulated from the rest of Somalia, Somaliland has now been brought into play and would likely be drawn into any major military conflict in the north in order to defend itself from Puntland and from the I.C.C.

The last emerging military front opened up in the south central Bay region, where the T.F.G. prepared to defend Baidoa from a possible I.C.C. attack. On October 3, Ethiopian troops, on whom the T.F.G. depends for protection, were for the first time deployed in a regular military base, and T.F.G. militias were reportedly receiving large supplies of weapons from Addis Ababa.

Underscoring the threat perceived by the T.F.G., the I.C.C. on October 5 occupied the town of Moode Moode, which is 20 kilometers (12 miles) from Baidoa and the closest that the I.C.C. has yet advanced toward the provincial capital. I.C.C. militia commander Mohamed Ibrahim Bilal said that his forces had entered Moode Moode in order to help its residents repel bandits and to lift blockades on the Baidoa-Mogadishu road. The T.F.G. branded the occupation as a "provocation."

The T.F.G. and its Ethiopian protectors moved on October 9 to mount their first military operation against the I.C.C., briefly taking the strategic town of Bur Haqaba on the Baidoa-Mogadishu road from Bilal's militia, which retreated in the face of the advance. Rumors abounded that the T.F.G.-Ethiopian forces were on their way to Mogadishu or to the Balidogle airport in Lower Shabelle, but they returned to Baidoa after Bilal's fighters engaged them. The commander of the T.F.G. militia, Said Mohamed Hirsi, denied that Ethiopian troops had been involved in the operation, which he claimed was a "normal visit" to an area under the T.F.G.'s authority, promising that there would be more such visits in the future.

Although the level of tension around Baidoa has increased, the probability of imminent armed confrontation between the I.C.C. and T.F.G. remains low there because an I.C.C. attack on Baidoa would cause the Courts movement to lose the qualified international and regional support that it has gained by committing to peace and reconciliation talks with the T.F.G. in Khartoum brokered by Sudan and the Arab League (A.L.). The I.C.C.'s leadership believes that it has gained a preponderant advantage over the T.F.G. on the ground and that it can use that advantage to achieve its political goals through the negotiations.

It is the T.F.G. that is wary of the Khartoum process, pinning its hopes on the introduction of a peacekeeping mission into Somalia sponsored by the African Union (A.U.) that would protect it from the I.C.C. and take pressure off Addis Ababa. Even with the support of Ethiopian troops, the T.F.G. is not in the position to mount an effective offensive against the I.C.C. If fighting breaks out in and around Baidoa, it will probably be an offshoot of a major Ethiopian incursion into central Somalia from the west supported by allied warlord militias and possibly forces from Puntland.

The key factor in the current military situation in Somalia is the presence of Ethiopia on all the emerging fronts. As PINR has argued, the basic conflict in Somalia is between the I.C.C. and Addis Ababa, neither of which seems to be eager to wage war, despite suggestions by analysts that Addis Ababa would gain Washington's approval and a resumption of economic aid if it defeated the I.C.C., and that the Courts would gain an infusion of domestic support from a wave of anti-Ethiopian nationalist sentiment if armed conflict broke out.

The difficulties that would be faced by Addis Ababa if it mounted a major military operation in Somalia were indicated by reports that senior Ethiopian military officers had been arrested for opposing a campaign against the I.C.C. Local media also reported that the Ethiopian government was making large cash payments to officers in return for pledges to attack the I.C.C.

The probability of civil and regional war is higher than it was before the I.C.C. took Kismayo, but, at present, armed conflicts, if they occur, are likely to be localized. There is, however, a sense among the players in Somalia's conflicts that war is now a genuine possibility and that judgment should not be discounted.

Flurries of Diplomacy

As the possibility of war in Somalia loomed larger, the external players with interests in the country's conflicts, save Ethiopia and its adversary Eritrea, were constrained to make more strenuous efforts to bring the I.C.C. and the T.F.G. to the bargaining table.

Throughout the period of the I.C.C.'s ascent since early June, regional states and organizations, Western powers, and international organizations have officially shared the position that the T.F.G. is the legitimate government of Somalia, but that it should negotiate with the I.C.C. on a power-sharing agreement. Behind that facade of consensus, however, have been serious differences on the interpretation of the position, with some actors supporting a peacekeeping mission and others opposing it, some actors insisting that any settlement be reached within the terms of the T.F.G.'s clan-based constitution and others holding themselves open to an Islamist revision of the constitution, and some actors concerned to curb the I.C.C. and prevent the institution of an Islamic state in Somalia, and others acquiescent in that eventuality.

Before the I.C.C.'s takeover of Kismayo, the divisions among the external actors had polarized into a north-south split, with the A.L. behind the Khartoum process and an open dialogue, and the A.U. backing the peacekeeping mission along with reconciliation talks. Regional states tended to follow in line, with Djibouti, Eritrea, Sudan and the Arab states tilting toward the I.C.C., and Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda tending to support the T.F.G. in varying degrees. Western powers and international organizations remained indecisive, vacillating from one emphasis to the other.

The polarized configuration collapsed after the I.C.C. took Kismayo, causing two frontline states -- Kenya and Djibouti -- and the A.L. and Dubai to try to play the role of honest brokers, leaving only Ethiopia and Uganda clearly supporting the T.F.G. and the peacekeeping mission, and Eritrea as the only unequivocal backer of the I.C.C.

The dizzying number of diplomatic missions, purported meetings between the I.C.C. and T.F.G. brokered by various parties, proposals for international conferences in advance of the next round of the Khartoum talks scheduled for October 30, bilateral discussions between regional states and between those states and delegations from the I.C.C. and the T.F.G. reflected a sense of desperation on the parts of all the actors, including the I.C.C. and Addis Ababa, none of them appearing keen on a war into which they might be drawn.

As the flurry of diplomatic activity began to take on a pattern through the first half of October, primary responsibility for mediation fell to Kenya and Djibouti, which had brokered settlements in Somalia prior to the rise of the I.C.C. The details of the initiatives, which were hardly ever disclosed publicly, are less important than the fact that none of them has thus far borne fruit, primarily because the T.F.G. and Addis Ababa -- possibly with Washington's backing -- insist that any settlement fall within the terms of the T.F.G.'s constitution, which is a deal breaker for the I.C.C.

The T.F.G. is also at best lukewarm to the Khartoum process and has accused the A.L. of a bias in favor of the I.C.C., which the A.L. has firmly denied. On October 15, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan, the speaker of the T.F.G.'s parliament who has supported peace talks, resigned as head of the T.F.G.'s delegation to Khartoum after T.F.G. Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi, who has criticized the Khartoum process, sent a letter to international organizations denying Adan's authority to negotiate. In addition, it is not clear that Addis Ababa wants the peace talks to proceed, fearing the possibility of an Islamic state on its borders that might result from a settlement.

Washington's policy remains uncertain, with some analysts convinced that it is secretly supporting an Ethiopian military offensive and others convinced that it backs Djibouti's and Kenya's efforts to be honest brokers. Before the I.C.C.'s takeover of Kismayo, Washington had appeared to be leaning toward bargaining with the Courts movement, but it appeared to veer back toward a confrontational stance when U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for African Affairs Theresa Whelan met with Ethiopia's prime minister, Meles Zenawi, on October 10 to discuss counter-terrorism in the Horn of Africa with an emphasis on Somalia. Whelan's visit to Addis Ababa was followed on October 15 by talks there between T.F.G. President Yusuf and Ethiopian defense officials on arms transfers to T.F.G. forces.

The key development diplomatically in the aftermath of Kismayo is the apparent coordination of the A.L., Djibouti and Kenya to exert pressure for negotiations between the I.C.C. and T.F.G. under whatever auspices needed so that they might take place. This newfound cooperation stems from the Arab states' calculation that negotiations favor the I.C.C., Djibouti's judgment that it would gain stature by mediating a settlement, and Kenya's calculation that stability is better served by accommodating to the I.C.C. than by following Ethiopia's hard line against it.

Regional resistance to Addis Ababa emerged in an October 15 meeting in Asmara between officials from Djibouti, Eritrea and Sudan in which the three states are seeking to coordinate their positions on Somalia based on the principle of non-interference.

Whether coordinated efforts to renew peace talks will be successful cannot at present be determined. Much will depend on Addis Ababa's intentions, which in turn will be partially determined by Washington's stance. All the actors are speaking with each other, but it is far from clear that they will harmonize in a single voice.

Conclusion

As points of tension develop into possible military fronts throughout Somalia and diplomatic efforts to avert armed conflict step up, the clouds of war gather over the country. At present, the intentions of the major players -- the I.C.C. and Ethiopia -- remain unclear and are probably not fixed, as each side tests the other's resolve and attempts to strengthen alliances.

It is most likely that none of the actors is certain of its next moves, which both makes them cautious and increases the probability that one of them will miscalculate and precipitate a spiraling armed conflict. Revolutions spawn counter-revolutionary initiatives, and the I.C.C.'s attempt to effect an Islamic revolution is no exception.

Somalia has moved closer to the brink of war, but major armed conflict is not yet inevitable.

Report Drafted By: Dr. Michael A. Weinstein

The Power and Interest News Report (PINR) is an independent organization that utilizes open source intelligence to provide conflict analysis services in the context of international relations. PINR approaches a subject based upon the powers and interests involved, leaving the moral judgments to the reader. This report may not be reproduced, reprinted or broadcast without the written permission of enquiries@pinr.com. All comments should be directed to content@pinr.com.

Somaliland women win the bread

The Associated Press, 10.15.2006. By Elizabeth A. Kennedy

Adherents of a moderate form of Islam. They take jobs men are too proud to accept.

HARGEISA, Somaliland� Amina Jama was through answering questions about the textile shop she runs with five other women � how much money it brings in, when she started working, whether selling the colorful bolts of cloth helps support her seven children.

"Are you going to buy something, or what?" she asked, throwing up her hands.

Spoken like a true businesswoman. And in this northern city, capital of the breakaway Somaliland region, there are plenty of women like her. Hargeisa's marketplace teems with female workers, many doing the jobs that the thousands of unemployed men are too proud to perform. "Of course women are working. They are strong, they do not have the luxury of being anything but strong," said Edna Adan Ismail, a former Somaliland foreign minister and founder of a women's hospital in this overwhelmingly Muslim region.

The role of women changed dramatically across this Horn of Africa country after its longtime dictator was overthrown in 1991, causing the economy to collapse and putting many men out of work. Women began earning money in large part by doing small tasks such as selling fruit, tailoring clothes or running beauty salons, said Shamis Barre, who works for the humanitarian group CARE International to help train Somali women in marketable skills. "The jobs we have here, they are jobs that men would not do," Barre said. "So the bulk of women, they have to work. Most families depend on women." Although Somaliland declared its independence in 1991 and has remained relatively peaceful � in contrast to the violent chaos in the rest of the country � men here still struggle to find work they will accept.

Somaliland is not internationally recognized as separate from Somalia, severely limiting any industry or government work.

"A woman might get $1 and be satisfied," said Hussein Yusuf Duale, an unemployed 55-year-old man in Hargeisa. "A man is not satisfied with $1." Asha Dahir, 50, said she feels freer to work in Somaliland than she would in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, and much of southern Somalia, which is now governed by Islamic fundamentalists who have set up strict religious courts in recent months. People in Somaliland mostly practice the moderate Sufi form of Islam. Many women wear long, colorful head scarves rather than burqa-style dresses that leave only the eyes exposed. "It's difficult because we believe that Muslim women should stay home, but since our husbands can't find jobs we are happy to work to feed our children," said Dahir, who works with Jama, 38, at the Allah Amin textile shop.

Dahir's husband has been out of work since 1988, when fighting broke out between Somaliland rebels and the dictatorship then based in Mogadishu. Although there are no precise numbers because of the lack of a viable government for 15 years, female workers are common all across Somalia despite the feeling that Muslim women should be home and let their husbands work.

"Women working has really not much to do with religion � it has to do with the economic situation on the ground and 15 years of civil war," said Beatrice Spadacini, a CARE spokeswoman.

The number of female workers in Somaliland is not clear, said Hassan Adan Qalinle, general director of the Ministry of Health and Labor. "Our ministry has not so far conducted any research or survey about the exact number of men and women working in Somaliland," he said.

But younger women � such as Kadan Ibrahim Ahmed, 24, owner of the Panorama Beauty Salon � say they want to work and will continue to do so even if their husbands get jobs. "When I opened this business, I wasn't married," Ahmed said.

"But my husband is an accountant and he doesn't complain, because only women run beauty parlors. "We both get home at the same time at night, 7 p.m., and we have agreed that both of us should work."

Sudsi Abdi Rahman Yusuf, 21, also said she intends to continue working as a laboratory assistant at Hargeisa Hospital after she marries. "I like this job. I can improve myself here," said Sudsi, who wears a white lab coat over a black robe. "Every day, my knowledge increases."

Somalia: Journalists released in Somaliland after hours in detention

October 14, 2006 02:49 pm. Mohamed Abdi Farah

(SomaliNet) The authorities in the self-declared republic of Somaliland have released group of journalists from southern and central Somalia as well as semi-autonomous region of Puntland who have been held at the immigration department for several hours.

About 18 journalists who had received an invitation from United Nations agencies to attend three-day workshop on polio awareness in Hargeisa

Somaliland police held the journalists as they landed at Hargeisa city and led into near by prison like building.

The release of the journalists came through efforts done by UNICEF and World Health Organization who had convinced Somaliland authorities about the trip of the journalists.

Somaliland officials proclaimed that they were not initially informed the arrival of the journalists from southern Somalia therefore they can face detention.

�We have been held for three hours in parts of the immigration department near the airport of Hargeisa where it is designed for illegal immigrants and we have no had any fast breaking since we have been fasting all day,� Mohamed Amin, deputy chairman of Shabelle Media network who was among the arrested journalists told the local media.

He said the Somaliland police have taken all our passports telling us that we had illegally entered into Somaliland.

�UNICEF officers visited where we have been held and then they took us to Mawel Hotel in Hargeisa city where we have had something to eat at about 7:30pm tonight,� Amin said.

He said that they have not been subjected to harassment during in the prison but he confirmed that they were all tired and fatigue as they had entered long journey.

�We all have gone to Wajid town of Bakol region southwest of Somalia where we had then took on flight to Hargeisa, since the UN had suspended temporarily its mission in Mogadishu city,� Amin said adding they were from southern, central and Puntland, some had entered long rough land journey.

Mr. Amin, who operates Radio Shabelle in Mogadishu, said the UN officials to them that there has technical error that caused the arrest of the journalists.

�We are either being let to attend the workshop in Hargeisa that we were invited or brought back to where we had initially come from when we meet the UN officers tomorrow,� he said.

It is not yet clear whether their arrest was linked to the recent release of the video footage that showed torturing on Sheik Mohamed Ismael who in Hargeisa jail. The video widely posted on the internet by the mass media in southern Somalia which had deeply infuriated the Somaliland government.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 14, 2006/Source: Shabeelle Media Network website, Mogadishu, in Somali 14 Oct 06

Somaliland authorities arrest 18 journalists attending UN seminar

The self-declared Republic of Somaliland has detained some 18 journalists from central, southern and northwestern Somalia, who were attending a seminar organized by the WHO and UNICEF.

The journalists had their passports taken away. The journalists are now confined at a location by the Hargeysa police.

Muhammad Amin Shaykh Adow, the assistant director of Shabeelle radio who was among the 18 people confined, said they had not broken their Ramadan fast yet and had not been questioned about their visit. "They took away our passports, which we had used for the visit. We told them that we were journalists, who had been invited by UN agencies," said Adow.

So far no-one has told them the reason of their arrest. One of the journalists insisted that they will not take part in the seminars organized by the agencies and will instead return home.

So far, no WHO or UNICEF official has commented on the matter.

However, Adow, the assistant Shabeelle director who we have just contacted, said he has been released.

Somaliland: Critical Moment as Threat of Regional Conflict Grows

http://worldpoliticswatch.com/ 2006-10-13

"From today, I am declaring jihad against Ethiopia which has invaded our country and taken parts of our homeland." The words of Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, leader of the Islamic Council that now controls much of Somalia, on Oct. 9. He was reacting to the seizure of a town by the Council's opponents -- reportedly alongside Ethiopian troops.

It was the latest broadside in a rapidly escalating war of words -- and sometimes of weapons -- involving Somalia's Islamists, the beleaguered transitional government and regional states. At stake: whether Somalia will become the battleground for a wider war, a new front in the war on terror, or under Islamic rule find some measure of stability.

A Decade of Violence

[�] Through the 1990s, Islamic courts became one of the few sources of authority in the capital, Mogadishu, and were widely relied upon by business interests to settle disputes. After building its own militia, the Islamic Courts Union became a national political force in the summer of 2006, as Somalia's narrowly based transitional government atrophied through clan-based dissent. In the last three months, the Islamists have extended their control to much of central and southern Somalia.

Despite Somalis' long tradition as moderate Sufi Muslims, the Islamists are enforcing strict Sharia law, and include among their leaders figures linked to terrorism. Somalia is at a critical juncture as the Islamists consolidate their control: Will they reach an accommodation with the transitional government? How will Somalia's neighbors and the wider international community handle the sudden rise of hard-line Islamic rule in the Horn of Africa?

Strategic Value

The great powers have long fought over Somalia. Close to Middle East shipping lanes and the oil refineries on Saudi Arabia's Red Sea coast, it has a strategic position -- even if few proven resources of its own. It has long and porous borders with Ethiopia and Kenya. [�]

During more than a decade of anarchy, Somaliland in the north broke away to form its own government, which is not recognized by the international community but has brought stability to that area. Thirteen attempts at forming a government for the rest of the country came to nothing before international diplomacy finally helped create a fragile transitional government in 2004. Under President Abdullahi Yussuf, it has been a government in name only. Powerful elements of the Hawiye clan, one of Somalia's most important, were marginalized. Clans squabbled for the spoils of office; militia that owed no loyalty to the government continued to roam the streets of Mogadishu, extorting civilians but bringing no security to the city.

After two weeks of gun battles in June against secular militia, the Islamic Courts Union prevailed in Mogadishu. Worn out by more than a decade of chaos, the people of the capital welcomed the order brought by the Islamists, who reopened the capital's airport and port, reduced crime and began to clear garbage-strewn streets. International aid organizations such as the World Food Program have praised the ICU for bringing stability to the capital and allowing a resumption of international aid, and played down reports of Islamic extremism. "In 15 years, no one was able to do what they did in 15 days," said U.N. official Saverio Bertolino.

The Islamists have adopted strict Sharia practices in asserting their control of the capital -- closing down makeshift cinemas, destroying satellite receivers and televisions, forbidding the sale of the popular narcotic leaf qat, forbidding live music at weddings and inflicting public whippings on men accused of possessing drugs. Grateful for security, the people of Mogadishu have rarely protested these moves (except when militia tried to stop men watching the soccer World Cup).

Once it controlled Mogadishu, the ICU quickly imposed its authority across a wide swathe of central and southern Somalia. By late September, the Courts had seized the important port of Kismayo, 260 miles south of Mogadishu and just 100 miles from the border with Kenya, a city previously controlled by a defense minister in the transitional government. It was here that the Islamist militia ran into their first popular resistance, having to fire to disperse protestors angry by the ban on the sale of qat, the livelihood for many women market traders. But there was no military challenge to the takeover and local warlords handed over their weapons.

The transitional government's writ now extends barely beyond the city of Baidoa, and it is widely reported that Ethiopian troops guard the approaches to the city. The government has shown few signs of being able to broaden its base of support to include moderate Islamists and members of the powerful Hawiye clan. It's unclear whether the ICU plans to move against the transitional government, but it may not need to. Gradually, the government is being hemmed in on three sides, reliant on Ethiopian support for its existence. [�]

Holy War

The ICU has recently begun to set up what it calls "holy war" training camps in a bid to deter East African governments from sending peacekeepers to Somalia. Seven African states had endorsed a plan to send some 3,500 Ugandan and Sudanese peacekeepers to Somalia. But the plan is unlikely to become reality. The U.N. would have to lift the weapons embargo against Somalia before they could enter, the African Union would have to fund the peacekeepers and, above all, regional peacekeepers lack the logistical ability to execute the plan -- more so now that the entry point of Kismayo has fallen to the ICU.

They would also encounter stiff resistance. Even the moderate chairman of the Islamic Courts, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, has warned that any foreign troops will be resisted, whether they come as peacekeepers or aggressors. Another senior cleric, Sheikh Oman Iman Abubakar, told a Mogadishu rally in September: "We will never allow a single foreign soldier into our country. We will fight against them until death." The ICU is not alone in issuing such a warning. In an audio message released in July, Osama Bin Laden lauded the Courts and urged them to attack the transitional government, while warning foreign governments: "We pledge that we will fight your soldiers on the land of Somalia and we will fight you on your own land if you dispatch troops to Somalia."

Influential Figures

Within the ICU, more radical leaders have gained the upper hand this year -- at the expense of Sheikh Sharif Skeikh Ahmed. Prominent among them is Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, who is designated a terrorist by the United States after leading al-Itihaad al-Islamiya, an Islamist militia accused of having links to al-Qaida in the 1990s. Aweys has become Chairman of the Supreme Islamic Council or Shura and announced that all Islamic courts will fall under its command. He takes an uncompromising line on social issues, insisting that women wear the hijab in public. He told Newsweek in July that television "misleads the people and teaches them bad character and a culture from some other countries that we don't share."

A close ally of Aweys is Aden Hashi Ayro, a military chief who has been linked to the murder of four aid workers in Somaliland and a BBC journalist. The U.N. says Ayro has received training in al-Qaida camps in Afghanistan. Ayro has become more prominent as the ICU has spread its influence and was involved in the takeover of Kismayo. He is believed to command some 3,000 fighters and said in Kismayo that Islamic militia would include both Somalis and foreigners.

Regional Reaction

The Arab League and East African states have both tried to influence events in Somalia, but often with conflicting aims. The Arab League has organized talks between the transitional government and ICU, while East African governments -- through the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) -- have pushed the peacekeeping option.

Kenya is especially concerned about an influx of refugees. Somali gangs already cause instability in northern Kenya: The U.N. estimates that some 25,000 Somali refugees have already crossed into Kenya this year. Both Kenya and Ethiopia have Muslim minorities, and Ethiopia has a long history of tension with Somalia. Siad Barre tried in 1977 to wrest the Muslim area of Ogaden from Ethiopia by force, and Addis Ababa fears the Islamists will aid the Ogaden National Liberation Front, which is of Somali origin. Ethiopia has pledged to do whatever necessary to protect Somalia's transitional government in Baidoa. It admits it is training Baidoa's security forces but denies persistent reports that Ethiopian soldiers have crossed the border. There are also signs that the Islamic Courts may even want to bait the Ethiopians into intervening, by threatening Baidoa. A sizeable Ethiopian incursion would give them cause to mobilize for jihad.[�]

To the north, the President of Northern Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, has warned that any attempt by the Islamists to extend their influence to his fledgling state will be resisted. He told the Associated Press that while Sharia law has long been used in Somalia, it had now taken on a disturbing "fanatical slant."[�]

Implications

Somalia is in imminent danger of slipping towards renewed civil war, with rival factions being supplied and financed by East African and Arab states. Even the relatively peaceful area of Somaliland is unlikely to be immune. There is also the immediate prospect of much of the country being dominated by a hard-line Islamic movement -- a first in Africa. For the first time in Somalia, clan loyalties are being stifled as an overarching appeal to Islam gains ground. Depending on how the Islamic Courts Union develops, the worst-case scenario imagines Somalia becoming another front in the war on terror, one as intractable as Iraq and Afghanistan and destabilizing to much of East Africa.

The international community can prevent such a chain of events through consistent and even-handed pressure on all sides through the International Contact Group on Somalia. Its priority should be to negotiate a power-sharing agreement and establish national institutions absent since 1991. The ICU must be engaged, especially moderates such as Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, and the transitional government reinvented. Arab League and African Union mediation needs to be complementary rather than competitive, with Europe and the United States playing a role in restraining regional actors like Ethiopia and Eritrea. Italy's special envoy to Somalia has suggested neutral monitors patrol the Ethiopia-Somalia border, but admits that would need the agreement of both countries. The U.N. Security Council also needs to keep Somalia on its radar. In July it recommended the U.N. envoy for Somalia visit the region, but his tour did not begin until early October. With global attention focused on Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and North Korea, Somalia is not a priority.

In the longer term, the prospect of a surge in conflict will increase the risk of another humanitarian disaster in a region where millions already live a marginal existence in lands prone to drought. The U.S. government says the drought cycle in the region has fallen from one in eight to one in three years. The Horn of Africa's ecosystem s among the most degraded in the world, and high birth rates in Somalia (where probably half the population is under the age of 15) threaten acute humanitarian pressures in years to come.

The gloomiest outlook for Somalia, and the Horn of Africa, can be averted. But only with the sort of international commitment that now seems unlikely

Somalia: Somaliland arrests Puntland sheikh

Garowe Online News. 12 Oct 12, 2006, 22:07

Authorities in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland (northwest Somalia) arrested a sheikh from the Puntland regions early Wednesday in Hargeisa, the seat of the Somaliland administration.

Sheikh Abshir Adan Mohamud was picked up by Somaliland police at the hotel he was staying at in Hargeisa.

The arrested sheikh is from Sool region, which is controlled by Puntland authorities despite a long-standing dispute of ownership with Somaliland.

Confidential sources in Hargeisa informed Garowe Online that Sheikh Abshir's relatives were denied the right to visit him in jail until the police investigation is completed.

Somaliland authorities have not said anything publicly on the arrest yet.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 10, 2006/Source: Goobjoog website, in Somali 0000 gmt 9 Oct 06

Somaliland Islamic clerics call for introduction of shari'ah law

Thirteen of the most influential Muslim scholars in Hargeysa [capital of the breakaway Somaliland republic] have urged the Somaliland government to implement Islamic shari'ah law in areas under its jurisdiction.

A copy of a statement sent to goobjoog.com after a news conference urged the administration of [President] Dahir Riyale [Kahin] introduce shari'ah law. "We urge the government to implement Islamic shari'ah law as stipulated in the country's constitution," said the resolution of the news conference held yesterday in Hargeysa.

The stance taken by the scholars came after series of meetings in Hargeysa in which they focused on the recent arrest by the Riyale administration of Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il, who is still being held at Hargeysa's main prison. A video tape showing physical torture of Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il [which is available on various Somali web sites] was also a topic of discussion.

Following yesterday's press conference in Hargeysa, the scholars came up with a 16-point statement:

1. We appeal to the Somaliland people to safeguard the peace, stability and order that we are currently enjoying.
2. We urge the government to implement Islamic shari'ah law as stipulated in the country's constitution.
3. We ask the government to consult the country's religious scholars and intellectuals on the challenges facing the country.
4. On the issue of the video clip showing the ugly torture [of Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il], we urge the immediate establishment of an independent investigation team, which should report its findings without politicizing the issue.
5. Torture is illegal under Islam, and any confession derived through torture is null and void.
6. All prisoners should be accorded to fair trials.
7. The dignity and rights of any national or his family, who are bona fide citizens of Somaliland, should not be interfered with just because one is a suspect.
8. Islam does not condone violent demonstrations, which victimize innocent people. Any person who causes problems must bear the consequences.
9. We urge the government to immediately free people arrested during recent demonstrations. Majority of them are women.
10. We urge the government to show restraint and take responsible measures in order to avoid situations that might increase tension and cause public anger.
11. We urge religious people, particularly educated youth, to closely work with their scholars so as to analyse the prevailing situation.
12. We appeal to both the public and government to respect Islamic rules and customs: the (?long) beard and veil should not be ridiculed.
13. We urge both the public and government to collaborate in dealing with the increasing cases of immorality such as witchcraft, drug abuse, illicit romantic relations, and similar things. We must strengthen the committee on prevention of vice and promotion of virtue.
14. We urge the government and state organs to resolve any differences among them so as to enable these jointly tackle the current situation and ensure development.
15. In regards to the Islamic courts in [southern] Somalia; we would like to hail them for the good work they have done in regards to security and the implementation of shari'ah law. We urge them not to create discord in Somaliland, which has been enjoying peace and stability for a long time.
16. We urge against the deployment of foreign troops in [southern] Somalia as this will not bring about any solution. Somalis should instead solve their problems peacefully and amicably.
Among the scholars who signed the statement were: Shaykh Muhammad Shaykh Umar Dirir, Shaykh Hasan Abdisalan, Shaykh Muhammad Ali Garle, Shaykh Abdulqadir Haji Jama, Shaykh Yusuf Adan Muhammad, and Shaykh Isma'il Abdi Hure alias Isma'il Deeg.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 10, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 7 Oct 06

Somali Islamists said training fighters to attack Somaliland

Contrary to previous convictions, which held that they were unlikely to attempt actions of military nature in Somaliland at this stage, the leaders of the Mogadishu-based Islamic Courts Union [ICU] have already been plotting a takeover of Somaliland from within.

A plan calling for the eventual declaration of Islamic Courts in Somaliland's major cities is already nearing the final stages of its implementation.

The Somaliland Times has learned that at least a group of militants from one sub-clan in Hargeysa has contacted a well known cleric from another subclan to endorse a plan for the proclamation of Islamic Courts administration in the capital. The said cleric not only rejected the plan but also warned those who contacted him that they would be responsible for the repercussions of such an action.

Meanwhile, several reliable sources in Mogadishu have confirmed to The Somaliland Times that hundreds of Somalilanders are currently undergoing intensive military training and indoctrination in religious fundamentalism in camps at Mogadishu for future deployment to Somaliland. According to those sources, the trainees will be used to spearhead an armed insurrection designed to take place in Somaliland's main towns. Most of the Somalilanders being trained were initially recruited by ICU cells in Somaliland and were later persuaded to travel from Hargeysa, Burco, Boorama, Ceerigaabo and Laascaanood to Mogadishu, mostly by road and occasionally by plane, the sources said. The training, which includes assassination techniques, was said to be provided by Arab and Pakistani veterans of the Afghan war.

A video footage showing a militant shaykh called Muhammad Isma'il allegedly being tortured in Hargeysa jail was recently put into circulation by militant groups in Somaliland and within the ICU, so as to stir a popular backlash against the Somaliland government. However, a number of demonstrations held in the last 10 days in Hargeysa, Burco, Ceerigaabo and a remote village in the Sanaag region had only attracted small crowds.

Though the footage purporting to show the use of torture against Muhammad Isma'il is widely regarded as fake by experts, unfair reporting by the Somali Service of the BBC on the issue has kept it in the spotlight until now. The Somaliland government's failure to respond much earlier to the torture allegations has also affected its case negatively. To fuel incitement against the Somaliland government, ICU leaders took turns to condemn President Riyale's administration as a puppet of the Americans "who keep Muslim clerics in Guantanamo Bay prison cells".

Meanwhile, the price of AK-47 rifles in the black market went up to 500 dollars a piece instead of 200 dollars only two months ago. The sudden jump has been attributed to a sudden rise in demand for small arms from religious militant groups inside the country.

Yesterday, Adan Haji Hirow, a Muslim cleric who preaches at a mosque in northern Hargeysa, disclosed that extremist groups operating in Somaliland had sent him a threat in writing warning him to stop his attacks on the fundamentalist movement or else face consequences. While preaching the faithful before the Friday prayers at Hawadle Mosque yesterday, Shaykh Adan Haji, better known as Adan Sira, said that he was not going to be intimidated by the threat. "Tens of thousands of our citizens sacrificed their precious lives for the liberation of Somaliland and by God we will keep this country independent and safe," he added as thousands in prayers responded by saying "Amen, Amen."

The offices of the Haatuf Media Network, which publishes The Somaliland Times, the daily Somali language Haatuf and the weekly Arabic Haatef Al-Arabi, also received numerous phone call threats carrying messages of similar nature during the last several days.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 8, 2006/Source: Haatuf, Hargeysa, in Somali 6 Oct 06

Somalia: Islamic courts chief says Somaliland should rejoin Somalia

The chairman of the Islamic courts [Shaykh Shariff Ahmad] yesterday said for the first time, at a meeting held in Mogadishu's Villa Baydhabo, that the courts aimed at unifying Somaliland with Somalia.

Shaykh Shariff Ahmad, the chairman of the executive council of the Islamic courts, accused Somaliland at the meeting of torturing Islamic clerics in its prisons.

Shaykh Ahmad said time has come to unite the country which was once called Somalia, and the courts were strategizing how to bring Somaliland to what he called unity with Somalia. He said, "The Somaliland and Puntland administrations have pacified their regions while there were problems in some other regions. Time has come for the Somali people to seek each other and search for unity. It is the foreign enemies who are working for the fragmentation of the country." [Passage omitted].

Meanwhile, a night before, the chairman of the consultative council of Islamic courts, Hasan Dahir Aweys, accused Somaliland in a speech at a Mogadishu mosque of torturing Islamic clerics in its prisons, however, he did not mention that he is facing terrorism charges with a trial going on at a Hargeysa court.

Aweys�s Men At Bush House

Somaliland Times, Edtiorial, 07 Oct. 2006=

As the vast majority of its listeners would agree, the Somali Service of the BBC has become a tool for promoting the cause of the Mogadishu-based Hawiye dominated extremists who misleadingly call themselves now the Islamic Courts Union.

On June 2006, the ICU�s militia defeated an alliance of warlords backed by the Americans and drove them out of Mogadishu. Although the warlords were in reality a bunch of unpopular gangsters interested only in extorting money from their own people and external backers as well, however that didn�t necessarily mean that the courts fared much better as far as Mogadishu�s residents were concerned.

But there was no doubt that the way in which the Somali Service had been reporting about the conflict between the courts and the warlords has influenced the outcome of the battle of Mogadishu in a significant manner.

News information and commentary broadcast by the Somali Service on the fighting were heavily biased in favor of the courts. For a period of about 4 months, listeners were targeted for highly selective news items, interviews and opinion polls that simply portrayed the warlords alone as the villains. For example nothing was mentioned about the implication of some of the leaders of the ICU in terrorist attacks that took place in Mogadishu and in Somaliland on 2002 � 2005.

Although the ICU was initially an exclusively Eyr/Habar Gidir project that was later modified to look like as though encompassing the whole Hawiye clan, however owning to the manipulative role played by Yusuf Garad, the editor of the Somali Service, in setting the news agenda, relevant background information concerning the clan-based structure and political orientation of the group was deliberately suppressed.

Instead, Yusuf Garad who is himself an Eyr, has kept promoting the ICU as a national Islamic political movement. But this has been a myth as demonstrated by the unfriendly way in which the citizens of Kismayo reacted to the ICU�s takeover of their hither to peaceful city last month. Almost half of the city�s population went to the street to protest what they correctly termed as �an invasion by a none native clan�.

But what is even more dangerous is the way the Somali Service has been treating the issue of a video footage purporting to be of a jailed terrorist suspect under going torture in a Hargeysa prison.

The alleged victim is Mohamed Ismail who was detained on September 23, 2005 in connection with a terrorist plot foiled by the Somaliland police in Hargeysa 2 days earlier. The Somaliland government has persistently held that the footage was fake and that Mohamed Ismail was never tortured by its investigators. In fact experts who have examined the footage say that it wasn�t real. Even Al-Jazeera refused to air it.

But Yusuf Garad took the unprecedented step of presenting a number of protests staged in Somaliland by supporters of the imprisoned Mohamed Ismail as though the video footage provided an incontrovertible evidence of torture.

Mr. Garad has hardly made an effort to remind his listeners of the fact that Mohamed Ismail and others including his cousins Hassan Dahir Aweys and Adan Hashi Eyro are being tried in the same Hargeysa court for a series of terrorist actions in Somaliland. Once again he tried to portray one side of a story, this time Somaliland, as a villain while presenting the other as the victim.

Disgustingly enough, ICU agents took up the issue to incite the public through the Somali Service for the sole purpose of instigating violence in Somaliland.

The editorial board of the BBC should keep aside its arrogance and aloofness for a moment in the face of the tremendous amount of legitimate complaints being aired by listeners against the monopolization of the airwaves of its Somali broadcasts by one clan. There is a need for a prompt investigation into how the Somali Service has been handling Somali news since, at least, early this year. The BBC shouldn�t become a tool for the incitement of hatred and extremism among Somalis. The Somali Service mustn�t be exempted from the highly regarded BBC standards for objectivity accuracy and neutrality that are duly applied within other programmes.

The Somaliland government has apparently failed to handle the issue of the video footage properly. The government�s ministry of Information hasn�t been bothered at all by the disturbing attention that the incident had attracted. Other departments of government stayed passive despite the dangerous implications of the affair to the stability of this country.

The Somaliland government must take the necessary steps to develop a strategy for communication that is capable of meeting the information needs of the public both here and abroad. At a time when Somaliland is being undermined from within by the ICU, the government needs to take some difficult decisions to make this country secure before its too late.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 7, 2006/Source: Haatuf, Hargeysa, in Somali 7 Oct 06

Pro-independence rally held in central Somaliland district

A huge demonstration was held yesterday at Burco [central Somaliland, northwestern Somalia] to support Somaliland's independence and sovereignty and against a demo held in Burco on Monday [2 October] over the alleged torture of a man, Muhammad Isma'il, held over terrorism.

Very many people took part in the demo. The demo was organized by youths and Burco clan leaders whose actions were observed in Burco since the day before yesterday.

The protesters marched through Burco streets and converged at the Khayriyya square and were addressed by regional leaders. Chief Aqil Muhammad Dahir Abdi, who addressed the people said: "Somaliland's flag was first raised in Burco and with a lot of bloodshed and destruction of the land. We cannot rejoin the south [rest of Somalia]. The video footage which is in circulation has been doctored, some of which was shot at Hadiftimo. We say if the cleric has committed crimes he should be dealt with by the state and the courts, otherwise he should be released. People should make a clear distinction between opposition and statehood [passage omitted].

The protesters carried placards with various slogans including: Somaliland's statehood is sacred; We are opposed to unity with Somalia. The demo lasted several hours.

The Indian Ocean Newsletter, October 7, 2006

Threats by Somalian Islamists

Hassan Abdulah Hersi al-Turki, one of the leaders of the Union of Islamic Courts in Mogadishu, interviewed by the Somalian web site Shabeelle Media Network on 4 October, threatened Somaliland with military action by his partisans if the Islamist Muhammad Shaykh Isma�EURTil, in prison in Hargeisa for a year, were not freed. Al-Turki is one of the leaders of the Al-Ittihad group considered by the United States as having links with Al Quaida.

His threats followed a small demonstration organised in Hargeisa on 29 September to protest against the torture of Muhammad Shaykh Ismail Somaliland policemen. Photos of this torture taking place, which some experts consider to be a photomontage, were published on the Somalian web site www.hawdiyonugal.com. This site was created by an obscure company called Ustaadmedia and registered in the United States in June 2006. This is the same company which created the site www.realnugaal.com in March 2006, registered in Canada by Ahmed Warsame of Edmonton. Muhammad Shaykh Ismail ran a Koranic school in Hargeisa and was arrested in September 2005 before the Parliamentary elections in Somaliland. He was accused, along with seven other suspects, of preparing pro-Islamic agitation in Somaliland. During police searches of his house, documents and cassettes were found confirming suspicion of his links with the Islamist group in Mogadishu headed by the extremists Hassan Dahir Aweys and Adan Hashi Ayro.

"Islamists threaten Somaliland from within"

afrol News (http://www.afrol.com/articles/21756), 5 October - It is believed that the Islamists of Somalia Courts Movement have tightened their grip over power in Somaliland, where its members control almost every sector of the economy. As the Mogadishu Islamists are threatening to attack Somaliland, authorities fear they could get support from within.

According to editor-cum-poet of 'Awdalnews' in Somaliland, Bashir Goth, the Islamists' grip of Somaliland's economy is an open secret, for they control all small businesses, including small money transfer institutions as well as own and run hundreds of schools.

Several prominent members of the Islamist Courts Movement in Somalia were said to be part of Al-ittihad, a Somali jihadist movement put in connection with Al Qaeda, but defeated in the end-1990s.

"As far as I know there are several members of [the Islamist courts movement] UIC who used to be members of the Al Ittihad,� confirmed editor of Somaliland�s Awdalnews, Bashir Goth. Mr Goth named Sheikh Dahir Aweys as the most prominent sheikh and a one time military commander of the group.

The group was led by another Sheikh Ali Warsame who recently left Somaliland for Mogadishu. "The two prominent leaders are in-laws. Besides, Mr Warsame is married to Mr Aweys' sister."

Sheikh Warsame was the spiritual leader of the Al-ittihad that is similar to a mullah of Afghanistan or Ayatollah of Iran, he explained.

Sheikh Warsame is a Saudi taught wahabi cleric who hailed from Somaliland's town of Buroa. He created Al-Ittihad Al-Islami in 1984. When his group was defeated by the Ethiopian backed current Somali transitional President Abdillahi Yusuf in the end-1990s, Mr Warsame went into hiding in Buroa where he led a low profile life. However, the Sheikh reportedly had contacts with his lieutenants who included Sheikh Dahir Aweys.

An article ran by 'Adwalnews' said the Islamist Courts Movement Chairman, Sheikhh Aweys and his minions received moral and material support � including an endorsement from the world's most wanted man Osama bin Ladin and funding from various Islamic charities. The movement is also supported by Arab, Afghan, Kashmiri, Pakistani, Palestinian, and Syrian fighters.

It was further revealed that the "insignificant contribution" to the Islamists' victory came from a massive fraud involving a money transfer business that operated until a few months ago with licenses in several US states, including Minnesota, North Carolina, Ohio, Oregon, and Wisconsin.

"The company in question, Dalsan, was, depending on the account, usually described as either the largest or the second-largest Somali money-wiring company (its competitor was Al-Barakaat, whose assets were frozen by Executive Order 13224 almost immediately after 9/11)."

In addition to its US offices, Dalsan had offices in Great Britain, Kenya, and the United Arab Emirates - one of the few countries to still accept passports from the non-state of Somalia, just as it was one of only three countries to recognise the Taliban regime in Afghanistan - as well as representatives in various other countries.

At its height in the aftermath of the US actions against Al-Barakat, estimates a report by European Commission's Nairobi-based Somali Unit, Dalsan, which was established in August 2001, was moving at least US$ 100 million a year.

According to internal estimates by the United Nations Development Programme in Somalia, by charging between US$ 1 and US$ 4 per remittance transaction, the company was bringing in between $400,000 and $500,000 per month.

Dalsan also was involved in the money transfer business in Somaliland. It is believed that much of the finance sector in Somaliland indeed is in the hands of the Islamist movement.

Opinion: Is the the ICU posing a serious threat to Somaliland?

http://www.garoweonline.com/ 5 Oct 5, 2006

" The chain reaction of evil-wars producing more wars-must be broken-or we shall be plunged into the dark abyss of annihilation " Dr. Martin L. King.

By Soleiman Egeh

Introduction:

History have been a witness to terrible tyrants, genocidal dictators, warlords and others embarked on hegemony and domination of other nations, who have all failed. Those who tried to subjugate other people or even their people, and denied them the inalienable rights of freedom, justice and democracy have all failed. Systemic national projects, once sanctioned by nations for domination and exploitation have all end up in failure. we have seen once powerful empires crumble into pieces or total oblivion.

Why? They were not standing on the pillars of social justice, equality and respect of human and civil rights. Once mighty empires such Persia, Byzantium, Roman, Ottoman, British, the French, Portuguese, Austro-Hungary, the Akxum, and many others have became footnotes of history. Most of those empires have fallen due to injustice, tyranny, lack of transparency and cruelty against their subjects. We must be learning from those invaluable lessons, that social injustice, tyranny and denial of human and civil rights to people will not work. Military conquests and hegemony on others can not stand.

" The governing should have the consent of the governed " Thomas Jefferson.

Mighty nations failed to sustain their hegemony and military conquest on others. For the American and coalition forces in Iraq, and the American-led NATO forces in Afghanistan are unable to contain the insurgencies in both of those countries. Where mighty empires with huge well-equipped militaries failed, do you think ragtag tribal militias, disguising under the cover of Islamic symbols can succeed, annex and sustain territories where the natives are against their annexation?

The answer is a resounding no. Hegemony and annexation disguised under false religious cosmetics or some other type of gimmicks can not and will not work. tyrants under the guise of religious paraphernalia and slogans will not go that far. People can easily figure it out, as the saying goes, " if it walks like a duck, talks like a duck, quakes like duck, it is a duck". However, aspiring tyrants can change their colors, they are real tyrants and they can't hide.

Case study

Murderous warlords were lobbing long range missiles, howitzers, tank fire and all kinds of the left over weapons from the Mujaheddin-Soviet-war. Mafia-like battle-hardened warlords with funny names, such as Qilabadiin Hikmatyar, Barhanuddin Ra bani, General Dustin, and commander Ahmed Shah Massoud refused to agree upon anything. They defeated the mighty Red army, but they destroyed whatever is left of Afghanistan after a long war, and tens of thousands of innocent civilians have perished in the mindless rampage.

All of a sudden young fighters called themselves the Taliban from the infamous Pakistani Madras-as (Community religious Schools) bursted into Afghanistan from no where. Their military success was phenomenon. The UN, the US and most of the rest of the world have recognized the weak government of Burhanuddin Rabanni, while only three countries, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE (United Arab Emirates) recognized the Taliban.

Islamists in general seem to be fixated on acquiring power by any means necessary. They won't often seek power because of great vision or exemplary leadership qualities, political savvy or what have you. They usually seek power out of belief that they are morally superior to others which is a false pretense. Mogadishu Islamists controlled Somalia is slowly emerging to look like Taliban-ruled Afghanistan.

The military conquest of Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia appears to look like the swift Taliban sweep through Afghanistan. The powerless Baidawa-based Embagatti government resembles in some ways, the the then weak government of Barhanuddin Rabani in pre-Taliban Afghanistan. Only time will tell, but Mogadishu Islamists also bear a number of similarities to the Taliban.

The once muscular warlords have been defeated very quickly. Their advances through most of Afghanistan was swift, they have overtaken even the most hard-headed warlords by a lighting speed. Their success in mostly Pashtun land was very easy. Pashtuns make between 50-60% of Afghanistan's population. They are also dominate the south, south east, they also enjoy a good presence in the north and west.

By the time they went out of the Pashtun land, their rapid advance has been stalled a bit and for the next several years, they were engaged in pitch battles with the Northern Alliance, a mostly Uzbek and Tajik militias from Northern Afghanistan. These militias, though not gaining a lot of ground against the Taliban, fought with them to a stand still. Taliban's blitzkrieg was due to one thing and only one thing, the people of Afghanistan were at the time war-weary and ready for any kind of change, they may never have thought of what kind of a change they would like to have.

That is why the Taliban have been been welcomed with open arms at the beginning. But within a very short period of time, into the reign of the Taliban, people became disillusioned with them, and start protesting and resisting against them.

They also started destabilizing the peaceful regions such as the Republic of Somaliland. Those perceived attempted of interference into Somaliland's internal affairs have prompted president Dahir Rayaale on Saturday October 1st , 2006, to sent a stern warning to the Mogadishu Islamists. Ethiopia and Kenya with sizable Mulim populations are also alarmed by the ICU's rapid conquest of territory and vitriolic rhetoric.

Since June, 2006, people were debating the sudden ascendancy of the ICU into positions of power, and their quick success to eject the cowardly warlords from Mogadishu. They have been heaped with praises from different circles and especially from the long suffering people of Mogadishu. But different perspectives on the ICU are coming out lately as they increased the territory under their jurisdiction.

With their conquest of Kismayo on Sunday, 24 of September, 06, the intensity of the debate increased. Kismayo as you know was under the jurisdiction of several warlords for over seven years. According to reliable sources, non of the reigning warlords of the area was from the area.

Kismayo a heavily contested place during the long civil war years, is a little different that most of the areas under the tutelage of the ICU. Kismayo is a very diverse city, and its population comprises of an amalgam of natives, long time immigrants and post civil war immigrants, some of which came when the Juba Valley Alliance (JVC), a cocktail of non-indigenous warlords captured the strategic port city some seven years ago.

Brief History of the spread of Islam in this region-Somaliland

On the other hand, we are in the 21st century, and all people are vigilant of their rights. You can not get away by hijacking some some body's inalienable rights for life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, in the name of Islam. All of us are Muslims, and if you go further (no boasting) than that, Somaliland happen to be in the window, where Islam came through on its way to the Horn of Africa and beyond, in its early days. I am talking about the period immediately after the emergency of the great religion of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula.

This is an area with a deep history of religion and a high volume of religious scholars and teachers, who have left an indelible mark on the community due to the noble endeavor, of spreading Islamic teachings through out the Horn of Africa for about a thousand years. A number of ancient Muslim centers such as the Mud-in-Al-Masa-Jid the twin cities of "Zayla", "Harrer" are here. You can see memorial tombs in homage for those early Muslim scholars in the ancient cities of Sayla, Harrer, Abarso, Darbiyada, Awbarre, Awbube and old Amoud.

My point here is to put into perspective the fact that, no one has the integrity, the authority and the knowledge to preach Islam to the people of this area. The natives of this area are early orthodox adherents to the faith-Islam. Radicals spewing a new strict interpretation of the Koranic script, laced with far-reaching political agendas and objectives can not find traction in this area. They must also think twice before they venture into this area.

Conclusion/analysis

The only way to untangle the gridlock, the impasse, and the chronic misunderstanding between the tribes, ethnic and racial groups residing in the five-Somali-speaking regions of the Horn of Africa in general, and the former Somalia in particular, may only be achieved through peaceful negotiations, mutual respect and honest dialog. The resolution of this very complex crisis will come from within. Tons of foreign money put on this matter won't work. Military conquest and the denial of the rights of the weak will not resolve this political morass.

The problem between Somaliland and Somalia also can only be resolved by a direct talks between an elected government of Somalia and Somaliland. In that fashion an amicable separation of the two countries may be one day finalized. Sabotage, military solution, intimidation, hostility and other subversive activities will not work. Those kinds of tactics will be ineffective, and will further harden the resolve of the Somalilanders, while further widening the gulf between the two brotherly people. The ICU and others, need to refrain from the afore-mentioned activities. These kinds of activities are nothing but an exercise in futility.

The ICU needs to put into consideration the fact that their people, are war-weary and want to live their lives in peace and tranquility. Unless the above-named principles are understood and adhered to, the morass and mayhem will continue to infinity and the suffering of the ordinary masses will go on. Venturing into other peoples' territory under the guise of Islam will not work. The problem of this area is about governance, political, social justice, tribal, ethnic, regional rivalry, nation state versus tribal state and poor leadership. But it is not about religion. Let me make the record straight, the issues must not be eschewed and distorted.

I would like to sign out with the following war quote. " Violence can only be concealed by a lie, and the lie can be maintained by violence " Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn.

Soleiman Egeh: soleimoneg@yahoo.com

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 5, 2006/Source: Somali Union of Islamic Courts website, Mogadishu, in Somali 5 Oct 06

Somali Islamist leader raps alleged torture of cleric in Somaliland

The chairman of the Shura Council of the Somali Islamic Courts, Shaykh Hasan Dahir Aweys, has voiced his sadness at the torture of Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il, who is being held at a prison in Hargeysa [Somaliland]. He made it clear that this action was part of an effort by administrations and governments to curry favour with Westerners by abusing religious scholars who stand for the propagation of Islam.

Shaykh Hasan Dahir Aweys said this kind of action was not new in Somalia, and that he himself was once sentenced to death.

He called on religious scholars to bear the problems they were being subjected to with fortitude, adding it was shameful for people claiming to be leaders of the people to cause problems for clerics.

"Ulemas have always faced problems, arrests and beatings. This is a normal thing for people who are not good in living their faith - be they in governments or individuals - to do. This is what they normally do. I have in past been sentenced to death," Shaykh Hasan Dahir said.

The shaykh made the remarks when he attended the closing ceremony of a koranic recitation competition at the Isbaheysiga Islamka Mosque [in Mogadishu], organized by the Holy Koran Society. [Passage omitted]

Africa News, October 4, 2006/BYLINE: Shabelle Media Network

Somalia; Islamic Courts Swear They Will Free Sheik Mohammed Isma'il Incarcerated in Somaliland

Somalia's Union of Islamic Courts has announced it would forcefully free Sheik Mohammed Isma'il who is imprisoned in the breakaway region of Somaliland.

Watch vedeo Clip showing how Somaliland Police Torture Sheikh mohamed Ismael in Hargeisa Custody

Senior Islamist in control of Lower Jubba region, southern Somalia, Sheik Hassan al-Turki explained why the UIC forces had arrived in Bu'alle, Sakow and Afmadow, all new environs the Islamists attained after the capture of the port city of Kismayu.

In an interview with Shabelle, al-Turki said, the main motive why we peacefully seized these new environs is that we find obliged to introduce the Islamic law and maximum security in them, which residents had asked for".

He pointed out that Islamic Courts had stabilized the capital Mogadishu for the first time after 16 years, adding people dwelling in Lower Jubba region needed the same stabilization.

He denied that they were sketching to overrun the largely tenuous government based in Baidoa.

Al-Turki accused Somaliland, the self-proclaimed government, of incarcerating and torturing Sheik Mohammed Isma'il, reportedly arrested for criticizing Ethiopia and western governments.

"We will forcefully free Sheik Mohammed from Somaliland if it does not release him immediately", al-Turki said, adding the Islamists have backers in both Somaliland and Puntland, the semiautonomous region in northeast Somalia.

Al-Turki also said that they would free all religious prisoners in Somaliland as they did in Mogadishu and Kismayu while tribal warlords were in control, vowing that Islamists would not rest until they grab and introduce the Islamic law in entire Somalia.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 4, 2006/Source: Shabeelle Media Network website, Mogadishu, in English 4 Oct 06

Somali Islamist leader vows to storm prison in Hargeysa to free detained cleric

Somalia's Union of Islamic Courts [UIC] has announced it would forcefully free Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il who is imprisoned in the breakaway region of Somaliland.

Senior Islamist in control of Lower Jubba region, southern Somalia, Shaykh Hasan Turki explained why the UIC forces had arrived in Bu'ale, Sakow and Afmadow, all new environs the Islamists attained after the capture of the port city of Kismaayo.

In an interview with Shabeelle, Turki said the main motive why we peacefully seized these new environs is that we find obliged to introduce the Islamic law and maximum security in them, which residents had asked for.

He pointed out that Islamic Courts had stabilized the capital Mogadishu for the first time after 16 years, adding people dwelling in Lower Jubba region needed the same stabilization. He denied that they were sketching to overrun the largely tenuous government based in Baidoa.

Al-Turki accused the self-proclaimed government of Somaliland of incarcerating and torturing Shaykh Muhammad Isma'il, reportedly arrested for criticizing Ethiopia and Western governments.

"We will forcefully free Shaykh Muhammad from Somaliland if it does not release him immediately", al-Turki said, adding the Islamists have backers in both Somaliland and Puntland, the semi-autonomous region in northeast Somalia.

Turki also said that they would free all religious prisoners in Somaliland as they did in Mogadishu and Kismaayo while tribal warlords were in control, vowing that Islamists would not rest until they grab and introduce the Islamic law in entire Somalia.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 3, 2006/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 3 Oct 06

Somaliland: Demo held to protest alleged torture of terror convict

A demo organized by a group which is claiming that a man held in Hargesya over terrorism and jailed at the Hargeysa prison was tortured was today in held in Burco town, Toghdeer Region.

The peaceful demonstration was escorted by the Toghdeer police. The protesters later afterwards gathered at Burco stadium and were addressed by the people who had organized the demonstration.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, October 1, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times, Hargeysa, in English 1 Oct 06

Somaliland: Police quell protest over alleged torture of terror suspects

Hargeysa, Somaliland, 30 September, 2006 (SL Times): A small crowd of demonstrators went to the street in the Somaliland capital on Friday [29 September] to protest the alleged use of torture against a detainee suspected of involvement in terrorism.

The demonstration which started on 13:30 at central Hargeysa was swiftly broken up by police.

The protest was sparked by pictures purporting to be of suspected terrorist Muhammad Shaykh Isma'il while being tortured by his interrogators. The pictures were first published by an obscure website (www.hawdiyonugal.com).

However, different independent experts who examined the pictures had all concluded that the pictures were fake.

Yesterday's demonstrators were mostly women and children from neighborhoods in the southern part of the town. At least eight women and two men wearing the Afghanistan style hijab clothing were arrested.

Muhammad Shaykh Isma'il was arrested by the police on 23 September in connection with a terrorist attack foiled by the Somaliland security authorities two days earlier.

On the evening of 21 September, 2005, police raided a number of houses in Hargeysa after receiving information that a group of extremists sent from Mogadishu by Hasan Dahir Aweys were about to carryout terrorist attacks in the Somaliland capital with aim of disrupting the 29 September parliamentary elections and taking some foreign observers as hostages. A number of terrorist suspects were arrested as a result of the operation.

Muhammad Shaykh Isma'il ran a madrassa and exorcism clinic. His father Shaykh Isma'il served at one time in Siyad Barre's dreaded Secret Service.

Though the faked pictures started appearing on www.hawdiyonugal.com by 20 September, the Somaliland government however, made no effort to dispute the authencity of the images. Both the Somali Service of the BBC and Al-Jazeera rejected the pictures as fake.

But the Somaliland government wasn't even aware about the display of the pictures on the pro-Islamic courts www.hawdiyonugal.com. The Somaliland minister of Information was rather busy with plotting on how to sack over 30 staff members of Radio Hargeysa.

It wasn't yet clear why the Somaliland security authorities remained indifferent at a time when extremists were openly trying to organize havoc in downtown Hargeysa.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, September 30, 2006/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 30 Sep 06

Somaliland: Minister denies terror convicts tortured

Internal affairs minister of the Republic of Somaliland, Abdullahi Isma'il Ali Irro, has commented on Internet-based reports that some prisoners jailed over terrorism had been tortured and beaten.

The minister, Irro, who held a news conference at the office of the criminal investigations department, said the report was disseminated by Nugaal news [afnugaal.com].

He said the agency was owned and used by the enemies of Somaliland. He said the report was baseless and that there were no prisoners in Somaliland who are tortured.

He said the report was fabricated on the Internet and was aimed at misleading the public.

The internal affairs minister specifically urged the local media to play a bigger role in confronting such reports since enemies were using the media. He said the local media had a duty to protect the country's sovereignty.

The minister said a committee comprising of religious leaders, doctors, elders and learned people would meet the suspects to confirm the matter.

Finally, he urged the people to be wary of campaign being waged by people who want to harm the country's peace and sovereignty.

The Associated Press, September 30, 2006/BYLINE: By TOM MALITI

AP Interview: Somaliland president warns Islamic group not to destabilize republic

The president of the breakaway republic of Somaliland on Saturday played down the rise of Islamic militants in the region but said if they tried to destabilize his territory, they would be treated as an enemy.

Speaking to The Associated Press at his office in the capital Hargeisa, Dahir Rayale Kahin said Muslim Sharia law has long been used in Somalia, but had now taken on a disturbing "fanatical slant."

Somaliland, an unrecognized and self-declared republic in northern Somalia, has already experienced Islamic extremism.

Since 2003, four foreign aid workers in its territory have been killed in attacks blamed on Aden Hashi Ayro, military chief of the Islamic militant group that controls much of southern Somalia. The U.N. says he is a suspected al-Qaida collaborator trained in the group's camps in Afghanistan.

On Wednesday, Ayro surfaced in Kismayo in southern Somalia, a strategic seaport that the Islamic group recently wrested from forces that support Somalia's internationally recognized but weak government based in Baidoa.

Somaliland declared its independence in 1991 and has been relatively peaceful and stable compared with the rest of Somalia, which descended into anarchy following the 1991 ouster of longtime dictator Mohamed Siad Barre by warlords.

Kahin's territory is in the northern area that was British Somaliland until 1960. The British withdrew then as Italian Somaliland, to the south, gained independence and the two became the new nation of Somalia.

Kahin said Somaliland was not going to rejoin Somalia because their 30-year union "ended in disaster. We have no intention of going back to that no more."

However, Kahin said Somaliland is willing to discuss common issues with Somalia when a government there takes hold.

"We will talk about how they (Somalia) must reach the state where we are now. We can talk as two equal states," he said.

Somalia's interim government was formed in 2004 with U.N. help in hopes of restoring order after years of lawlessness. But it has struggled to assert authority.

Clerics and militiamen set up the Union of Islamic Courts in the mid-1990s in a bid to restore order by enforcing Islamic law. The Islamists have brought a semblance of order after years of anarchy.

Somaliland's president, however, believes the situation is fluid in Somalia and time will tell whether Islamists who have been on the rise since taking control of the capital Mogadishu in June and then seizing much of southern Somalia will be a power to reckon with.

"Let us see whether they will stay in the areas they (the Islamists) are ruling. I see what is going on is fluid. Let us give them time," Kahin said.

On Saturday the fighters took control of a strategically important village near the Ethiopian border through which the only roads between central Somalia and Ethiopia pass. The move further consolidated the group's hold on southern Somalia.

Although Kahin said Somaliland is not concerned by the rise of the Islamists in the south, if they seek to expand their influence northward into Somaliland, "They will be an enemy like others."

The Islamic fighters' strict and often severe interpretation of Islam recalls Afghanistan's ousted Taliban rulers and contrasts with the moderate Islam that has dominated Somali culture for centuries.

The United States has accused the Islamic group of sheltering suspects in the 1998 al-Qaida bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. Al-Qaida chief Osama bin Laden has portrayed Somalia as a battleground in his war with the West.

Kahin believes the entire region will only have peace when its leaders stop looking for outside help to resolve its 15-year conflict and when other countries stop trying to find solutions.

Somalia's leaders and the people, he said, need to sit down and negotiate their differences as happened when the British withdrew in 1960. Since 2002, Somaliland has made efforts to set up democratically elected state structures.

The most recent was its first multiparty parliamentary elections in September 2005, which saw Kahin's Udub party win 33 seats and become the single largest party in the 82-member House of Representatives.

Kahin won the 2003 presidential elections. His party won the 2002 single-party local polls. The majority of voters endorsed Somaliland's secession from the rest of Somalia in a 1999 referendum.

The region has its own security and police forces, justice system and currency.

It is not, however, recognized by any other state.

Africa News, September 29, 2006/BYLINE: Shabelle Media Network

Somalia; Somaliland Govt Fears Country May Fall to Islamists

The government of the self-proclaimed republic of Somaliland today broke its silence on the rising threat from the Islamist movement in neighbouring Somalia. In a strongly worded statement, Deputy Justice Minister Yusuf Ise Duale Tallaabo warned Islamists against their "dream of capturing Hargeisa," the Somalilander capital. Fearing a popular Islamist uprising at home, he warned citizens against believing in "a new prophet" from Mogadishu.

Minister Tallaabo told the press in Hargeisa that his government would not tolerate Islamist aggression in Somaliland. "I tell the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) who dream of capturing Buroa and Hargeisa that Somaliland is an independent republic that has restored its sovereignty in 1991. We have a government, national flag, internationally recognised borders and a constitution," he said, adding, "Somaliland is not Kismayo or Mogadishu."

Warning the Somaliland citizens against being deceived by what is happening in Mogadishu, Mr Tallaabo said: "Where do you think you are going? The Sharia is not only in Mogadishu. We have the Koran and we know the direction of the Qibla [the Ka'ba in Mecca]. Why are you looking at Mogadishu as if a new prophet has appeared in it?"

Attacking further the fundaments of the Islamist movement, he expressed his astonishment at the UIC claiming of following the Islamic Sharia and at the same time using force to capture territories. "Does Sharia mean hijacking people's will? A man who claims to be ruling on Sharia should follow peaceful ways," the Minister said.

The Islamist court movement, which by now has captured most of Somalia, has made it clear that it wants Somalia reunited, overturning the former British colony of Somaliland's unilateral declaration of independence in 1991, accepted by 97 percent of the people in a referendum - in sharp contrast to the rest of Somalia.

While Somaliland has been successful in building a peaceful, orderly and highly democratic state during the last 15 years, Islamist movements have been allowed to thrive, causing fear in Hargeisa that the population may support an Islamist intervention.

Analyst Bashir Goth told afrol News that the influential Somalilander Islamist leader Sheikh Ali Warsame has now left for Mogadishu, being "a very dangerous development that causes jitters in Hargeisa." Mr Warsame is the founder of the 'Somali al Ittihad al Islami' - a dissolved Islamist organisation that allegedly had close ties with Al Qaeda - and is seen as a close ally of Hassan Dahir Aweys, a Mogadishu hardliner within the UIC. He has been based in the Somalilander town of Buroa during the last years, where he has turned into an influential cleric.

"Minister Tallaabo's tone also reflects the great concern the government has about the Islamic Courts Union winning the hearts and minds of its people, particularly knowing the Islamist grip on the economy and life of Somaliland people," Mr Goth added.

Also in Puntland - an autonomous region in north-western Somalia that is controlled by the militia od Somali transitional President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed - urgent preparations are being made to meet a possible Islamist insurrection. Puntland authorities yesterday banned Somalis from the south from entering its territory and have already deported a number of businessmen and other individuals back to Mogadishu.

The Somaliland press today further reported that Puntland authorities have ordered their forces stationed in the Sool region - a territory claimed by Somaliland but occupied by Puntland - to be ready for redeployment to Baidoa, the seat of Somalia's transitional government. Here they were to take part in the defence of the government against any possible attack by the UIC.

"The latest developments indicate how much Somaliland and Puntland authorities have been alarmed by the fast collapse of the Juba Valley Alliance and the easy fall of Kismayo in the hands of the UIC," comments Mr Goth. Kismayo and the Kenyan border area fell to the Islamists on Sunday, seriously altering the balance of power in Somalia.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, September 29, 2006/Source: Shabeelle Media Network website, Mogadishu, in Somali 29 Sep 06

Somaliland warns off Islamists

The self-declared republic of Somaliland has for the first time spoken on the effect of the Union of Islamic Courts [UIC] activities in the regions of northern Somalia.

The justice minister in the Republic of Somaliland, Yusuf Ise Du'ale, warned the UIC against attempting to seize Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland.

However, the minister did not rule out fears of an uprising by the people, similar to the one in Mogadishu. He urged the people of Somaliland not to trust the UIC, which has seized most of southern Somalia.

The minister also said his government will not tolerate the provocative activities of Islamic groups [in Somaliland].

"I'm telling the UIC to forget the dream of seizing Burco or Hargeysa" said the minister, saying such action would damage the independence of Somaliland.

"We have a national government and a national flag and we are a recognized administration. Somaliland will never become like Mogadishu and Kismaayo" he said. [Passage omitted]

Somaliland govt fears country may fall to Islamists

afrol News, 28 September - The government of the self-proclaimed republic of Somaliland today broke its silence on the rising threat from the Islamist movement in neighbouring Somalia. In a strongly worded statement, Deputy Justice Minister Yusuf Ise Duale Tallaabo warned Islamists against their "dream of capturing Hargeisa," the Somalilander capital. Fearing a popular Islamist uprising at home, he warned citizens against believing in "a new prophet" from Mogadishu.

Attacking further the fundaments of the Islamist movement, he expressed his astonishment at the UIC claiming of following the Islamic Sharia and at the same time using force to capture territories. "Does Sharia mean hijacking people�s will? A man who claims to be ruling on Sharia should follow peaceful ways," the Minister said.

BBC Monitoring International Reports, September 28, 2006/Source: Goobjoog website, in Somali 28 Sep 06

SOMALILAND CLERICS IN MOGADISHU "TO SHARE POWER WITH ISLAMISTS"

Reliable reports obtained from members close to the Islamic courts say that some religious scholars from Somaliland recently arrived in Mogadishu, to get their share of power from the Islamic courts.

The scholars, said to have come from Burco town, Somaliland, were led by a cleric called Shaykh Ali Warsame, who had been a member of the Al-Ittihad [Islamic] Group that existed [in Somalia] in the 90s.

The report further says more religious scholars are expected in Mogadishu in the coming days from the northwestern region known as Somaliland.

Secret reports say that a cleric, Shaykh Adan Jihad, a member of the Islamic courts, is among the scholars.

This issue indicates that Somali clerics, wherever they are, are joining hands to uphold the [Holy] Book [of Koran] in order to save their people, who, in the last 16 years, have been living in hardship and have been facing difficult times, caused by the civil war, as well as by individuals with a hidden agenda for Somalia.

Following their seizure of power, the Islamic courts have restored law and order in Mogadishu and other parts of Somalia.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, September 18, 2006/Source: The Somaliland Times website, Hargeysa, in English 16 Sep 06

Islamists said funding military training for affiliate groups in Somaliland

In interviews with the local media earlier this week, Hasan Abdullahi Hirsi, better known as Turki, has urged the people of Somaliland to join Mogadishu's [Union of] Islamic Courts [UIC].

Mr Turki, who belongs to the Al-Takfir Wal Hijra faction of the UIC, said that Somaliland and other regional administrations should not ignore what he termed the winds of change blowing from the UIC.

"The courts are like a flowing river and anyone who tries to swim against the tide would be drawn," he said.

Hasan Turki left Mogadishu on Monday [11 September] for the Lower Jubba region [in southern Somalia] at the head of a contingent of Islamist militia. Turki disclosed that his troops had been given an assignment to block the entry of IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority on Development] peacekeepers into Somalia from the border with Kenya or through Kismaayo port.

Meanwhile, the Somaliland Times has learnt that the chairman of Mogadishu's Islamic Shura Council, Hasan Dahir Aweys, has been sending funds to pro-courts groups in major urban centres in Somalia and Somaliland. One such group conducted training on marksmanship near Burco. The training site was busted by Somaliland police earlier this week. Believed to be 30-40-man strong, the group was visited at one time by someone from the Mogadishu courts for verification.

A similar group tried to stage a demonstration in Baydhabo after yesterday's Friday prayers in protest against the deployment of IGAD peacekeepers in Somalia. The demonstration was also intended to test the strength of the local group's following among Baydhabo residents. Only about 100 people, mostly children, turned up.

Meanwhile, Baydhabo's representative on the Ittihad Al-Mahakem [Islamic Courts], Mukhtar Robow (Abu Mansur), threatened that he would not hesitate to kill any Ethiopian if he sees one when he comes to Baydhabo later this month with a delegation from Mogadishu's courts.

A delegation from the Baydhabo[-based interim] government is also scheduled to make a similar visit to Mogadishu.

The Afghanistan-trained Robow is the deputy commander of the UIC militia. He is from the Digil and Mirifle clan.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, September 13, 2006/Source: Jamhuuriya, Hargeysa, in Somali 13 Sep 06

Somaliland: Newspaper reporter arrested over "concocted" report

Police in Burco District [central Somaliland] yesterday arrested Ahmad Adan Yusuf, a reporter of the independent Haatuf newspaper, in Togdheer Region.

He was arrested over a report on Monday's [11 September] issue of the newspaper which said some Islamists in cahoots with the Mogadishu Islamic courts were involved in some activities in the Togdheer Region.

The Togdheer regional administration in Burco District described the report as a concoction aimed at damaging the image of the region as the bastion of Somaliland's independence and warned that those responsible for the matter would be punished.

The role played by the journalist, whose arrest has been confirmed, is not clear. He has also not been given ample time to clear his name.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, September 13, 2006/Source: Jamhuuriya, Hargeysa, in Somali 13 Sep 06

Somaliland army mobilized over plans by Puntland leader to visit district

A contigent of the Somaliland national army stationed in Sool Region [northern Somalia, region formerly part of British Somaliland protectorate, claimed by Puntland] was yesterday put on a heightened state of alert following reports that [Puntland president] Gen Ade Muse was going to visit Buuhoodle District, Togdheer Region [district on Somaliland-Ethiopian border about 130km southwest of Laascaanood].

Report from the frontline say the forces have moved towards Laascaanood [HQ of Sool Region, formerly administered by Somaliland taken by Puntland in 2003], which is the area the president of the Puntland regional adminstration Gen Ade Muse is currently visting. The report say there was an exchange of gunfire between the Somaliland forces and those of Gen Muse. However, there were no reports of any casualties.

According to credible sources in Laascaanood that briefed Jamhuuriya last night, Mr Muse's planned visit to Buuhoodle was put off following strong opposition against his visit from the area which showed he was being repudiated.

The warlike situation that has been rekindled in Laascaanood could bring about fighting between the armies which are facing each other.

The Somaliland president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, who arrived in the country yesterday, has said his government will hold an emergency meeting to discuss and address the matter.

BBC Worldwide Monitoring, September 12, 2006/Source: Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 1600 gmt 12 Sep 06

Somaliland, Puntland forces in artillery fire exchange

Puntland and Somaliland forces were today involved in an artillery fire exchange at Ari Cadeeye. This comes at a time when [Puntland President] Gen Ade Muse is visiting Laascaanood, Sool Region [northern Somalia].

According to eye witnesses in Laascaanood, and some members of the Puntland forces, there was an exchange of artillery and small arms fire between the forces at Ari Cadeeye, where the two sides are facing each other.

The fire exchange caused no casualties according to reports, however, it has affected the movement of vehicles between Laascaanood and Burco [central Somaliland].

Puntland officials have said Somaliland forces started the shelling however, there are no independent sources to confirm the claims.

This incident comes at a time when the Puntland regional administration's leader Ade Muse is visiting Laascaanood with a large delegation for the first time in six months to acquaint himself with the situation in the area and to reconcile two clans.

Many people believe today's fire exchange was sparked off by a fiery speech given yesterday by the Puntland leader in Laascaanood in which he said Ari Cadeeye will be transformed into Puntland's largest military base.

Somaliland has recently expressed concern over a consignment of weapons given to Puntland by Ethiopia which was distributed by Puntland to clans living in the area.

The Puntland and Somaliland's administrations have had a long dispute over Ari Cadeeye and the Sool Region. There was fighting in the area in 2002 in which many people were killed.

The two sides have not signed any agreement on the disputed territory.

Africa News, September 9, 2006/BYLINE: The Reporter

Ethiopia; Pastoralists Criticize the Saudi Arabia Ban On Import of Livestock

Pastoralists in the Horn of Africa are calling on governments to introduce policies to better facilitate the movement and sale of livestock, according to a report released this week. Saudia Arabia's ban on live animal imports from the Horn is also criticised.

The ban has been in place since an outbreak of Rift Valley Fever in Kenya, Somalia and Ethiopia in 1997. But delegates from all three countries said there was no longer a problem and the ban should be lifted.

Peace, Trade and Unity - published by the UN OCHA Pastoralist Communication Initiative - details discussions that took place at the Horn of Africa Regional Pastoralist Gathering 2006 and contains testimony from pastoralists who say a potentially thriving livestock export business is being held up by unnecessary barriers to trade.

Somaliland Minister for Pastoralist Development, Environment and Wildlife, Fu'ad Adan Adde, said the countries of the Horn used to export several million animals but today their herds are believed to be affected by disease by many traders in the Middle East.

"When we go back to out countries we are planning to hold a meeting to look for ways to lift the ban, which is really political," he said.

The report, which is in magazine format, outlines how, after fourteen years of fighting and thousands of deaths, the Lou and Jikany Nuer from Sudan and Ethiopia began a peace process around a campfire at the event that it is hoped will lead to a lasting calm.

Ethiopia's Mursi explain how they used the gathering to discuss community involvement in tourism and national parks. The Kereyu, also from Ethiopia, tell of their plan to resist the expansion of a sugar plantation that took nearly half of their traditional lands thirty years ago. Both groups are using their traditional governing institutions to address their goals.

The report also contains many stories of pastoralists coming together to build alliances. All five countries that make up the points of the Somali star were represented. "We are not here to discuss politics but the common issues we all face as Somalis and pastoralists," said one. Cheese producers and milk bottlers from Mali, Mauritania and Kenya attended to share the secrets of their potentially lucrative trade.

Over 350 pastoralists representing 60 groups and 18 countries attended the eight-day meeting in the Ethiopia. They were joined for the last two days by delegates from 10 governments as well as high-level representatives from leading UN agencies and NGOs.

BBC Monitoring International Reports, September 8, 2006/Source: Walta Information Centre website, Addis Ababa, in English 8 Sep 06

ETHIOPIAN PREMIER CONFERS WITH SOMALILAND PRESIDENT

Addis Ababa, 8 September: Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said Ethiopia would redouble its efforts along with other members of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) to realize the existence of a stable transitional government in Somalia.

While receiving and holding talks with the Somaliland President Dahir Rayale Kahin at his office here yesterday, Prime Minister Meles said although the prime beneficiaries from the stability of Somalia are the Somali people, stability in Somalia is no less beneficiary for Ethiopians.

Hence, Meles said, Ethiopia along with other IGAD member countries would do its level best to bring about sustainable peace in Somalia, a senior government official who attended the talks said.

The Somaliland president, Dahir Rayale Kahin, met Prime Minister Meles while making a stopover in Addis Ababa on his way back from a working visit in the United Kingdom and Germany.

After talks President Dahir told journalists that he discussed with Meles issues of common interest.

Dahir said as a neighbouring country, Ethiopia has a duty to play its due role for the prevalence of peace and stability in Somalia.

U.S. Newswire, September 8, 2006 http://www.usnewswire.com/

Somaliland Recognition & Development Convention Opens in Washington Metro Area Friday - Sunday

As Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice takes her message of a new American foreign policy emphasizing democracy and human rights to Africa and the Middle East, a convention to discuss those same issues is being held this weekend in the Washington metro area. Those topics are this weekend's subject of discussion, plus Somaliland's quest for international recognition. Representatives of the Somaliland gover

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Rayale's Lying Machine

A conflict transformation mechanisms in Somaliland

British Government Urged To Recognize Somaliland

Somaliland president said willing to pardon imprisoned journalists

Amnesty International: Journalists Charged With Offending The Honour Or Prestige Of The Head Of State

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Ethiopia; We Have Built a Nation From Scratch

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SOMALIA: UN RIGHTS EXPERT CALLS FOR RELEASE OF ARRESTED JOURNALISTS, END OF THREATS TO MEDIA

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Two journalists held for "insulting" Somaliland leader

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The Gadabuursi Manifesto. Part 1

The Gadabursi Manifesto Part 2

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Somaliland (drought and chronic food insecurity)

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Ethiopian premier, Somaliland president discuss Somalia

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Ethiopian premier, Somaliland president discuss Somalia

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Somali courts chief threatens to free men convicted of terrorism in Somaliland

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Somaliland condemns partial lifting of Somalia arms embargo

Twelve people including Islamic cleric convicted of terrorism in Somaliland

Court acquits top Somali Islamic leader of terrorism charges

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Islamists to extend olive branch to Somaliland

From Plunder and Profit to Prosperity and Peace: Resolving Resource-based Conflict in Somaliland

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Islamists to extend olive branch to Somaliland

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From Plunder and Profit to Prosperity and Peace:
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