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Although this is the first time that Rayale has tried to distance himself from the case, he is not the first person in his administration to claim he had nothing to do with it. The Minister of Interior, Abdillahi Cirro used to make similar claim. Cirro's claim was not believable, and Rayale's is even less so. The fact that both of these men continue to insult people's intelligence with such transparent lies, shows how difficult it is for former NSS spies to get rid of their old habits.
As if jealous of being left out of Rayale's world of lies and deceit, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Abdillahi Duale, has lately been making a lot of noise to take part of that world. It happened during the UFFO uprising commemorations. When the 1st Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Abdiaziz Samale, and the Chairman of Kulmiye Party, Mr. Sillanyo, mentioned the government's violations of the constitutional rights of citizens, the foreign minister jumped to his feet and started babbling about how his government is such a staunch champion of the constitution.
The Somaliland Times had defended the foreign minister when he was attacked, not long ago, by extremists. We defended him because at the time he was right and they wrong. But this time he is clearly wrong. He is wrong because his boss has made a mockery of Somaliland's constitution and shown the world that the constitution and courts function according to his whims. He is wrong because as a foreign minister his responsibility is to promote Somaliland abroad (he has done some of this but not nearly enough) and to build a functioning ministry of foreign affairs (it looks like he has no intention of even trying to do this). He is also wrong because as a foreign minister, he should know the most about the price Somaliland has paid for Rayale's lawlessness.
Abdillahi Duale knows all of this, but like Abdillahi Cirro and most of Rayale's ministers, his number one priority is to keep his job. These ministers also know that in order to keep their job, they have to keep Rayale happy, and in order to keep Rayale happy, they have to constantly spew out a lot of lies and keep feeding Rayale's lying machine.
To enlighten the Somali elders governing and peace building art. The noble work done by the Somaliland Elders and people, while dealing with their formidable post civil war challenges, they ware a traditional Grass-root Peace building based on trust and confidence among communities. which we think they have come up in 1990's with an indigenous peace and governance building approaches, that made Somaliland unique peacekeeping base in the Horn of Africa. Apart of being a conflict transformation mechanisms in Somaliland, this can be a lesson to include in conflict resolution arena throughout the Southern Somalia.
Ibrahim Adam Ghalib, Borama Awdal . Email: kaalib33@hotmail.com
The Horn of African Journalist Association (HAJA): "The Census issue is very sensitive in Somaliland".
The Somali writer, Ibraham Adam said through his Article: The Census issue is very sensitive in Somaliland, "Demography is the study of statistics birth-deaths and disease etc in order to show the state of a community. In other words studying the population of a country or community is a frame work in which to plan and assess for all political socio-economic development activities of any community or country. Census (tirakoob) is the bases for any power sharing such as parliament and cabinet etc".
In this respect an electoral voter's registration is also required in order to regulate a fair share for our community and to get an accurate data. The electoral college of America is based on the population of the regions or cities and this was assessed from the beginning.
Since I reached maturity age the population of Somaliland was not known or the people were in disagreement about it. All efforts failed to do census in the country. There was and is still no identity cards or birth certificates for the new born When I was entering the school, I was measured against the wall to determine my age. During the British rule and the post independence of Somalia this was a sensitive issue. It was roughly based on the persons registered for each Nabadoon in which he pays the blood money (Mag) The criteria in which the east of Somaliland pays mag is different from the west side. In the east the male babies are counted while in the west only the person who has a family is counted. The female population was always uncertain.
There is always a bitter disagreement in this matter between the east and west of Somaliland. We believe in the west that population of Somaliland is more in the west than the east (this is from Hargeisa west wards) and the east believe the opposite. In this respect the censuses so far arranged was disrupted because they do not want the reality and truth about this matter to be discovered. In 1960 the seats of the parliament was shared not on population but on conciliatory basis. The successive administrations of Somaliland could not solve this matter and now it is the most difficult issue facing this administration. When I was contesting the parliamentary election my teeth was checked for my age. There are no identity cards now to determine the citizenship of a person. Nobody even have birth certificate for his children. There is no electoral registration and any body who speaks Somali language is eligible to vote.
In the last Jna meeting the problem of population was one of the hottest agenda when the United Nations estimated the population of Somaliland as 1,700,000 and Somaliland was fiercely arguing the population to be 3,500,000. Now this problem reached to disrupt even our decisions at higher level for things that are important to the country. In this information age this is easy to be solved unless we have something to hide.
Discipline is the training of the mind and character aimed at producing self control. It is the right time to solve this problem once and for all. We need a specialized consortium to do the census on a computerized network so that people will not cheat and double registration be avoided then and only then our census will be in order and the power sharing will be based correctly on the population of each region.
Opinion: Contributed by Ibrahim Adam Ghalib, Borama Awdal
Somaliland was known as British Somaliland until 1960 when it gained Independence. It then joined with Somalia which led to decades of civil war until 1991 when Somaliland became independent again. Somaliland has since launched a process of democratization and development. It has internationally earned a list of names including "an oasis of democracy in desert of politically instability", "the African Nation that can", " Africa's best kept secret" but no international recognition.
The aim of Somaliland UK communities for holding this demonstration was to urge the UK government to show the world that it cares about democracy in Africa by taking the lead in recognizing Somaliland as an independent country. British Somalilanders from Sheffield, Cardiff, Bristol, Newport, Leicester, Manchester, Glasgow, Birmingham and London, gathered outside the Prime Minister's official residence at Whitehall, London, for the biggest gathering, ever, of British-Somalilanders in an attempt to bring to the British government's attention the success of Somaliland's democratization process and the urgent need for extending diplomatic recognition to Somaliland.
Leaders of the Somaliland UK communities accompanied by Rt. Hon Alun Michael, MP, and Ms. Kerry McCarthy, MP, having presented a written letter and a signed petition to British Government officials, urged the British Government to recognize Somaliland as an independent country so that it can formally engage with the international community as an equal partner in a wide range of relations including banking, trade, development aid, diplomacy, immigration which the Somaliland Government can not currently access.
Hussein Bisad, one of the tallest men in the world walk's tall & proud calling for the world to recognise Somaliland in Thursday's London demonstration
Rt. Hon. Alun Michael, speaking with Somaliland community and the media said: "The thousands of people who turned out in Whitehall today showed pride in the democracy, progress and reconstruction of their country. They showed what Somaliland has achieved within a short time of period without assistance from the international community."
"Having spoken to the Prime Minister, Rt. Hon. Tony Blair, about Somaliland earlier in the week and in detail with Lord Triesman, the Minister for Africa, I am sure Somaliland will be treated with the respect its people have earned," Mr. Michael noted.
Among the Somalilanders present was Nimo Ali, 22, from Cardiff. She said: "I'm proud how Somaliland has done so well. I want to show my support for my country by being here for the demonstration." Miss Ali was chanting and singing with her friends. They sang: "What do we want? Recognition. When do we want it? Now."
Somalilanders alike old, veteran of WWII and young proudly telling the world you will listen to our call
Abdul Mohamed, 38, from Cardiff, said: "We feel much fulfilled after this peaceful demonstration. Our MP came out to support our community and we think this will help to get our country recognized internationally."
The relationship between Somaliland and UK has been growing stronger over the past few years following the official visit of Somaliland president to UK in 2005, and the subsequent visit of the Speaker and Deputy Speaker of the Somaliland Parliament last year.
Abdikarim Abdi Adan, Director of the Somali Community Centre in Cardiff/UK Somaliland Chamber of Commerce, was very pleased with the support from across the UK. He said: "I would like to thank the Prime Minister for receiving our petition. I also thank Rt. Hon. Alun Michael and Ms. Kerry McCarthy MP, as well as everyone who traveled for this historical event."
Another petition will be submitted to Number 10 on March 21. Organizers hope to have 10,000 people signed up before this date. Supporters can sign up at http://petitions.pm.gov.uk/somaliland.
By Mr. Abdikarim Abdi Adan
SOLJA chairman, Mustafa Abdi Ise, said the following day in a press conference held by his organization that SOLJA had recently requested an official meeting with the president. That meeting with the president, his Minister of Information (Ahmad H. Dahir Ilmi) and the President's spokesman (Abdi Idris Du'ale), took place yesterday. "The meeting was fruitful and we were pleased with its outcome," said the chairman of SOLJA.
According to SOLJA, the president confirmed that his government is very much committed to the Press Law and that the judiciary should do its best to consult the Press Law in matters relating to the media.
The SOLJA chairman Mustafa Ise explained that they brought up the contentious issue of the detention of Haatuf journalists Yusuf A Gabobe, Ali A Dini and Muhammad Omar, and asked the president to free the journalists from Mandera prison while their case is in court. "The president's reply was that it was up to the courts whether to free the journalists or not, but he did add that he would pardon the journalists if they are found guilty by the court," said SOLJA's chairman.
In their press conference, SOLJA mentioned that they also discussed at length with the president the possibility of establishing a press/media committee made up of the government and SOLJA which would look into press/media irregularities, complaints and conduct of the press/media and refer such cases to the courts when needed.
Further Information on UA 26/07 (AFR 52/002/2007, 02 February 2007) - Prisoners of conscience/incommunicado detention/fear of ill-treatment New concern: Legal concern
SOMALILAND
Yusuf Abdi Gabobe (m), aged in his late 50s
Ali Abdi Dini (m) ] Journalists for the Haatuf Media Network
Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim (m)
New name: Borud (m), former leader of the Somali National Movement
Four students (names not known)
Journalists Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and Ali Abdi Dini were arrested at the office of the Haatuf Media Network in Hargeisa on 2 January. They were transferred to Mandera prison, 70km east of the Somaliland capital, Hargeisa, on 3 February. Their trial, which was due to start on the same day, has apparently been postponed. A third man, Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, who is also employed by the Haatuf Media Network, is still being held incommunicado without charge. His place of detention is now known to be Koodbur police station in Hargeisa.
Ali Abdi Dini has been charged with "offending the honour or prestige of the Head of State", "instigating soldiers to disobey the law" by means of the press, and "instigation to disobey the law". Yusuf Abdi Gabobe has been charged with "resisting a public officer" during his arrest. The Haatuf Media Network had published a number of articles since November 2006, alleging corruption on the part of the President, Dahir Riyaale Kahin, and his family. The trial of the two journalists, reportedly due to be held inside Mandera prison, has not yet started. One of their two defence lawyers was briefly detained, while the other withdrew in protest at the decision to hold the trial within the prison.
Amnesty International has learnt that four students arrested last month while demonstrating peacefully against the arrests of the three journalists for the Haatuf Media Network are also being held in Mandera prison. They were sentenced to six months' imprisonment at an unfair trial by a secret "emergency court" in Hargeisa, without being granted the right to legal representation or the right to appeal against their sentence. Two other students arrested with them have been released.
Two other men, writer Ali Dool Ahmed (also known as Ali Qoriolei), and Bo'aud, one of the former leaders of trhe Somali National Movement, were arrested in early February for distributing leaflets calling for the release of the three journalists. Bo'aud is believed to be still detained without charge in Hargeisa police custody. Ali Dool Ahmed was reportedly beaten by police when he was arrested, but was released on bail around 13 February.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
The Republic of Somaliland declared independence from Somalia in 1991, but has not so far gained international recognition. It is the only part of the former Somali Republic to have peace, an elected government and a multi-party political system.
The Haatuf Media Network was established in 2001 and publishes the daily Haatuf (the "Messenger") - a Somali language newspaper - and two weekly newspapers in English and Arabic. It has frequently been critical of the Somaliland government.
The Somaliland Press Law, which came into force in 2004, holds that complaints against the press are a matter for civil redress, and not criminal prosecution or the penalty of imprisonment. In this respect the Press Law supersedes the existing Penal Code, which had criminalised such cases. However, the
Hargeisa Regional Court ruled on 13 January 2007 that the Haatuf journalists should be prosecuted under the Penal Code, with the result that they now face criminal charges and possible imprisonment.
RECOMMENDED ACTION: Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English or your own language:
- expressing concern at the continued detention of Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, Ali Abdi Dini and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, and the reported intention of the authorities to hold the trial of Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and Ali Abdi Dini in Mandera prison;
- renewing appeals for Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim to be allowed access to his relatives and to legal representation;
- calling again for the immediate and unconditional release of Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, Ali Abdi Dini and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim as prisoners of conscience;
- calling for the release of four students held in Mandera prison who were jailed by an apparently illegal emergency court, and for the release of Bo'aud, detained in Hargeisa police custody, as they were all detained on account of their peaceful protests against the journalists' detentions;
- calling for all those detained to be given fair trials in accordance with international standards.
APPEALS TO: There is no postal service to Somaliland and sending fax messages may be difficult. Where possible please send appeals by email.
President. His Excellency President Dahir Riyaale Kahin
Fax: +252 213 8324 or +252 252 3848
Email: sl_victory@hotmail.com, sl_victory@yahoo.com
Salutation: Dear President
Minister of the Interior, Mr Abdillahi Ismail Shabeel
c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or The Presidency
[Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Fax: +252 828 3271 / 252-225-3871, E-mail: slforeign@hotmail.com]
Minister of Justice, Mr Ahmed Hassan Ali Assowe, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency
Commander of the Somaliland Police, Mr Mohamed Egeh Elmi, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency
COPIES TO: Copies of letters can be sent to Somaliland's only diplomatic missions (not recognised) in UK, USA and Italy, asking for them to be forwarded to the authorities in Somaliland. UK: Mr Osman Ahmed Hassan, Representative of the Somaliland Government, Somaliland Mission, 102 Cavell Street, London E1 2JA, United Kingdom, Fax: +44 207 247 5336,
USA: Mr Saad Sheikh Omar Nur, Representative of the Somaliland Government, Washington DC, USA Fax: +1 301 231 5990 Email: snoor@sand.com
The president urged the clans to stop the senseless fighting to safeguard the sanctity of the blood of the kindred which is being shed unjustly.
President Dahir Riyale Kahin said the Ethiopian government is making extra efforts to see the fighting which has renewed in Daror is ended. The president said the government has sent a delegation from the Somaliland House of Elders and some elders to mediate. President Kahin speaking on the matter said:
[Kahin] I don't see any sensible justification in this fighting. Somaliland, even in the beginning intervened to help and we shall do the same now. Our brotherly neighbour Ethiopia has allowed us to help in restoring peace. I say brothers stop fighting, stop the unjustified, unfortunate fighting between yourselves which is completely senseless. We don't see any justification. I'm dejected about this matter and urging you to stop fighting.
Messages are also being received at Radio Hargeysa urging the clans to stop fighting [passage omitted].
The republic became virtually independent when former Somalia President Ziad Barre left Mogadishu as rebel forces took control of the city.
Despite its attempt at getting international recognition, no country, so far, has extended that official recognition, although many countries maintain consulates there.
Before leaving for Somaliland, our senior reporter Bruck Shewareged caught up with Foreign Minister Abdulahi Duale and held an interview with him. Excerpts:
It's been more than a decade and a half since Somaliland became practically independent; but so far you haven't been accorded international recognition. Isn't this frustrating?
Well, first of all we recognize ourselves as an independent state and we will do what we are doing as long as it takes. There is no frustration. This is really very exciting. We are checking the moral values of the international community because we do have a case. We have a case that the international community is fully aware of.
Our case is not a mere secession from Somalia. We, in the first place, united with Somalia, Southern Somalia, on July 1, 1960. We were completely independent for four days from June 26 until July 1, 1960, and we had been recognized by over 36 countries at that time.
We united with Southern Somalia for a purpose. Now we are disengaging, disuniting simply because that union was a failure.
There is no frustration. We have built a nation from scratch. It is exciting, in fact. We have built all the necessary institutions. We are at peace with ourselves and our neighbors. We have built a viable democracy as we have changed our leadership at least four times until today. We have a parliament also.
Coups d'‚tat and suppression are common in Africa. But how come you were able to establish a working democracy?
It is all about the will of the people. We serve the people. Leaders have to serve the people. Our government structure is built on the basis of ideas emanating from ourselves. We haven't brought ideas from outside.
But you didn't even have that government structure when you started. In a place where you lack proper institutions, isn't that likely to give way to dictatorship?
The Somali National Movement (SNM) is the biggest factor. SNM's idea was not to conquer but to liberate the country. That's exactly what we have done. We have held elections.
For instance, our current president has nothing to do with SNM. He ran for presidency against the longest serving chairman of SNM, and he won.
And SNM gave up power simply?
Absolutely. The party's idea was to liberate the country and leave the decision to elect the leader to the people. We built this democracy by ourselves.
The international community, the AU, IGAD, EU, the Americans, Italians, Norwegians, etc., have been trying to solve the problems of what is used to be called Southern Somalia, the former Italian Trusteeship. All along we were hoping to at least have an interlocutor, somebody we can talk to, a viable democratic institution that we can talk to in Southern Somalia.
Let us hope they will have that democratic institution so that we can go our own separate ways.
We maintain good relationships with Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya and the rest of the international community. The Africa Union believes that Somaliland has something to offer with regard to particularly the nation-building process.
But the problem is that the AU and its member countries haven't recognized you?
The AU is not in the business of recognizing states. That is for member states. We have talked to friendly countries. And as you know the issue was brought forth for discussion by the AU executive. I've written to almost all my African colleagues to raise the Somaliland issue. Rwanda responded at the executive level. The issue was discussed. The AU sent a mission to Somaliland to look into the situation. AU chairman Alpha Oumar Konare sent a high-powered delegation led by his deputy. They visited almost all parts of the country for five days. And they were very surprised and they now know the sentiment of the people.
What we were hoping at the AU summit, that member states, not the commission, send a delegation to Somaliland and look at the situation there.
You know, there are a lot of hot spots in the continent like Darfur, C“te d'Ivore etc. We are part of the solution with regard to the regional geo-political stability. Now that the countries in the continent know the situation we are checking their moral values. History will put all where they belong.
Look, Germany recognized Croatia unilaterally. Everybody was shocked. India recognized Bangladesh first for obvious reasons. Guinea Bissau and Cape Verde were one country but are now two different nations. Take Sene-Gambia, Senegal and Gambia, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Rwanda and Burundi or Egypt and Syria, i.e. the United Arab Republic whose union ended at some point.
We are now watching the African states. Believe me, Rwanda broke the ice. The Rwandans share our experience. Our capital city Hargeisa was bombed by our own government. This is what happened to us: genocide, though not on the scale of what happened in Rwanda.
We also believe that Ethiopia can play a very significant role. Ethiopia seems to be thinking or worrying about what the international community would say, "Oh, Ethiopia is butchering Somalia."
In fact, Somaliland is part and parcel of the solution today with regard to the regional equation.
And we believe that self-determination is the key to the solution.
The OAU, the predecessor of the AU, recognizes colonial boundaries. Isn't it understandable for African countries become reluctant to recognize you?
Look, we are complying with the OAU charter because we are going back to our colonial boundaries.
But in 1960, you gave up that colonial boundary and joined the Union?
That was our case. We joined the union at our own will. Now we want to go back to our colonial boundaries. In order to put a stop to Somali irredentism, an article was put in the OAU charter that respects colonial boundaries.
During the drafting process, Emperor Haile-Selassie of Ethiopia, Jamo Kenyata of Kenya and Julius Nyerere of Tanzania brokered that deal. That article was simply put there to stop the Somalia expansionist policy.
If the Africans say, "let us bring all the Somalis under one umbrella", then we can join. But Somalia's original policy was irredentism. In our constitution at the time of union, there was an article which said that all Somali people must come under one entity called "Somalia", irrespective of where they are by any means, including force. We did that with Ethiopia, and fought two major wars in 1964 and 1977. With Kenya, we had at least four low intensity wars.
Today we are saying that we are a nation that wants to have back its colonial boundaries according to the OAU charter.
Ethiopia has started to use the port of Berbera. Some fear that the instability in the South might spill over to the north. How well are you secured?
The Berbera corridor is working and it is very secured. I and my colleague and good friend Seyoum Mesfin (Ethiopian Foreign Minister) were discussing developing the project of building the road from Togochale up to Berbera port. We are now drafting the project. Ethiopia has done a great deal up to Togochale, the border town.
With regard to security, you are talking about a nation that has over 15,000 security forces, including military, police and custodian police. We are much secured.
We are the only country that has been a victim of terror that has caught all the terrorists red-handed. Ethiopia knows that. We even caught people trained in Eritrea and sent to create instability in Ethiopia. We caught them when they were trying to infiltrate into Ethiopia by using Somaliland as a transit country.
By the way, we have extradition treaty with Ethiopia. Nobody can get away with murder by harming Ethiopia or other neighbours.
There are those in Ethiopia who think that the country is landlocked and has no access to the sea. I say, Ethiopia can use and can have access to our waters.
Ethiopia used to import and export its goods through the port of Djibouti before it started using the Berbera port. Recently, I heard that Djibouti had expelled Somaliland's representative. Does that have anything to do with you now becoming a competition in attracting Ethiopian traders to use your part?
Yes, there is competition naturally. But we want to maintain cordial relationship with Djibouti. Unfortunately, as you have mentioned specifically, they have closed down our office there and expelled my team within 24 hours.
What was the reason?
I don't know. That, you have to ask the Djiboutians. We made an arrangement with them whereby we establish our office in Djibouti and they in turn will establish their in Hargeisa. We opened ours. They never did.
We also have agreed to establish a joint ministerial committee to meet on an ad hoc basis in the two capitals, Djibouti and Hargeisa alternatively. We established our team. They never did. And all of a sudden, the embassy was closed. My ambassador called me and informed me about the incident when I asked him if there was any specific reason. There was none.
I met my Djiboutian counterpart here and asked him to have an open dialogue. We are still waiting for their response. We still want to maintain good relationship with them because they are our neighbours. You can choose your friends but you cannot choose your neighbours.
Has the union between Somaliland and Southern Somalia in 1960 ever been ratified?
No, it has never been ratified. It has never gone to the two parliaments.
So, any country that wants to recognize you as a sovereign state has the legal ground?
Absolutely. AU member states have the legal ground if they want to extend that recognition. They also have the moral ground. There is no excuse to leave out Somaliland.
We hope the AU leadership of Ghana will look into the case. Ghana is one of the front runners on the issue of African liberation and self-determination and a country that does not have a major vested interest in Somaliland or the region. The leadership of President Kufour will hopefully look into the case and say "let's call a spade a spade. Let's find out about these people and see whether they are right or wrong."
We just can't be put in chains. We are now chained. Thanks to God, now investors are coming, including from Germany who are willing to put in USD 300 million for investment. Why would they do that? Simply because there is peace and a tranquil environment.
Given the fact that investors are coming, and given also the fact that the Rwandan representative shelled the AU executive council about the Somaliland recognition issue, and also the fact that AU sent a fact-finding mission to your country, can you absolutely assert that your independence is irreversible?
Absolutely. We will get recognition sooner or later. Irrespective of what the international community would say, we will find one country that will say "Yes, a spade is a spade", and then every country will follow.
What we are also saying is that Ethiopia should come out of this shell. Ethiopia let Eritrea go because of self-determination. If it decides to recognize us irrespective of what the other countries would say, it will demonstrate leadership to the continent.
By the way, I think you have a leadership that can do that. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is very courageous and I believe he has the capacity to do that. He is one of the few African leaders who can take a serious issue and deal with it and leave a name and a legacy in the continent.
While most people were getting ready to celebrate the Lunar New Year this week, Chen Tzu-fe, a lecturer at the Tzu Chi College of Technology's Department of Nursing, was packing medical supplies and getting ready to return to Somaliland, a little-known and unrecognized state that declared its independence from war-ravaged Somalia in 1991.
Chen, 38, holds a masters in nursing from Adelaide University in Australia and has worked as a volunteer in the Taiwan Root Medical Peace Corps' international aid program for the last five years.
Taiwan Root is an NGO that sends Taiwanese medical professionals to aboriginal communities domestically and to 15 countries around the world to provide health care to those in need.
But before Chen left for Somaliland, she faced another challenge -- her own failing health. Diagnosed with autoimmune disease in the middle of last year, she was forced to take a six month unpaid leave of absence from Tzu Chi to try to recover. But when Taiwan Root asked her to go to Somaliland, she couldn't turn down the opportunity to help build a modern system of nursing in the impoverished, unrecognized state.
On her first trip to Somaliland, Chen had to fly for two days, with stops in Hong Kong, Abu Dhabi and Ethiopia before finally reaching the capital Hargeisa. Chen said she originally planned to rebuild Somaliland's nursing education system from the bottom up, but while she was still evaluating the system, political instability forced the officials who had asked Taiwan Root for help to resign en masse.
Chen decided to stay on anyway.
"Root Taiwan promised the people of Somaliland, not the government that it would provide medical aid," she said.
Chen said she discovered that nursing care in Somaliland's hospitals was facing crippling short-term needs. She decided to begin by helping Hargeisa Group Hospital set up a nursing staff trained in the basics of modern hospital management.
Starting almost completely from scratch, she set up a filing system for patient records, she said.
She and the nursing staff had to build the filing cabinets themselves by hand. Other basic management practices she put in place included numbering patient beds, scheduling nursing rounds and tracking hospital equipment inventory, she said.
Chen also found time to teach at a local nursing school. Students took what they learned in her class straight back to the hospital.
After six months of intensive work, Chen's health was beginning to deteriorate and the political situation was becoming unstable.
She returned to Taiwan early last year to rest for a few weeks, but said she soon decided that she had to go back to finish the work she had begun.
After extending her leave of absence from the Tzu Chi College of Technology, Chen returned to Somaliland without any outside funding or support to continue her work.
Chen will not be home on the Lunar New Year this year, but said she had discovered a new way to celebrate the spirit of the holiday by helping others on the distant Horn of Africa.
How long must they wait?
There is an underlying problem within Somalia. Most pundits don't refer to it when they discuss the issue on TV. Nor do the African Specialists when they brief their home Governments. The question is easy to ask but the answer has everyone scratching their heads. The question is what will be the status of Somaliland?
First of all what exactly is Somaliland? Somaliland is the area of Somalia that was known as British Somaliland before the Second World War. It was the base of the Allied Effort to restore the previous Government in Ethiopia after it was invaded by Fascist Italy.
Somalia itself came into being back in 1960 with the merging of the two regions known as British and Italian Somaliland. However after the fall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991 Somaliland itself was a virtually Independent State that was not recognized by the International Community much to the dismay of the people of that region.
While there was a transitional Government in Baidoa and Anarchy in Mogadishu there was a functioning Government in Hargeysa. While the rest of the country became the battlegrounds of warlords stability reigned in the North. But the World still did not notice the calm. But that is changing finally.
It is widely known that Somaliland has close ties with Britain. But other actors are also paying attention as well. Recently there has been a mission from the African Union on a fact-finding mission. Those who are trying to seek funding and other aid from the United States have testified in front of the Congress. Similar initiatives are underway to work with the European Union as well.
Like every other state in History Somaliland has suffered through growing pains as it grows as a Nation. Currently there are members of a newspaper that are in Jail. Several Groups including Amnesty International consider them to be prisoners of conscience. Freedom of the Press is a basic right in most countries. The quick and speedy resolution of this problem could assist in having the Major Powers recognize the legitimacy of an independent Somaliland. They have been functioning as an Independent State for more than a decade so what is the world waiting for?
The author comments on US Policy in Africa and Human Rights. He posts on www.americanchronicle.com and other selected sites.
He can be contacted at- Scott_morgan_23220@yahoo.com
SOMALILAND, November 13, 2006 - International Aid Services has received a grant from Swedish Missioncouncil / Sida for a relief intervention in Somaliland. It involves constructing water barkers (reservoirs), water trucking and providing temporary shelters to the displaced families as the result of the severe drought in 9 villages in Togdheer, Sanaag and Bosaso regions of the Horn of Africa.
Goal
The goal with this intervention is to resettle and improve the living conditions and security of the pastoralists living in affected areas of Togdheer, Saanag and Bosaso regions through the construction of water barkers, water trucking and providing temporary shelters to the displaced families in villages as the result of the severe drought in the regions.
Sub-goals
- Provide temporary shelters to 270 families in 9 villages. ? Provide water trucking to 9 villages that are worst affected by drought. ? Constructing 9 water barkers (reservoirs), one in each village to persevere water.
The Haatuf saga has revealed serious weaknesses within Somaliland's government system. We can see this from the casual ease in which citizens are being arrested and charged with bogus crimes. First came the illegal detention of the chairman of Haatuf Media Network, Yusuf Gabobe; and the editor of Haatuf, Ali Dini. After that Somaliland's CID [Criminal Investigation Department] jailed Mr Kayse Ahmed Uthman a friend of the journalists who came to visit them in jail. When citizens and youth protested the unlawful incarceration of the journalists, they too were detained, and five under-aged children were quickly sentenced to imprisonment by Hargeysa's Security Committee. A few days later, Haatuf newspaper's correspondent in Boorama, Mr Muhammad Umar Shaykh was arrested.
Last week, two war veterans Muhammad Ahmed Gahnug (Ba'od) and Ahmed Umar Abdullahi (Hamarji) were seized only a few hours after they had attended a veterans meeting that called on Somaliland President Dahir Riyale to immediately and unconditionally release from prison the three Haatuf journalists. Also last week, a human rights activist, Ali Dol Ahmed (Ali Qoryoley) was detained for distributing leaflets which said "Free Haatuf Journalists." The only crime that these people committed is that they expressed opinions that the government did not like.
The government's modus operandi is pretty clear. First detain citizens whose views you don't like, then go to the court and ask for extension of detention, then concoct a case against them. The idea is that once someone is seized by the government it would mean holding him for months before the justice system reaches a decision, and if the court does not impose additional punishment by then he would have suffered enough that he would think twice before doing anything the government does not like. This system had worked for the government in the past. But this time, they seem to have finally run out of luck and the tide is beginning to turn. Too many people both inside and outside the country, are in a state of rage about the government's naked abuse of power. People are asking: Is the president above the law, and who gave him the right to engage in corruption with impunity. If the president was wronged by Haatuf, why didn't he file a civil case against the journalists instead of illegally arresting them? They are asking: Do the heads of the CID, the commander of police, and the minister of interior work for the taxpayer or to carry out the illegal wishes of the president?
People are not only angry with the executive branch. They are also furious at the justice system for catering to the president's wishes and not upholding the law. The justice system failed on three counts: 1) not only did the court say nothing about the fact that the journalists were arrested without a warrant, it even extended for the CID the length of time they could hold the journalists without trial; 2) the court refused bail for the journalists, although the possibility they would flee is almost non-existent; 3) the court gave in to the government's demand to try the journalists according to Somalia's penal code and not according to Somaliland's press law.
Abroad, anger at the government is no less intense. Somalilanders and friends of Somaliland are blaming President Riyale for having damaged Somaliland's reputation as a democratic and law-abiding country. As one foreign supporter of Somaliland put it: "Does Riyale want us to say to our government please recognize Somaliland because it has a corrupt and dictatorial regime?" Anger, however, will not solve anything. Therefore, the challenge for Somalilanders and friends of Somaliland both inside and outside the country, is to go beyond their fury and start working for a fundamental reform of Somaliland's system of government. At minimum such a reform programme should include:
The President, his wife, and corrupt ministers should be held accountable for breaking the law and violating the rights of citizens;
The head of the CID, the commander of police, and the minister of interior should be fired for trampling on the rights of citizens and carrying out the president's illegal instructions;
Cases that have to do with the press should be tried only according to the Press Law that was passed by Somaliland's parliament and signed by the president;
Judges who have failed to uphold the law and have colluded with the president or any other politician in circumventing the law should be stripped of their posts and an autonomous impartial justice system should be installed.
Parliament also has to decide whether it is part of the problem or the solution. As representatives of the people, they should not just sit and watch as the president and his ministers sink deeper and deeper into corruption, and as the government and the courts work hand-in-hand in depriving citizens of their constitutional rights. Parliament should act quickly and call the president to come in front of parliament and account for his corruption and persistent violations of the law. The people have run out of patience. They want reform and they want it now.
"Threats to journalists and media outlets constitute serious violations of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, said in a statement today.
"A free and independent press which does not fear any party is crucial to restoring peace and security in Somalia. This is worrying and I condemn these actions and reiterate that the media must be allowed to perform its duties without apprehension," he added.
The three journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabode, Ali Abdi Din and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, employed by the Haatuf Media Network were arrested as a result of their work in 'Somaliland' in the north of the country and several other people have been arrested or detained for supporting the three or demonstrating against their arrests," Mr. Alnajjar said.
He also noted that three radio stations and the office of a television station in Mogadishu, the capital, were also temporarily closed by the Transitional Federal Government in January.
"I am deeply concerned over recent threats to the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different parts of Somalia," he declared. "I call upon the 'Somaliland' authorities to release the three journalists without conditions.
"I also remind all Somali authorities of their obligation to respect the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and to ensure the safety and security of all, including journalists and other media professionals."
Somalia has been without a functioning government since Muhammad Siad Barre's regime was ousted in 1991. Late last year, the transitional Government, backed by Ethiopian troops, dislodged Islamist forces from much of the country.
The Security Council has authorized the deployment of a peace support mission to be run by the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an east African grouping.
An independent United Nations human rights expert today called for the unconditional release of three journalists arrested in Somalia and voiced "deep concern" at the temporary closing of radio and television stations, stressing the vital importance of free media in bringing peace to the war-torn country.
"Threats to journalists and media outlets constitute serious violations of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," the Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar, said in a statement today.
"A free and independent press which does not fear any party is crucial to restoring peace and security in Somalia. This is worrying and I condemn these actions and reiterate that the media must be allowed to perform its duties without apprehension," he added.
The three journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabode, Ali Abdi Din and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, employed by the Haatuf Media Network were arrested as a result of their work in Somaliland' in the north of the country and several other people have been arrested or detained for supporting the three or demonstrating against their arrests," Mr. Alnajjar said.
He also noted that three radio stations and the office of a television station in Mogadishu, the capital, were also temporarily closed by the Transitional Federal Government in January.
"I am deeply concerned over recent threats to the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different parts of Somalia," he declared. "I call upon the Somaliland' authorities to release the three journalists without conditions.
"I also remind all Somali authorities of their obligation to respect the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and to ensure the safety and security of all, including journalists and other media professionals."
Somalia has been without a functioning government since Muhammad Siad Barre's regime was ousted in 1991. Late last year, the transitional Government, backed by Ethiopian troops, dislodged Islamist forces from much of the country.
The Security Council has authorized the deployment of a peace support mission to be run by the African Union (AU) and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), an east African grouping.
Meanwhile, the top UN envoy for Somalia, Franois Lonsny Fall, on Friday attended a meeting of International Contact Group on Somalia - a set of countries and organizations including the UN - to review the current political, security, development and humanitarian situation in the country. At the conference held in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, the Group pledged its support to the Transitional Federal Government in its efforts to promote national unity, and also to the Transitional Federal Institutions and the Somali people as they pursue an inclusive political process.
The expert, Ghanim Alnajjar, also voiced "deep concern" at the temporary closing of radio and television stations, in a statement issued Monday, calling attention to the importance of free media in bringing peace to the war-torn country.
"Threats to journalists and media outlets constitute serious violations of Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," he said. "A free and independent press which does not fear any party is crucial to restoring peace and security in Somalia. This is worrying and I condemn these actions and reiterate that the media must be allowed to perform its duties without apprehension."
The three journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabode, Ali Abdi Din and Mohamed Omar Sheikh Ibrahim, who work for the Haatuf Media Network were arrested as a result of their work in 'Somaliland' in the north of the country where several other people have been arrested or detained for supporting the three detained or demonstrating against their arrests," Alnajjar said.
He also said three radio stations and the office of a television station in Mogadishu, the capital, were temporarily closed by the Transitional Federal Government in January.
"I am deeply concerned over recent threats to the right to freedom of opinion and expression in different parts of Somalia," he said. "I call upon the 'Somaliland' authorities to release the three journalists without conditions.
"I also remind all Somali authorities of their obligation to respect the right to freedom of opinion and expression, and to ensure the safety and security of all, including journalists and other media professionals."
Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who was addressing the cabinet of the Transitional Federal Government [TFG], said the time had come to hold negotiations with that administration. He stressed that the TFG was expected to devise the method to open negotiations with the Somaliland administration in order to restore the unity of Somalis.
Speaking on the recent reshuffle of the ministers of the TFG, he said this was meant to give a new impetus to implementing the aims of the TFG. The president castigated the heads of various arms of the government for doing very little work and for making a habit of chewing qat [mild leafy stimulant] and oversleeping. He therefore urged all officials of the TFG to stop the habit of chewing qat and sleeping until mid morning.
The president concluded his speech by officially stating that any minister who failed to discharge their responsibility would be sacked. He urged members of the cabinet in the TFG to put the interest of the Somali people before everything else.
The Horn of African Jeornalist Association (HAJA) Declare Haatuf Journalists As "Prisoners Of Conscience and crime against freedom and regional stability".
The Horn of African Journalist Association (HAJA) based In Canada, declare Haatuf Journalists As "Prisoners Of Conscience and crime against freedom and regional stability". The leaders SNM (Somalia National Movement) veterans in Somaliland called on the government to release the detained Haatuf journalists on Thursday. In a press statement issued by the veterans at a meeting held in SOOYAAL Veterans Association headquarters in Hargeysa said, `we strongly condemn the arrest and unlawful detention of Haatuf journalist by the government'.
The veterans said in the press conference that this type of action taken by the government brings shame to the country and people of Somaliland. They said, `we had fought a bloodily battle against a government which repressed and killed its people. Many lives were lost and properties destroyed in that war. Today, the government we brought into power and authority is doing the same thing as the one we had fought against and destroyed in 1991'.
The ex-freedom fighters who fought for the Somali National Movement's liberation struggle against Somalia's late dictator Siyad Barre in the 1980s, were arrested in Hargeysa by the Somaliland police. Mohamed Ahmed Gahnug (Ba'ood) and Ahmed Omar Abdillahi (Hamarji) were seized only a few hours after they had attended a veterans meeting that called on Somaliland President Dahir Rayale to immediately and unconditionally release from prison the three Haatuf journalists.
The Horn of African Journalist Association (HAJA) and Reporters Without Borders today reiterated its appeal to the authorities in the northern breakaway state of Somaliland to release three newspaper journalists who have been held for several weeks and have just been moved from the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa to a unknown and secret jails.
"The Somaliland government's inflexibility is dangerous," the press freedom organisation said. "It shows that the authorities are ready to commit any kind of abuse when journalists criticise the president and his associates. This aggressive use of the police and judicial system is liable to undermine the credibility of all the efforts since 1991 to turn Somaliland into a democratic enclave within Somalia."
The publisher of the privately owned, Hargeisa based daily news paper Haatuf, Yuusuf Gabobe, and his editor, Ali Abdi Diini, were due to have appeared before a regional court in Hargeisa on 4 February, but were transferred to a prison in Mandera, a small locality between Hargeisa and the coastal town of Berbera. They had previously been held at Hargeisa police headquarters since their arrest on 2 January.
Haatuf's correspondent in Borame, Mohamed Omar, who was arrested at his home on 14 January and detained in the Kodbur police station in Hargeisa, has also been taken to Mandera. According to the staff of Haatuf, Gabobe is in poor health and Mandera does not have the medical facilities he needs. Jamal Sheikh Abiib, Geeska Afrika & HAN reporter in Hargeisa, Somaliland
"The Somaliland government's inflexibility is dangerous," the press freedom organisation said. "It shows that the authorities are ready to commit any kind of abuse when journalists criticise the president and his associates. This aggressive use of the police and judicial system is liable to undermine the credibility of all the efforts since 1991 to turn Somaliland into a democratic enclave within Somalia."
The publisher of the privately-owned, Hargeisa-based daily "Haatuf", Yusuf Gabobe, and his editor, Ali Abdi Dini, were due to have appeared before a regional court in Hargeisa on 4 February 2007, but were transferred to a prison in Mandera, a small locality between Hargeisa and the coastal town of Berbera. They had previously been held at Hargeisa police headquarters since their arrest on 2 January.
"Haatuf"'s correspondent in Borame, Mohamed Omar, who was arrested at his home on 14 January and detained in the Kodbur police station in Hargeisa, has also been taken to Mandera. According to the staff of "Haatuf", Gabobe is in poor health and Mandera does not have the medical facilities he needs.
It is widely acknowledged that corruption is one of the biggest factors that contributes to underdevelopment. This can be deduced from the fact that corruption is a common factor for most impoverished countries. The debilitating effect of corruption is most clear in countries that are well endowed with natural resources but are characterized by extreme poverty. Take the example of African countries that have oil, gold, diamonds and other mineral resources but whose people live in dire poverty. Somaliland does not export oil or diamonds, so the dollar amount that is lost to corruption may be smaller than, let us say Nigeria, nevertheless, the principle is the same. If your economy is smaller but corruption is widespread, the impact is no less damaging.
In Somaliland, corruption has reached such an advanced stage, it is assumed to be part of most transactions that have anything to do with the government. In addition to eroding the society's moral fibre, corruption undermines the proper functioning of the economy because it transfers undeserved gains to some people and adds to the costs of transactions.
A quick look at the situation of real estate in Somaliland will make this clear. Many Somalilanders used to invest in Somaliland through buying real estate and building houses. But along with the building construction boom came a practice called ku qabso ku qadi mayside (claim it, you will get something for your claim), which worked this way: someone (usually an expatriate) would buy a piece of land and right away someone else would appear out of nowhere and claim that the piece of land is actually his. The expatriate then would have to pay a lump sum to the person who made the bogus claim so that he would drop his claim. The result was that many expatriate Somalilanders stopped buying undeveloped land in Somaliland.
Some might object that greedy individuals exist everywhere and it is unfair to blame the government for their behaviour. True, greedy, unscrupulous people exist everywhere, but in the case of land problems in Somaliland, the greedy individual usually has some false documents that were issued by a government official. Another reason why the government shares in the blame is because not only does it tolerate these practices, but the government itself, including the president, is known to engage in corrupt practices, thereby setting a bad example for the rest of the population.
Corruption is such a serious problem in Somaliland it has even led to a riot among Somaliland's police. The immediate cause of the riot was that the police did not receive their salaries for months. The police believed that their salaries were embezzled by their superiors. Consequently, irate armed police barged into the parliament's building in protest. President Riyale did react in this case by firing both the police commissioner and the minister of interior for creating the situation and failing to prevent it, but his reaction came only after the damage was done and the sanctity of parliament was violated.
Another more recent riot that was caused by the corruption of Riyale's administration is the cement factory riot last year. Let us go briefly through the circumstances that led to it. The President left Somaliland on a visit to Europe and possibly the United States. Several weeks later, he announced in Germany that he could not go to the United States to participate in the SopriI [Somaliland Policy and Reconstruction Institute] conference because he had found a company that was going to invest in the cement factory and wanted to quickly get back to the country in order to start the project. However, instead of rebuilding the cement factory and creating job opportunities, what the people saw in motion was a scheme to dismantle what remained of the existing factory, which resulted in riots. Since then, President Riyale has not said a word about his cement factory project or the promised jobs, which has only strengthened the suspicion that the promise to build a new cement factory was only a ploy to allow him to sell the existing factory for scrap.
Haatuf newspaper's latest revelations have provided only more details into an already established pattern of corruption in President Riyale's government. Instead of cleaning his act and reforming his administration, President Riyale responded by jailing Haatuf journalists, which has only provided more evidence that President Riyale is either unwilling or incapable of reforming his administration. With their president so thoroughly and stubbornly tied up to corruption, more and more Somalilanders are looking at ways to save their country.
The veterans said in the press conference that this type of action taken by the government brings shame to the country and people of Somaliland. They said, we had fought a bloodily battle where many lives were lost and wealth destroyed against a government which repressed and killed its people. Today, the government we brought into power and authority is doing the same thing as the one we had fought against and destroyed in 1991.
The statement issued by the veterans was read out to the media by Ahmad Umar Abdullahi (Hamarji), which said, "We are the generations of veterans who had sacrificed their blood along with the many who lost their lives for the emancipation and freedom of our motherland, Somaliland. We still have the wounds and scars on our bodies to show for the freedom we have today in Somaliland has not been in vain. Today, we are gathered here because the very freedom we fought for is under threat. We are witnessing today, that the Haatuf newspaper journalists Yusuf Abdi Gabobe, Ali Abdi Dini and Muhammad Umar Shaykh are imprisoned for publishing information, which under the constitution is not a sin but is the right of any citizen of this country. The journalists are held in detention illegally, and are being subjected to unlawful court trials conducted by the government.
The veterans said, in their press statement that "This message is directed to the President Dahir Rayale and we implore that he takes heed of our message. We urge the president to release the journalists and we urge him and his government not to break the very law he is suppose to protect and sanctify. We, remind the president that we fought against the government of Siyad Barre for the rights of freedom etched in our constitution. We fought Siyad Barre for the unlawful court trails and detentions perpetrated against the people of this country. We fought Siyad Barre for all those things, which your government is committing today, in Somaliland.
The veterans said, "Almost, a month we have seen how the government of this country is behaving. We have seen that the Press Law of this country brought into law by parliament and by the president, is today being forfeited by the government's judicial courthouses. We see that the government is heading towards the very same road, which the government of Siyad Barre decided to venture to. We are in no position, today, to travel on that same road, Siyad Barre took. We will not travel or allow you to take us on that road. We plead with your conscience to release the journalists and stop curtailing the freedom of the media and citizens of this country who have paid heavily in blood and wealth the little we have today."
Many of the veterans at the press conference were wearing T-shirts with the slogan "Free Haatuf Journalists."
Barbara is a coastal city under the control of the break away republic of Somaliland.
Reports say some of the prisoners in the Barbara prison facility were transferred to Hargeysa, the capital of the secessionist Somaliland. The health of some of the inmates was reported to be in critical state.
Hassan Kilyo, a brother of one of the inmates, has told Shabelle that his brother was in Barbara prison for four years without a trial. "My brother was a university student in Bosaso, (a business city in Puntland, an autonomous regional government in Somalia). They accused him of stealing money from Ethiopia and he has never been there," he said.
He said his brother was even missing from Barbara prison for six months. "He was taken to the American military bases in the horn of Africa," he said.
He pointed out that his brother was seized in Hargeysa by Somaliland police after he was charged with accusation stealing money from Ethiopia. "The accusation was definitely false," he said.
The administration of Somaliland blamed the defendant of terrorism activities in 2006 after the courts in the secessionist republic found him no guilty, his brother said.
For the last two weeks, a number of trucks transporting legitimate and taxed goods to the Somali State of the Federal
Republic of Ethiopia have been terrorized, ambushed, robbed, and burnt by the Al-Itihad/ONLF terrorists operating in the Somali zone state. As a result of this terrorism, Somaliland traders have lost hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of property, and millions of dollars worth of trade and taxes between the two neighboring states (Ethiopia and Somaliland).
Moreover, the operation and provocation of these Al-itihad/ONLF terrorists in the region has undoubtedly retarded progress and development of the Somali zone State, disrupted the border trade between the two countries, and may eventually endanger the Somaliland and Ethiopia border security arrangements if nothing is done to reverse this dangerous development in the region. The Assessment we must count what was achieved for the now 15 year's old Republic of Somaliland within the global world policies. The results are by all means rather meager and this for some objective reasons...but also for some subjective weaknesses of the Government's) from very beginning.. I would like to clarify, that the Assessments given here are in noway ment as a critics to the current strategies of the foreign policies by the Somaliland Government. The aim is to give a broader perception from the German and European point of view on all the necessary strategies for the benefit of the Republic of Somaliland and Somalilanders as an Nation.
By objective reasons we firstly have to consider, that the security situation immediately after the proclaimed independence was not satisfactory within the country; therefore the Legitimacy of the new Government was questionable by international standards. Further more, the OAU (AU) was unwilling to consider that the Sovereignty of the Republic of Somaliland was a result of an genuine national revolution within the civil war in the then Somalia...fearing, that this "opening of the Pandora box" would create new severe problems for whole of Africa, regarding the integrity and boundaries between the African states...
The then President Egal have up to some extent successfully counter-fighted such maneuvers, - specially these by the Arab states under the Egyptian leadership, - by clear statements about the Legitimacy of Re-Proclamation of Independence and return to the Status Quo Ante, where the Republic of Somaliland was sui generis an independent state and internationally recognized by all the relevant subjects of the International Law.
Pointing to the fact, that the right for self-determination and subsequently national sovereignty could not have been "consumed" by the freely conducted unification with the Somali Republic, President Egal has won the sympathies throughout the (Black) Africa, specially by South Africa. It was also clarified, that the return to the national boundaries of the colonial and post-colonial era was fully in accordance with the all- African- consensus of the only validity of the state boundaries defined by the colonial era.
Starting from these prepositions some crucial errors has been committed in the following years. It would have been necessary to assess the objective parameters of the Arab League towards Somalia and Somaliland...Instead, there was a long living Illusion that the Arabs would finally, within the "Islamic solidarity", support the justly struggle of the Somalilanders for their national sovereignty. Precious human and political resources of the new state has been wasted to persuade the "brotherly Arab states" to reconsider their stand. As a result, an anti Somaliland propaganda was initiated by the Arab block within the international community. The dictatorial regimes of Cairo and Khartoum have started a crusade against the young Somaliland democracy...with always new black-mailings towards black African states, Europe and the USA..."not to interfere in the matters on Horn"...
This strategy has worked for a period of time. But with the ongoing civil war in Sudan and the fragility of the Egyptian regime this has became more difficult - for them...Their latest "success" by the AU-Summit against Somaliland has to be considered as a Phyrus Victory, as their "Swan Song"....A group of African states has openly sided with Somaliland and this fact has to be more exploitated in the near future.
The Strategy must take in to the consideration to utilize an US-European-(black) African Alliance for the recognition of the Independence of the Republic of Somaliland. Hard work, all over again, must be done specially in Europe. Here we have to take in to the account, that only Italy, - by its postcolonial paranoia, - has to be considered as an "enemy" to Somaliland. France will stands "neutrally", by all means, also vis-a-vis Djibouti...Britain is the first address and it is clear, that London more and more supports the recognition...Germany, - "burnt" by the own experiences by initiating the recognition of Croatia and Slovenia during the ongoing Balkan Civil Wars, - is nevertheless willing to participate in any of the British initiatives, being self actively engaged in controlling of Airspace and the Maritime Routes on the Horn of Africa. This European initiative, coordinated with the efforts by South Africa and (hopefully!) Ethiopia should enable the USA, - as the still major player in the Region, - to engage more directly, without fears to be accused of any of "imperialistic" attitudes...Specially, after wrongly being engaged in support of Mogadishu-Militias in the past...
Ethiopia will play a crucial role in these strategies. It has to be more persuaded to honestly play his role...not under the agenda, that..."We love the Somalis so much, that we prefer to have Five of them"...which up to now has ment to "have" them all weak...Somaliland has forever disassociated itself from any of "great Somalian projects", which has caused the miseries not only for the Somali People(s) in the Region, but also for their neighbors. Addis Ababa must understand, that only the strong and sovereign Somaliland can guarantee the peaceful future for Ethiopia and its economic interests...specially in view of the Berbera Corridor. And by all means the huge Oil-Winning-Projects in Ogaden, which could go together with similar projects in Somaliland, Pipeline, with Refineries in Berbera, etc.
The punctual assessment of the goals and results of the Somaliland Foreign Policy has clearly showed, that the strategically important Somaliland, situated in the Gulf of Aden, near the entrance of Bab El Mandab, can play an stable role in the Region and become one of the guarantors for the Peace and Stability of the Region and the Security of International Maritime Routes towards Europe and the USA and southeasterly towards Africa, the Gulf and entire Asia. This must be clearly stated toward the friendly states. London, with his affinities towards the former Protectorate and its people, should be the starting point of such strategies...With close coordination with Berlin, then Brussels and Paris and of course, with Washington. Pretoria and Nairobi, but fore mostly Addis must be incorporated in to the new Offensive of Somaliland Foreign Policy. The vivid democracy and the rejection of political Islamism and Terrorism are the best legitimacies of the Republic of Somaliland in the concert of free Nations of the World. The time has come to exploit these capitals now.
Opinion contributed to Geeska Afrika with Notes by: Velimir Philo Tomulic
Haatuf publisher Yusuf A. Gabobe and editor Ali Abdi Dini were arrested in connection with these articles.
Haatuf Newspaper's series of articles alleging corruption by President Dahir Rayale and his wife Huda Barkhad were published in 17 different editions started November 24, 2006. The last piece appeared on January 2, 2007, and in the same day Haatuf publisher Yusuf A. Gabobe and editor Ali Abdi Dini were arrested in connection with these articles.
The articles appeared under the title "How different is president Rayale's style of governance than that of late president Egal" and were written by Haatuf's reporter Mohamed-Rashid M. Farah who is still in hiding.
The articles begin by comparing how late president of Somaliland Egal and the incumbent president Rayale fared in terms of the practice of nepotism and corruption. The following excerpts of the articles relate to the charges of defamation of the president brought by government prosecutors against Haatuf editor Ali Dini, Haatuf reporter Mohamed-Rashid Farah and Haatuf Borama correspondent Mohamed Omar Sheikh. Yusuf Gabobe was charged with obstructing police officers from carrying out their duties and inciting Haatuf staff against police officers who on January 2, 2007 stormed in to Haatuf headquarters and made the arrests.
Haatuf 1282 edition (December 10, 2006)
"President Egal practiced corruption but he utilized it for buying political support and not for self-enrichment. Egal treated public funds as his own. He was generous with everybody else except members of his family, subclan and clan.
Egal the president was not susceptible to nepotism. He kept his children relatives and clan members at a distance. His children and relatives were not allowed to live in government properties or use government owned vehicles. Close relatives were forbidden to use the name of the president to further their own interests or to help others secure government jobs. His young cousin Wali Daud Egal who worked for the ministry of Finance dared not to ask for promotion or launch his own business.
Egal refused to live in a house granted to him by the state. He chose to stay in the premises of the presidency and forsake the house which is now the residence of the governor of the Bank of Somaliland Abdirahman Duale.
By contrast president Rayale practiced both corruption and nepotism. He used government money to buy properties.
Rayale's practice of nepotism is evidenced by the following:
- The exclusive rights for fishing in the coastal area stretching from Lughaya into Zayla to Almis Fishing Company, a firm owned by one of Rayale's kinsmen. Almis Fishing was one of 10 prospectors who applied for fishing license to operate in the same zone which is rich in shrimps. But this whole lucrative area has since been declared off-limit to operators except Almis Fishing.
- As Egal's vice-president Mr. Rayale lived in a state-owned house, located behind the parliament building. After becoming president in 2002, Rayale moved to the presidency. But instead of handing over his previous residence back to the state, Rayale invited a man called Osman Sheikh Abdi to live there. Osman Sheikh Abdi who happens to be from Rayale's Awdal region doesn't work for the Somaliland government.
But he still occupies the house vacated by Rayale while many high-ranking government officials including cabinet ministers and speaker of Parliament have to live in rented houses. While Egal forsake the house given to him lawfully by the state so that a government official could live there, Mr. Rayale acted differently when he was later confronted by similar circumstances.. Unlike Wali Daud Egal [during the rule of his cousin Mohamed Ibrahim Egal], Osman Sheikh Abdi has [since Rayale took power] become so influential that a word from him [to the president] could be detrimental in deciding who should be nominated for or sacked from senior positions in the Somaliland government. Officially, Osman holds the job-title of project officer for NOW [the National Organization for Women which in effect is headed by president Rayale's wife Huda Barkhad]. Osman is also the chairman of HOPE Fishing, a company that was established following a [mid 2005] visit that he and the first lady had made together to Cairo (the company is a constant subject for gossip in Borama with some people saying that the business is actually owned by the first lady). Osman also heads HOPE Construction and the Huda Foundation which in 2005 funded the establishment of 2 more wards in Gabiley hospital. Although Osman owns a Toyota Surf vehicle, he however uses a government owned pickup.
- Osman uses his influence with the first family to promote his interests. Because of his connections he gets whatever he wants from government officials. For instance HOPE was awarded [this year] a contract for building a new terminal for the government-owned Somaliland National TV without bidding. Osman also got a contract to implement construction works at Hargeysa airport in a similar manner.
- Boats operating under the name of HOPE Fishing were fishing illicitly off the Lughaya-Zayla coast earlier this year [2006]. Almis Fishing [local agents for a flotilla of Egyptian trawlers] complained to the ministry of Fisheries, the ministry of Interior and the Coastal Guards about the intrusion of HOPE boats into their exclusive zone. But after all these departments failed to redress the complaint, the military commander of Somaliland troops at the western coast Mohamed Hudhuun took action by seizing the 3 [Egyptian owned] boats. The move against Osman's clients was possible only because Hudhuun happened to be a close relative of the owner of Almis shipping, Idiris Unaaye.
- Since Rayale became president the number of Awdalians holding key positions within the government has increased significantly. Moreover, there have been noticeable efforts at ensuring that government officers from the region who were recruited during Rayale's time as vice present retain their positions. But the increase has not been equitably distributed among clans in the region.
For example the Reer Nuur to which both Osman and the first lady belong, received more jobs than the rest including Rayale's Jibril Younis. The disproportionality is obviously the work of Huda Barkhad and Osman.
Members of the Reer Nuur recruited after Rayale's ascendancy:
- Osman Abdi Sheikh, project officer at NOW (Besides his business and portfolio as the presidency's point man and most valuable crony)
- Abdi Dahir, Director General of Finance, Somaliland Army.
- Saleban Hussein Odyare, head of Installations section at the Hargeysa Electricity Power Station
- Farah A Abokor, Director of Finance, National agency for drought prevention
- Ahmed Nuur Goud, senior staff member of NADP
- Rashid Abdi Ege, administration and finance, Somaliland Police headquarters.
- Hassan Mohamed, Finance and administration, SNTV
- Cabdi-Samad, Secretary of Vice-president.
- Mohamed Musse Mohamed, Treasurer, Abaarso Customs point
- Hassan Nuur Faahiye, director general, ministry of Posts and Telecommunication.
- Abdillahi Qasim, Berbera Airport manager
- Farah Saeed, director, finance and administration, National Printing Press
- Mohamud Ahmed Barre, appointed honorary member, house of Guurti.
- Col. Olow, Counter-terrorism unit, Awdal region.
- Ahmed Omer Dahir, Surveyor, Hargeysa local government.
- Musse Adan Jama, Auditor general office.
Members of Reer Nuur in government employment who receive special protection
- Harun, Foreign Exchange Unit, Berbera port.
- Mohamed Dahir, Finance police, Berbera port.
- Ahmed Daud, Director General of the ministry of Finance.
- Abdi Musa, manager of Customs, Hargeysa Airport
- Mustafa Essa, Land revenues, Hargeysa Office.
- Mohamed A. Bade, Customs officer.
- Abdillahi Hassan, Customs officer.
- Yusuf Ga'an, Somaliland Bank officer head of government voucher payments dept
Haatuf 1290 edition (December 19, 2006)
Properties, undeveloped real estate, vehicles and farm illicitly acquired by Mr. Rayale and his wife:
- President Rayale's new house villa in Borama
- Prime real estate property in Hargeysa under construction owned by the wife of the president
- Walled property belonging to the president's wife in Borama.
- The foundation surrounding (10 plots 80x80 feets) Land belonging to the sister of the president's wife in Masalaha area of Hargeysa
- As vice-president, Rayale built himself a house villa in his home town of Borama.
- The first lady Huda Barkhad bought two pieces of land located each behind Maansoor hotel in the northern part of Hargeysa city and near Ambassador Hotel to the south. Each is estimated to cost over $10,000. The plot behind Maansoor hotel was purchased through [the well-known] real estate dealer, Aga weyne. But as shown by Hargeysa municipality documents, the title deed for the plot situated near the Ambassador was issued in the name of Sa'ado Barkhad, a sister of the first lady.
- The Barkhad family farm on the 300 meters of land taken by the first lady, which belonged to Awdal university
- The community well built by SCF/USA for farming community in Borama is now the private property of the Barkhad family and is used solely to water the
Barkhad farm
- A farm located to the east of Amoud University and owned by the Barkhad family was extended for 300 meters into the perimeters of the campus illegally by the first lady [Huda Barkhad].
- A dispute arose between the first lady and Amoud over the misappropriation of the university land. She however employed the power of the state to coerce the university into succumbing.
- She also misappropriated a community water well located to the east of Amoud university. The well was built with funds donated by SCF-USA. The first lady had rebuilt her late father's old 3-bedroom house in Borama into a villa. The external perimeters of the old house had been extended by 10m, thereby blocking a road passage that has been essential for commuting to and from the town's livestock market.
- The Barkhad family old residence in Borama and the added extended courtyard which has completely closed all traffic from this road to the livestock market. The arrow and white markings illustrate the width and depth of what's left of the road
- As evidenced by local government's documents, the first lady bought two large plots near Fouad Arab's automobile repairing workshop.
- Miscellaneous aid material intended for widowed mothers has been diverted by the first lady. The material which was brought by [expatriate] Ahmed Kooj has been stored by her in the building owned by Haji Nuur and located behind the southern fence of the presidency. The material was originally delivered to the presidency for distribution to the target group members.
- President Rayale bought a two-storey villa in Cairo, Egypt. The building is located in a neighborhood which is residence for many of the families of former senior officers in the now-defunct Siyad Barre's regime. [Mohamed] Omer Jees [former Barre minister] is a neighbor.
- The Cairo villa is inhabited by some of the president's children who include Barkhad [son], Warsan [daughter], Mohamed-Amin [son], and a nanny called Umal-khayr Qawrah. The three children were taken to Cairo on June 2005 to study there. An elder son, Abdirizak, is currently in England where he attends college.
- The president's wife has illicitly acquired vehicles that belonged to the government of Somaliland.
The vehicles include:
- A 4WD pickup donated to the government by the NGO SCF-USA [shortly] before closing down operations in Somaliland [in 2005]. While still under SCF use, the vehicle carried plate number 015. The pickup has now been issued a new private plate number which reads SL 20621 and a new traffic document whose serial number is 022701. The traffic registration document shows the owner of the vehicle as Ilhan Barkhad, sister of first lady Huda Barkhad.
- Two Toyota Prado vehicles which were among five donated by the UK government to Somaliland's Counter-terrorism police were misappropriated by Huda Barkhad. One of the two vehicles has been registered with the traffic in the name of Ilhan Barkhad under serial Nr. 023776 and plate number SL 21696. The other Prado which has been given the plate number 21698 is used by the first lady herself.
- The pick-up donated by SCF-USA to the government with private vehicle plate number registered under the first lady's sister . One of the five Prado vehicles donated by the UK government is seen here with private plate number registered under the first lady . The Toyota Mark II, The presidency minibus
Haatuf 1302 edition (January 02, 2007)
- A Toyota Mark II Saloon which belonged to the presidency was sold by the president's wife to the ministry of Public Works. Before being purchased by the ministry, the car had government plate number GT 220. Now it has a private plate number SL 19856 and a traffic registration document number 021906 in the name of Ismail Mussa Haybe, a relative of Public Works minister Saeed Sulub. The original color of the car has since been changed from silver to grey.
According to sources in the presidency and the ministry of Finance the proceeds of the sale were given to the first lady in cash. The vehicle is currently used by Saeed Sulub's family.
- A mini bus was purchased by the presidency in 2004 for the transportation of subordinate staff at a cost of $7,500 and against a market rate of $4,500. However our investigations reveal that the mini bus which bore a private plate number SL: 12634 was purchased in Borama from one of the first lady's close relatives."
On 12/12/2006, the presidency issued a press release signed by Rayale's spokesman, Abdi Idiris in response to the corruption allegations published by Haatuf. The statement began to say:
"There is no government house or vehicle given away by the president .. Nor there is a fishing zone that has been designated for the sole use of a particular company."
The rest of the statement consisted of general term denials. "Nobody has permission from the president to practice nepotism .. The president doesn't condone nepotism."
But the statement did say that since becoming president, Rayale appointed not a single Awdalian to a senior post within the presidency. It did concede however that as vice-president of Egal, Rayale did recommend some Awdalians to the presidential staff.
Haatuf published the whole statement on the front page of its 13/12/2006 edition .
On January 4, 2007, Abshir Hassan Hashi, former chief of motor transport unit at the Somaliland presidency and ex-confident of the first lady Huda Barkhad, talked to the press by saying that all the corruption allegations published by Haatuf were true. He disclosed this at a press conference in Bar Haraf Restaurant in Hargeysa. All the Hargeysa based newspapers and the TV broadcasters were present except the state owned `Maandeeq' newspaper and Somaliland National TV.
Hashi said he resigned from his job on March 24, 2006 after what seemed to be a fallout with the first lady Huda Barkhad. Hashi, who had been working for the Rayale family long before Dahir Rayale became Somaliland's vice-president, said he was witness to a lot of corruption incidents during his days at the presidency.
He revealed that he executed financial transactions involving purchase of vehicles and real estate. He also confirmed that the first lady illicitly acquired public funds for the purchase of plots in Borama and Hargeysa and that he concluded these real estate deals on behalf of the presidency. He showed reporters a lot of documents to substantiate his revelations.
"These are the files of the real estate procurements. This one is for the plot at the Masalaha [near the Ambassador hotel]. It is registered in the name of her sister. We had purchased it from a woman called Shuun Limaan through 2 real estate brokers named Abdi Dheere and Abdi Laangadhe," said Abshir Hashi confirming that the first lady bought a piece of land for her sister Sa'ado Barkhad from tax payers money.
Abshir Hashi also confirmed the sale of the Mark II Saloon by the first lady to the minister of Public Works. "Imagine a government entity selling government-owned car to another government department," he said.
"The minister Saeed Sulub paid for the car from SRA (Somaliland Road Authority) funds and I received the money [on behalf of the first lady]".
Mr. Hashi also identified the first lady's mother, Khadija Yusuf Tub-haye as the person from which the presidency had purchased the mini bus bearing plate number GT 508. He disclosed that the amount paid for the mini-bus was actually $9,000 and not $7,500 as reported by Haatuf. He also estimated the market price of the mini-bus at the time at $4,000 or $5,00 less than quoted by Haatuf.
Hashi also confirmed that the first lady grabbed land belonging to Amoud University for the sake of extending her father's old farm.
"The Barkhad's farm now consists of two parts: the original farm which has been located down the valley and a new extension that resulted from encroachment on the elevated land belonging to the Amoud University in Borama."
Abshir Hashi said the Barkhads farm has been illicitly extended for 400 meters and not 300 meters as reported by Haatuf.
He also disclosed that the president's Cairo home cost $250,000 (Two hundred fifty thousand dollars).
Abshir Hassan said that he would testify in a court of law about the corruption exposed by Haatuf if guaranteed a fair dispensation of justice.
"It's regrettable that while Bill Clinton admitted his extra-marital relationship with Monica Lewinsky, president Rayale is unable to come forward to confess that he actually bought a house in Cairo" he said while commenting on the arrest of Haatuf Journalists, Yusuf Abdi Gabobe and Ali Abdi Dini.
"I don't know [Yusuf] Abdi Gabobe personally and never met or had contact with him. But I have been amazed by Haatuf's ability to expose some of the corruption happening at the presidency. Their story was so real that I thought that they might have stolen my documents. Of course they didn't. I couldn't keep silent after the journalists were arrested for telling the truth. It is just not fair," he concluded. Source: Haatuf Daily News (Somali lang.)
The participants in the roundtable discussion held 19-22 January declared that the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the authorities of Puntland and Somaliland "should support, defend and promote awareness of media freedom." The safety of all journalists should be given the highest priority, they added.
"We welcome the holding of this important meeting and we commend the Transitional Government for sending its representatives to the meeting" said Gabriel Baglo, Director of the IFJ Africa Office. "During the last decades in Somalia too many journalists have been assaulted and killed, media houses frequently attacked making press freedom totally endangered."
The IFJ called on the TFG and the authorities of Puntland and Somaliland to take strong measures to guarantee press freedom and the safety of journalists in Somalia.
The roundtable on "Promoting and safeguarding freedom of expression" in Mogadishu, which was organised by the National Union of Somali Journalists (NUSOJ) and sponsored by UNESCO, gathered 40 organisations of journalists and civil society groups from Somalia and the self-declared autonomous regions of Puntland and Somaliland. The organisations recommended the withdrawal of "all laws that violate freedom of expression."
The participants of the roundtable created the Somali Forum for Freedom of Expression (SOFFE). NUSOJ was chosen to host the secretariat of the Forum.
The IFJ also urged the government to reopen Radio Warsan, which has been shut down since 7 January, 2007.
For further information contact the IFJ: +221 842 01 43
The IFJ represents over 500,000 journalists in more than 110 countries
HARGEISA, Somaliland- the government of Somaliland and international donor agencies this week discussed issues concerning Somaliland’s fund needs for the implementation of development and reconstruction projects.
The consultation meeting held at hotel Mansur in Hargeisa was a result of the Somaliland government’s decision two years ago to start the European union, European Commission, International donors, United Nations and the World Bank’s Joint Needs Assessment program (JNA), led by the ministry of national planning.
The delegates came to Somaliland in order to follow up the JNA program and consult on the identified priorities and the content of the Reconstruction and development Framework (RDF). The RDF provides a framework for mobilizing and coordinating international reconstruction and development assistance to Somaliland. the opening ceremony was officially opened by the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayaale Kahin in which he thanked the delegates who came to Somaliland. President rayaale on the occasion indicated to the gathering that consultative meeting would show everyone how deeply committed the Somaliland government was towards upgrading and launching working programs for the development of the country.
In regards to the memory of the devastation caused during Somaliland’s final years union with Somalia the president said, “I am glad to remind everyone of you that Somaliland has rebuilt all the basic infrastructures without international help and support … now it is the time for development and we are trying our best to be one of the international recognized states in the horn of Africa”. president rayaale also stated his hopes that the consultative meeting would result in approval of Somaliland’s Country Strategy Paper (CSP) which draws substantially on the RDF and brings key donors together for the coordinated strategy response.
The minister of national planning Mr. Ibrahim Mohamed (Sanyare) in a press statement his office issued stated that the last day of the consultative meeting stressed the need to feel free to express needs. “ that is why we collect and invite members of houses of upper and lower houses of parliament, the political parties and non-state actors to discuss and openly debate with these delegates so every executive and legislative representative can share their ideas and know what is this RDF all about”, said the minister.
The minister also indicated that this round of consultations in Hargeisa was a crucial step in ensuring the RDF and CSP visions are both in line with Somaliland’s development priorities are jointly agreed. “Allowing the concerns of government, parliament and the non-state actors to be integrated into common strategy frame work, we emphasize that these consultations are part of a process of partnership which we are committed to further enhance the work already done”, said Mr. Mohamed. the world bank country manager Mr. Kris Love Lace in an exclusive interview to SSI had said that the world bank would provide capacity building to Somaliland banks and send members from the WB to monitor and evaluate the basic needs of Somaliland banks.
In regards to reconstruction works being carried out in Somaliland the World Bank country manager had said that it translates Somaliland’s real picture and proves its peaceful state and its time for development and that the country’s strategy paper is an instrument which participates European donors in order to use to programmed development assistance from 2007 to 2013.
The csp also provides basic reporting back to Somaliland, stakeholders, European governments and European parliament. This consultative meeting was approved by the Somaliland government, executive and legislative representatives, Non-State Actors, UN, World Bank, Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden ,UK, asnd the European Commission.
Source: SSI
"I am delighted that the Foreign Ministers of the African Union meeting in Addis Ababa have discussed the issue of Somaliland.
"At a time when African and international governments are preoccupied with stabilising southern Somalia, getting the Somaliland issue discussed is a big achievement and a reward for Somaliland's patient and persistent diplomacy.
"Somaliland 's desire for international recognition of its independence will not go away. The government and people of Somaliland will continue to press for recognition for as long as it takes.
"Somaliland's case is unique in Africa because Somaliland was a separate colonial entity from Somalia and was recognised previously as an independent state in 1960 before it joined in a disastrous union with Somalia.
"Somaliland wishes good relations with Somalia and to see Somalia a stable and peaceful neighbour. We are ready to share our experience of national reconciliation, state building and the creation of a successful democracy and to assist in stabilising the south in any way we can.
"The Government of Somaliland is grateful for all the support it has received at and in the run-up to this Summit from numerous states in East, Central, Southern and West Africa. I am particularly grateful to the Government of Rwanda for raising the Somaliland issue at the Executive Committee, to the AU Commission for its unfailing attention to the Somaliland issue and to the Government of Ethiopia for its support and for our warm bilateral relations.
"I am also grateful for the productive discussions I have held with the British and Norwegian Ministers at the Summit.
"It is still not too late for the African Union to take a decision to become seized of the Somaliland issue at this Summit. I appeal to Heads of Government meeting on 29 and 30 January to recognise that it is in the interests of peace, stability and development in the Horn of Africa to consolidate the stability Somaliland has achieved. And I call on the TFG to focus on stabilising the still difficult situation in the south rather than opposing the reality that is Somaliland's independent status."
Notes
1. Somaliland was a British Protectorate. It gained independence in 1960, was recognised as an independent state and then voluntarily joined the Somali Democratic Republic.
2. The union went disastrously wrong for Somaliland. Somalilanders were excluded from decision-making and discriminated against. The Somali Republic descended into a civil war in which Somaliland was invaded and destroyed.
3. The Republic of Somaliland , as re-constituted on 18 May 1991, is a reversion to the independent state of Somaliland of 1960 within the same agreed borders of the 1960 state. It did not secede from the Somali Democratic Republic, but reverted to the status quo ante .
4. Somaliland is a functioning democracy with an elected President and Assembly. Its independence was emphatically endorsed by Somalilanders in a referendum in 2001.
5. An AU fact-finding mission in 2005 acknowledged that Somaliland's independence does not set a precedent for the redrawing of colonial boundaries in Africa because Somaliland has simply re-declared itself an independent state within its former colonial boundaries.
6. On 26 January, the Rwandan Foreign Minister proposed to the AU Executive Council that a committee of AU member states visit Somaliland and make recommendations on developing an AU approach to the issue for the next Executive Council meeting at the AU Summit in Accra in July. The proposal was opposed by the Transitional Federal Government of Somalia and as a consequence was not agreed. The Government of Somaliland believes nonetheless that this discussion represents an important first step towards getting the AU seized of the Somaliland issue.
7. Abdillahi Mohamed Duale was appointed Foreign Minister of the Republic of Somaliland in August 2006
The organisations Somaliland Societies in Europe (SSE) and Somaliland Community in Belgium (SBC) are set to host a high profile panel session on 29 January 2007 in Brussels, Belgium. UNPO General Secretary Marino Busdachin has been invited to be a panellist at the conference, where he will represent UNPO’s views on the future of Somaliland.
His presence on the panel will be accompanied by Glenys Kinnock MEP, Co- President Africa Caribbean Pacific - EU Joint Parliament Assembly; Nickolas White, Head of Independent Diplomat, Brussels Office; Mohamoud Abdi Daar, Somaliland Representative in Belgium and the European Commission; and Eid Ali Ahmed, Chairman of SSE.
Additional meetings with MEPs, EC Commissioners, Belgian governmental officials, and representatives from international NGOs are scheduled as complimentary events to the panel session.
Panellists will cover salient issues such as Somaliland’s sustained stability in relation to the rest of the Horn of Africa region, the contributing role of international institutions in building on Somaliland’s successes and international recognition for Somaliland.
International recognition stands to build on previous achievements in regards to development, economic growth and political stability; as well as enabling further ties between Somaliland and the international community. Further, recognition would contribute to achieving a viable and stable horn of Africa.
The panel session culminates the organisations’ two day Annual General Meeting, which will focus on cultural issues within Somaliland communities living in Europe, with a particular focus on youth related matters.
This monthly bulletin is compiled by UNOCHA in collaboration with humanitarian actors operating in Somaliland. For further information, inputs or comments please contact Abdulkarim H. Ali at husseinali@un.org
I. HUMANITARIAN SITUATION
Above normal Deyr (Oct-Nov) rains were reported in most parts of the country resulting in improved livelihoods of the rural communities through increased availability of water and pasture. Improved livestock conditions combined with Haj 1season led to improved livestock prices, which in turn is enhancing purchasing power. Milk availability was reportedly high in most parts of the country, which is supposed to have positive impact on nutrition of children.
Nevertheless, without having enough good seasons in the recent past in order to recover from the effects of the previous droughts that reduced the assets of the community particularly livestock for pastoral groups, chronic food insecurity prevails in many pastoral livelihoods (e.g. eastern regions like Sool, Sanaag, and Togdheer). An intervention addressing the root causes of food insecurity, improving the stability and resilience of the livelihoods and reducing risk of future vulnerabilities will be important for such communities.
On the other hand, torrential rains caused emergency condition for many households in different parts of the country like Burao town and Odweine district of Togdheer region, Garadag, El-Afweine and Dararweine areas of Sanaag region, Sheik district of Sahil Region and Zeila and Tokoshi of Awdal region. Emergency assistance was delivered to such households in various areas (details of the response are covered under the title “Coordination on flood response”).
Apart from causing human death (about 15 death cases most of them in Sanaag region were reported), floods blocked roads impeding accessibility to the neighborhoods and markets, which, in turn, negatively affects food supplies. In addition, floods led to livestock death (e.g. 10,95 shoats were reportedly killed by rains in Sanaag region alone), destruction of farm yields and other agricultural assets (e.g. destruction of 112 farms and 1500 meters of irrigation canal, 12 water pumps, etc. were destroyed in Sheik district alone), and damages of water sources (e.g. Birkeds, Boreholes). Furthermore, destruction of infrastructure including the sanitation facilities was enormous in Burao town leading to high risk of disease outbreaks.
Rehabilitation of the damaged public infrastructure (schools, MCHs, Hospitals, Sanitation Facilities, etc), restoring/rehabilitating productive farms and restocking of the pastoral households that lost their livestock can be among appropriate responses after the rains. A Nutrition assessment in Burao town and other flood-affected areas was recommended to evaluate the impact of the floods in order to guide timely food security interventions.
Nutrition Cluster (UNICEF, WHO, WFP, FAO/FSAU, SRCS and Ministry of Health) conducted a nutrition survey (using 30x30, WT/HT, and MUAC for 6-59 months old) in Hawd livelihood (South of Hargeisa) with population of 33850 (WHO 2005) from 15th to 19th November. This nutrition assessment revealed a Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM) of 8.1% (some improvement compared to 8.8% in 2002) while Severe Acute Malnutrition is 1.9% which is in alert situation and no Odoema case was reported according to preliminary findings presented by FSAU and UNICEF on 29/11/06. The survey covered 945 children (6—59 months old) from 475 households from 30 different villages.
Considerable correlation of malnutrition with ART (17.1%) and diarrhea diseases (15.8%) was reported. Immunization coverage was 97.6% and 34.5% for Polio and Measles respectively while the vitamin A supplementation coverage was about 36.2% in the surveyed areas.
The FSAU led Post Deyr ‘06/’07 Food Security Assessment commenced in Somaliland on 13th December with 2 teams consisting of five government line ministries, WFP, VETAID, GAA, and PENHA, to evaluate the performance of Deyr rains and the situations of the pastoral livelihoods in the country. According to FSAU field staff, the situation seems to be above normal for areas visited with improved pastoral livelihoods. The analysis of data is going on and the preliminary results are expected in early January 2007.
FAO/FSAU-led Post Gu/Karan 06 crop harvest assessment was conducted in Somaliland from 21st Nov. to 5th Dec 2006 with the participation of FEWS NET, MoA, and ADO. Covering only agro-pastoral livelihood zones of the country—mainly Hargeisa, Awdal and Togdheer regions (e.g. Gabiley, Hargeisa, Borama, Baki, Dila, Odweine, Burao and Sheik districts), the objective of the assessment was to determine the overall performance of the Gu/Karan 2006 season in terms of cereal crop harvest estimate in Somaliland. According to the report, the area under cultivation for this year was estimated at 35,040ha—85% and 15% for sorghum and maize respectively. Gabiley district of Hargeisa region is the major area (72%) for cultivation followed by combined Borama and Baki districts of Awdal region (18%). Due to normal and above normal Gu/Karan rains in most agro-pastoral areas of Somaliland (mainly Awdal and Hargeisa region), the total cereal harvest in this year was estimated at 25020.4MT, which is 147% of the Post War Average (PWA: 1998 – 2005, 17,024MT) and the third highest in almost a decade after 2003 and 2005.
II. HUMANITARIAN RESPONSE
There is a strong presence of humanitarian actors in Somaliland. This allows relatively good coverage of assistance to those in need.
Coordination on Flood Response
Supported by UN OCHA, the Minister of National Planning and Coordination in collaboration with other line ministers like Minister of public works, Minister of Water & Mineral resources, and NERAD has been coordinating humanitarian response to the flood-affected communities in the country. (Coordination Meeting in Burao—City Plaza Hotel—right after the floods on 20th October 2006).
Different cluster groups are working together to address the humanitarian situation of the flood-affected communities and rehabilitate the destroyed and/or damaged basic infrastructure (health, sanitation, education facilities, roads, flood protection structures, etc.) particularly for Burao and Zeila towns in Togdheer and Awdal regions respectively, Such cluster groups include 1) Shelter/Infrastructure/NFI2 to provide emergency shelter (plastic sheets, blankets, etc) and Non-Food Emergency support to flood affected communities.
Thousands of households became acutely affected with their food supplies and makeshift shelters washed away by the floods. Humanitarian agencies provided emergency assistance to about 3241 households3 (approximately 19446 persons) mainly with the provision of emergency food (cereals, oil, pulses, wheat flour, etc.) and non-food items such as emergency shelter (plastic sheets), blankets and chicken utensils contributed by WFP, UNICEF, UNHCR, DRC and Somaliland Authorities. (Food Distribution in Buroa town on 22nd October 2006).
Rehabilitation of Flood Damages on Infrastructure for Burao town.
Public infrastructure including schools, roads, airport, and MCHs suffered heavy damages particularly Burao town. The infrastructure-working group with Ministry of public works as the lead institution estimated the damage on infrastructure for Burao town alone to be $ 298,800. After fund raising, about $197,825 (66%) has been contributed
The gap in funding for the infrastructure remains about $ 100, 975 (34%) mainly for the repairs of Burao airport (e.g. flood protection structures near the runway, compacting/cleaning the runway, etc.) and rehabilitation of the demolished R.C.C Box culvert near Titanic Hotel.
Rehabilitation of Sanitation Facilities in Burao Town.
Some of the emergency water interventions included chlorination of the water sources and removal of stagnant water from public areas. However; there was considerable damage on both public and private sanitation facilities, which needed further attention.
According to assessment made by UNICEF and DRC in late November, the Water and Sanitation needs after flooding in Burao town was estimated to be 147,970 USD out of which 48,790 USD (33%) have been covered by UNICEF and DRC. UNICEF contributed bulk of this amount (43,390 USD).
The response of UNICEF and DRC will focus on rehabilitation of sanitation facilities for IDPs (about 60 households) and public areas (rehabilitation of public latrines for schools and Buroa main hospital).
92,680 US dollars are still needed for other sanitation needs including the emergency sanitation needs of Burao with high health risks for the prisoners after floods exposed sewage to surface. As was reported, UNDP had plans to rehabilitate the Burao prison. Nevertheless; there is emergency need to rehabilitate the latrines of this prison and for this emergency need, the funds need to be processed quicker. The destroyed latrines of Burao girls’ school are not covered so far. Many more IDP households in the three IDP settlements (Kosar, Ali Hussein and Aden Suleiman) of Buroa town will also need further support to rehabilitate their destroyed latrines or new ones. The rehabilitation of the damaged MCHs includes the gap areas in funding.
Coordination on IDPs
Although controversial due to lack of IDP profiling in Somaliland, about 40,000 displaced persons are found in with poor living conditions—often in urban areas with inadequate water and sanitation and lacking income opportunities and access to basic social service. Major current interventions in IDP settlements include: -
Education/Training/Shelter for IDP settlements.
- Provision of school space to all IDP settlements (Hargeisa, Burao and Berbera) including school tens in temporary settlements like Statehouse and Dami by MoE, UNICEF, UNHCR, and NRC.
- Supporting teacher training, provision of education materials, conduction of alternative basic primary education to school children of the most vulnerable households in IDP settlements by UNICEF, NRC, Save the children Alliance, Care International and other local actors.
- Construction of permanent shelter (low cost housing) and provision of emergency shelter by UNHABITAT (Ayaha) and UNHCR (Statehouse) respectively.
Water, Sanitation, Nutrition and Health for IDP settlements.
- Provision of piped water through construction of water kiosks and provision of sanitation facilities5 for Statehouse, Stadium, Ayah and Aden Suleiman settlements by UNDP, UNICEF with local partners.
One good example of sanitation project is the one implemented by UBAX Social Development (LNGO) with the financial and technical support from UNICEF. This project completed 12 twin latrines in Dami B in October 2006. Each 4 households will use one twin latrine, hence 48 households will benefit from this project in Dami B. For keeping the twin latrines functional and usable for all the time, one household will be responsible for each twin latrines.
- Supplementary feeding of under-nourished children for Burao and Berbera (Jamalaye) IDPs by MoE, WFP and UNICEF.
On 7th October 2006, WFP and UNICEF finally started implementation of supplementary feeding programme for Burao and Berbera IDPs after some delays. With above-emergency threshold GAM rates (15.3% and 16.4% respectively for Burao and Berbera), these IDPs were living in very poor conditions and required nutrition interventions.
- School Feeding Programme for school children of IDP settlements and poor quarters of the towns like Dami, Sheik Nur, Mohamed Moge (Hargeisa) and Kosar and Yirowe (Burao), Sheik Osman (Borama) by WFP & MoE.
- Construction of MCHs and provision of medical supplies for displaced communities by UNICEF, WHO, MOH & L and other local partners.
- UNDP RRIDP is planning to carry out integrated interventions for IDPs and other vulnerable groups based on assessment on livelihood-integrated projects that was done earlier by UNDP RRIDP. Some of immediate activities for IDPs and other vulnerable groups will include revolving fund project in which certain vulnerable households will have cash loan to boost their income generation activities.
Major Gaps in the interventions for IDPs include: -Lack of IDP profiling to know the exact number and the priority needs of the displaced communities is considered a major gap. Other gaps include lack of livelihood support interventions like micro-credit, vocational/skills training, lack of collective garbage collection systems, and less hygiene and sanitation awareness activities. There is also a delay in operationalising the newly constructed basic services facilities like MCHs and schools. For instance, as reported, the MHC in Dami IDP settlement was constructed in late 2005 but it has not been functioning up to late 2006.
Good interventions, which need to be extended to more settlements, include school feeding programme and Alternative Basic Education Programme that are implemented by WFP and NRC respectively.
The Joint Programming for Displaced Communities.
As was agreed by the Working Group for displaced communities on 18th September, a Task Force for Joint Programme for displaced communities in Hargeisa has been jointly launched officially in early November during the initiation workshop (sponsored by UNHABITAT) for joint programming at Maansoor Hotel. This joint programme has been jointly launched by the Somaliland Authorities, represented by the Ministry of Repatriation, Resettlement and Reconstruction (RRR), Municipality of Hargeisa and Ministry of Public Works and International Agencies (UN and INGOs consisting of UNHABITAT, UNDP, UNHCR, UNICEF, ILO, FAO, OCHA, WFP, and NRC) with the aim of exerting a joint effort to alleviate suffering and improve living conditions of the displaced communities in 3 settlements (Statehouse, Stadium and Dami) including durable resettlement solutions.
Co-chaired by MRRR and UNOCHA, the taskforce is expected to maximize impact of the humanitarian/recovery response to alleviate the conditions of the displaced/returnees in Hargeisa and to enable the involved humanitarian agencies and Somaliland Authorities mobilise the necessary funds to move towards more durable solutions (incl. durable resettlement with priority for State House and Stadium settlements). The joint programme for displaced communities in Hargeisa is basically guided by the following four strategic objectives;
1) Improved living conditions in 3 temporary selected settlements in Hargeisa. It means promoting living conditions of the displaced communities to certain minimum humanitarian standards (as agreed upon in the framework for engagement) after identification of gaps and priorities of the displaced communities of the 3 selected settlements 6
2) Large-scale resettlement and reintegration of displaced in Hargeisa. UN, INGOs, government and local actors will develop integrated strategy for resettlement for the integration of displaced/returnees in the 3 selected settlements enhancing community participation.
3) Develop Mechanisms to promote spontaneous resettlement of individual households within Hargeisa enhancing self-help decision making of the households. The intention is to promote options of durable solutions based on individual household decisions to resettle independently within Hargeisa in order to assist integration of displaced/returnees into town inhabitants.
4) Guided Resettlement to areas outside Hargeisa.
The intention is explore options and preconditions of resettling people in other areas outside Hargeisa and as a result a Pilot