Enter your search terms Submit search form

ESTABLISHMENT

One of the provisions of the National Constitution of the Republic of Somaliland is the establishment of a Bank to carry out Central Banking functions. The bank of Somaliland (Baanka Somaliland) was thus inaugurated in 1994 together with appropriate Banking Laws, to insure that Banking regulations are carried out to the letter.

Board of Directors has accordingly been appointed together with a Governor of the Bank, Vice-governor, and a Director General. In addition, the Bank of Somaliland besides its functions as Central Bank, runs the activities of Commercial sector.

THE OBJECTIVES OF THE BANK

The Bank's main objectives are detailed in Article 3 of the Constitutive Law of Somaliland Bank as follows: Fostering Monetary stability maintaining the internal and external values of the Somaliland Currency and promoting credit and exchange conditions conductive to the balanced growth of the economy of the Republic and within the limits of its powers, it shall contribute to the financial and economic policies of the state.

THE BOARD OF DIRECTORS

The Board of Directors is the highest policy making body of the Bank. Its powers, among others, include establishing and closing of branches; recommending an increase in capital determining net annual profit; establishing the general terms and conditions of service for the bank's staff and general rules on its . Expenditure; proposing the distinguishing features characteristics and amount of banknotes and coins to be issued; deciding on the general terms of external reserves; granting and revoking bank licences; deciding upon general terms and conditions for credit controls to authorised banks; approving the annual report and accounts of the bank.

The Board consists of seven members, comprising:

The Governor (Chairperson);
The Director General (Deputy Chair) and
Five members of which three members are prominent private businessmen.

THE OPERATIONS OF THE BANK

The Bank of Somaliland performs both the functions of Central Bank of the Republic of Somaliland and the Services of the Commercial Bank.

THE DEPARTMENTS OF THE BANK

The departments of the bank are as follows:
Accounting Department
Audit and Supervision Department
Personnel Department
Loans and Economic Research Department
Technical Department
Secretarial Department
Central Cash Department

FUNCTIONING BRANCHES

Functioning Branches & Exchange offices The main Branches and Exchange Offices of the Bank are as follows:
01. Head Office (Hargeisa), Tel: 253-210005 Ext. 3000/3024 252-213 4500, Fax: 252-213 4551
02. The Main Branch (Branch Number 1 in Hargeisa)
03. Main Foreign Exchange Branch (Hargeisa)
04. Berbera - Tel: 253-212003 Ext 2016, Fax: 253-212000
05. Burao
06. Borama
07. Gabiley
08. Eri Gabo
09. Foreign Exchange at Hargeisa Airport
10. Foreign Exchange at Berbera Airport
11. Foreign Exchange at Borama Airport
12. Foreign Exchange at Gabiley Airport

Currency

In October, 1994 with reference to the "Law of the establishment of the Bank of Somaliland" the Bank has formally introduced, for the first time, the Somaliland currency. While the cabinet ministers unanimously approved and administrative decree promulgating the Somaliland Shilling as the official currency of the Republic and accordingly announcing a three-month-long period for the eventual conversion of the old currency (Somali Shilling).

The Somaliland currency consists of the following denominations:

1. One Shilling Coin
2. Five Shilling Note Sample
3. Ten Shilling Note Sample
4. Twenty Shilling Note
5. Fifty Shilling Note
6. One Hundred Shilling Note Sample
7. Five Hundred Shilling Note Sample

Barud said he was aware of some individuals from the region, who have recently been fostering growing insecurity and anti-Puntland activities in Laas Caanood town, HQ of Sanaag Region. He said that any person found committing such crimes would be arrested and dealt with harshly, without consulting any quarters, as he put it. [Passage omitted]

Chairman Barud promised that his administration would use force against anyone seen with weapons or with anything threatening security.

Barud's warning comes at a time when the Somaliland administration is busy carrying out campaigns for the forthcoming parliamentary elections [likely to cover up to Sanaag Region].

Somaliland Society of Europe
Somaliland Conference 1st & 2nd September 2005
Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House,London, UK. Ladies and Gentlemen,

I bring you greetings from the people and Government of Somaliland and honoured to be representing my country during this historic conference.

Sincere congratulations to Somaliland Societies of Europe for having conceived this initiative and for having the determination and the stamina to make it happen.

Thank you also to the Royal Institute of International Affairs for hosting this conference which has added to the value of the meeting.

From the outset, I wish to convey to Her Majesty the Queen the respect of her former loyal subjects, the people of former British Somaliland Protectorate. I also wish to make it known to the world that the Government and people of Somaliland totally deplore and condemn the brutal acts of terrorism that have taken place in London recently. We extend sincere condolences to the families and friends of the innocent victims and share in the sorrow of the nation since Somalilanders have also been victims of terrorist acts in recent years.

2-Our policy in this regard is clear and we are totally opposed to all forms of terrorism that jeopardize the harmony, peace and security of nations. Somalilanders are determined to be active participants in regional and global war against terrorism.

My next task here today is to present the case of the people of Somaliland to the nations of the world, and particularly to the Government of Great Britain with whom we have been linked since 1884 and who currently holds the Presidency of the G8. The Treaty of Protection that we had with the United Kingdom until 1960 is one that is remembered with nostalgia to this day, and the affection of our people for those of the British Isles was vividly and so spontaneously demonstrated during the visits of British Parliamentarians and Cabinet Ministers to Somaliland.

The case of Somaliland, which I wish to present today, is not a message but is a loud cry from millions of desperate Somalilanders who have been dealt a raw and unfair deal by the international community for over two decades.

The message that I carry is the cry of people who have been victims of genocide, who have been denied justice and who have been denied their day in court to present their case. It is the cry of people who have been denied the dignity of their hard-earned and legitimate sovereignty, and it is the cry of people who have been denied their basic human right to life itself.

Few other people and nations have suffered similar injustice as our people have done during the past twenty-four years. We were left to fend for ourselves during the ten years of struggle, from 1981 to 1991, when we were liberating ourselves from the tyranny of the military regime of Somalia's dictator, Siyad Barre. The world looked the other way when war crimes and acts of genocide were perpetrated against civilians and when Somalia government airplanes indiscriminately bombed our major cities. Our people were left to their own while tanks and heavy artillery pounded civilian dwellings and leveled schools, hospitals, mosques, and most of our major cities to the ground.

3-To escape the carnage, over half a million of our people became internally displaced, and an additional million sought refuge in camps in neighboring countries. Others fled to wherever else they could find asylum, which has brought many to your shores.

Where was the world when thousands of our people were massacred in cold blood and countless victims were thrown into mass graves?

Where are the United Nations and the guardians of Human Rights today? I hope they are not busy pouring more of your taxpayers' money to reward the warlords of Somalia because it seems that Somaliland does not exist for them and, therefore, Somalilanders do not have rights.

Where are our African brothers today who refuse to accept the fact that Somaliland is a country with well-defined post-colonial borders and a sovereign country that pre-dates the birth of the Organization of African Union? They spend more time and effort over Africa's failures instead of giving credit and encouragement to Africa's achievements similar to the shining example we have in Somaliland today.

Do we need to remind the world about the massive amounts of international tax-payers money that have been wasted when millions of dollars were poured into never-ending peace and reconciliation conferences for the warlords of Somalia? Fourteen such conferences have been held for them in different countries when we all know that nothing has and will come out of them.

How many millions have been wasted on them to form one government after the other for the past fourteen years?

The last government formed a year ago is still roaming the world, un-willing and afraid to go home and still begging for more money to further destabilize Somalia?

4-Is it not ironic that Somaliland could demobilize its massive militia with less than $100,000 of its own money, when Somalia is asking the international community for Seventy Million US Dollars to do the same!

In Somaliland, we went home to our country in 1991 and started to clean it up with our own resources and established law and order for our people; Somalia is asking the International community to provide 20,000 troops to escort them home and make it safe for them. Are they really serious ?

Where are our Arab brothers ? Did our brothers come to our aid when we picked ourselves up by our bootstraps and brought our people home from refugee camps ? Did they drill a well or two for them? Did they help our destitute with shelter? And did they build a school or a hospital for the needy?

The only `attention' we were given was to impose a ban on the export of our livestock to Arab countries in order to interrupt the only traditional means of livelihood our people had.

Where is justice today ? When Somalilanders who have been the innocent victims are being punished, justice is being given to those who were the cause of the problems of Somalia. Obviously, a case where the assassin is representing the victim !

Where are the rewards of the world when after liberating Somaliland, we sheltered and fed over ten thousand prisoners of war from Somalia for three months at a time we had little food ourselves? Finally, where was the world while we protected those prisoners until we could arrange a safe passage home for them to go home unharmed?

When Djibouti, the Fifth Region of Ethiopia, and the Northern Frontier District of Kenya opted to stay out of a union with Somalia, these countries were never forced into unity with Somalia and they have all gone their separate ways to

5-Why then is Somaliland being forced into unity with Somalia when that country has disintegrated into nothing? An East African Federation would be more attractive to us instead of becoming re-attached to the decaying and dead corpse that is Somalia.

After finally liberating Somaliland, we were left to our own to broker our reconciliation process, to consolidate peace our way from the grass roots, to demobilize our massive militia with our own resources, and to draft a Constitution for our people. We were left to our own devices to put in place a democratically elected government, to maintain law and order, and to rely on our limited resources to rebuild our country to where it is today. Most importantly, we held a referendum in May 2001 during which 97% of our people voted for our separation from Somalia. We have since held Local Government Elections, Presidential Elections, and in a few weeks will be holding our first Parliamentary Elections.

Today, we are proud that Somaliland is a country of peace, hope and determination. Millions of our people have returned home from the refugee camps and from the Diaspora, thousands of dwellings have been rebuilt and major economic infrastructure have been repaired such as roads, bridges, schools, hospitals, ports and airports.

Our economic development has been very dramatic, and since we have never been given any loans, Somaliland is the only country in Africa without any foreign debts. We make do with what we have.

The system of free market economy of our country is one that fully agrees with the entrepreneurial character of our people. Consequently, our country is increasingly attracting foreign investors who wish to do business with us and who are interested in our un-tapped mineral resources, including our oil, gas, coal, and the world's largest gypsum deposits. Our 850 kilometer-long coastline is rich with marine resources and is ready for development.

6-Our main Port of Berbera serves as a major outlet/inlet for our goods as well as for land-locked Ethiopia with a population of over 75 million who uses our port for much of its food-aid. We have recently signed an agreement with Ethiopia to formalize their use of our port as well as the use of the Berbera airport for heavy air cargo since it has the longest runway in Africa having been built by the USA as one of the six landing sites for the Columbia space shuttle.

The good relations we enjoy with neighboring States are the cornerstones of our foreign policy, which envisions a more stable, democratic and prosperous Horn of Africa.

The fundamental objective of our foreign policy is to achieve international recognition, become a legitimate and a full member of the nations of the world, as well as to build strong external partnerships based on friendly relations and on mutual interest and respect with all countries, peoples, and International Organizations.

To this end, it is the prime task of Somaliland to protect the territorial integrity of the Nation and the inherent interests and dignity of its citizens.

We stand neither for secession, nor for the revision of Africa's borders. Somaliland was among the first African States to be free from colonial rule, and our demand for recognition implies full respect of the borders received at the time of independence from Great Britain in accordance with article 4(b) of the OAU Constitutive Act.

We are by no means the first African State to have entered into a voluntary union with another and subsequently withdrawn from that union intact.

7. The following countries have all done likewise and have never been punished for it: -Senegal and Mali, in 1960, -Egypt, and Syria, in 1961, -Rwanda and Burundi in 1962, -Senegal and Gambia in 1968, -Cape Verde/ Guinea-Bissau in 1975, -Ethiopia and Eritrea in 1993. -Elsewhere, Sweden and Norway were one country at one time and have since separated -So have countless States in Eastern Europe and in Asia in recent years.

The International community should realize that undermining the achievements of Somaliland, sadly also undermines the universal goals that are to promote peace, stability, and good governance in Africa.

Failing to recognize Somaliland would be a great discredit to Human Rights and to democracy itself. It would destroy the hard-won stability that Somaliland enjoys today, and would result in another mass exodus from the Horn of Africa that would once again scatter our people to the four corners of the world.

Somalilanders have made a clear choice during our referendum. We now urge the international community to respect the rights and the choice of the people of Somaliland whose steady progress should be an example to the rest of the continent.

Thank you all for your attention.

Dr. Edna Adan Ismail, Minister of Foreign Affairs. 2005-09-06

"The representation of women remains very low and fails to reflect the pivotal role they play in Somaliland's socio-economic life," members of the Somali Democratisation Programme Steering Committee said in a statement issued in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, following a mission to Hargeysa, Somaliland's capital, on 30 and 31 August.

The committee is made up of the European Commission (chair), the War-Torn Societies Project International (implementing partner), Britain, Denmark, Italy, Norway, Switzerland and the United States.

Somaliland, the northwestern region of Somalia, declared independence from the rest of Somalia following the overthrow of President Muhammad Siyad Barre in 1991, but has not been internationally recognised as a separate state.

The international committee however commended the electoral body and civil society groups in Somaliland for their efforts in promoting democracy through voter education initiatives ahead of the polls.

"Considerable progress has been made in the preparations for the elections, which will conclude the first full cycle of the democratisation process in Somaliland," it said, adding that it had been encouraged by the commitment expressed by all three political parties to holding peaceful, fair and free elections in line with a code of conduct agreed on 18 July.

"The Steering Committee urges maximum tolerance and restraint on all parties, and looks forward to the rapid establishment of the Election Monitoring Board to assist the NEC [Nation Electoral Commission] in the event of disputes," the committee said in a statement issued by the European Commission's delegation in Kenya, which also handles the commission's Somalia operations.

It said donors had contributed 1.4 million euros (US $1.75 million) to fund Somaliland's parliamentary elections.

He is nicknamed such because of his admirable way of strumming ud (arabian lute)and his compositions. Unlike the contemporary beat of songs like Nagmay, Dararamle is known for the traditional Somali sound.

I wondered how his music differ from that of King Khalid or that of Abdil Jabar Alkhaliji, o-ne Somali friend in his mid-20's described it as "Our version of country music".

I met Dararamle in a very small gathering of foreigners and Somalilanders weeks ago and watched him strum those strings and witnessed the spontaneous rhythm of claps and voices that joined the flow of Somali sound in the air.

Our thanks to Said, Haroon and Sacadia for giving us the chance to experience the event.

Durmaan

Duurmaan is the Somali drum made of cattle skin, this instrument is widely used by women sometimes in all female religious gatherings, in weddings and in social occasions.

Nowadays, the production of durmaan must have doubled due to the coming electoral campaign. During elections, groups of women are mobilized by political parties to hop from o-ne village to another. Drum beating in villages with women ululating is a typical sight during campaign season, don't be surprised if bus full of drum beating, clapping, ululating women pass by.

Both parties (KULMIYE & U"ID) announced that the ruling party (UDUB) is not respecting the Code of Conduct they agreed on stating, "Ministers abusing power by dismissing staff who support the opposition. New ministers and senior staff are being nominated, and some supporters of the opposition have been sent to Prison."

The two parties accused the government of threatening opposition candidates, creating an atmosphere of suspicion among the people and creating tension and agitation by trying to demark the regional borders of Hargeisa, Awdal and Sahil.

The opposition parties called on the NEC to restrain the government from all actions that can have negative effect on the election, make sure that public funds - such as the newly printed money in the national Bank or incomes from the ports, Airports, Hargeisa Water are not used by the ruling party for the campaign.

The two parties called on the people to show patience and perseverance, to respect the law and avoid anything that might disrupt the stability.

They called on the government to contribute towards ascertaining that a free and fair election is held, refrain from any action that might affect the election and drop the Public Order Law which the government is still using (this law has been voted against almost 2 years ago by Parliament) and the threatening of candidates which is new to our culture.

The two parties concluded their Press Conference with the message that they will do everything to have a fair and free election.

On the first day of the election campaign, thousands of supporters of the opposition Justice and Welfare party took part in a rally held at the Independence Park in Hargeisa, after going through the main streets using buses and small cars. The supporters were carrying party flag, pictures of their regional candidates and shouting slogans such as "UCID will be the winner".

4 party candidates, one of them a woman addressed the rally with their main theme and message focusing on unemployment and social services. They promised to provide employment and better social services than the ruling party if they are elected.

The Regional Chairman of the Justice and Welfare Party, Omer Aw Ali Jama called on supporters to vote for party candidates.

The Campaign for the Parliamentary elections began in the early hours of the morning with a policy speech by Faisal Ali Warabe released by Radio Hargeisa (This is the first time that a policy speech by the opposition is released by the State radio).

Faisal Ali Warabe said; "We will introduce compulsory primary education for children between the ages of 7-14. We will provide free health service for nationals and recognition will be our priority".

Speaking about the parliamentary election, he said; "Our party will refrain from doing everything that will contribute towards holding a fair, free and democratic election".

On the second day of the campaign, thousands of supporters of the main opposition KULMIYE party went through the streets in Hargeisa on buses and small cars and loud speakers carrying party flags, pictures of candidates and shouting that their party will be the winner.

At the Independence Park where they hold their rally in Hargeisa, Deputy Chairman of KULMIYE and former Vice-president, Abdirahman Aw Ali spoke about the two previous elections saying that the party took major strides forward and was successful.

Abdirahman spoke the need for change and said that KULMIYE will make change in the Judiciary and Justice, society Welfare and provide support for the nomadic population.

The Deputy Chairman in his speech said, "We have saved the country from the clutches of Siad Barre by using the bullet, but today we are going to do that, by voting democratically and as such I call on those communities who intend to boycott the election not to do so".

Chairman of KULMIYE Party Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo addressing the rally said, "The parliamentary election will be the most important election and as such i urge all eligible voters to vote for those candidates, who will lead the people of Somaliland to the realization of their destiny."

Silanyo appealed to the people to preserve peace and stability. He said, "We need to have a functioning government and I assure you that our candidates are fit to do that".

He stressed that KULMIYE will fight corruption, embezzlement, nepotism, lack of transparency, unaccountability and secret agreements.

He said, "We are afraid that secret agreements concerning our land and sea oil resources might have been reached. We call on the government to clarify its position on secret agreements".

He concluded his speech, saying, "Let us put the country on the right track through the ballot box. Vote for KULMIYE".

On the 3rd day of the Campaign thousands of supporters of the ruling party UDUB took part in the rally at the Independence Park in Hargeisa, in support of their party and candidates.

Thousands of supporters carrying party flags and pictures of candidates were inside the Park and outside it. The Independence Park was over crowded and many supporters were playing folklore dances.

Abdillahi Mohamed Du'ale, minister of Information speaking in the name of the government, said; "The government has resolved to complete the democratic process that it began by holding a free and fair election. I appeal to the people to support the government to achieve this goal".

Speaking about the media, he said; "You have seen that the state media is neutral and that all parties are releasing their campaign. I remind the private media and journalists not to be carried away by friendship and as such loose their objectivity".

The minister of Information called on the people to give their votes to God-fearing candidates, who will represent them.

"This is the first time for the majority of our youth to vote, in a parliamentary election. We urge all the parties to refrain from taking any act, that might arouse their feelings and as such cause instability and have negative consequences on our aspirations, for the world is watching us," he said addressing the parties and their candidates.

Abdillahi Mohamed Du'ale warned the administration of Puntland to respect neighbourliness and as such not to meddle or interfere in the election saying that Somaliland will loose its patience.

The Secretary General of UDUB, Mohamed Ismail Bullale addressing the rally stated that SNM, which freed the country, belongs to the people and as such cannot be claimed by any party alone. He said, "Public property is the responsibility of the government. The parties can complain if they are denied access to the state media or holding rallies at public squares."

Mohamed Ismail Bullale, criticized KULMIYE leaders. He said, "They were those who led the country from 1991-1997 and were the cause for confrontation civil strife and displacement."

Speaking about the opposition UCID he said, "Most of its leaders are from the Diaspora, who have good intentions but are inexperienced in our culture".

With the date of the parliamentary elections getting closer and closer, Somalilanders will soon have an opportunity to reshape the political landscape for the better or the worse. It will all depend on one decision: who they vote for. This is not only an important decision, but a difficult one. So we thought of a way that may help people decide. We will call it voting by categorization and elimination using a set of criteria.

The first category is the easiest one. It is those who held public office before. The voter knows, or should know, the record of these candidates, then decide whether to vote for them or not based on that record. It does not matter whether they were parliamentarians, ministers or held some other public office. What is important is how well they did their job.

The second category is those who have not held public office. Although it is difficult to predict future behavior of political candidates, there are some relevant pointers. For example, the voter could ask himself how did this candidate get on the party list. Was he approved by his community elders? Was he a party activist? Or did he pay a bribe or use some other crooked way to get on that party's list. If the answer is that the candidate got on the list through some irregular means, then chances are that he will commit bigger irregularities once in office, therefore, the voter should avoid voting for such a candidate.

In addition, the voter could ask himself the following questions:

- Has the candidate displayed a sense of civic duty in the last few years? For example, did he initiate or participate in projects that help the community? - Has the candidate shown entrepreneurship and initiative?
- Is the candidate employed, self-employed or is he an idler who probably looks at being in the parliament as an opportunity to make easy living?
- Is the candidate disciplined and goal-oriented in his personal life?
- Is the candidate addicted to qat or any other drugs?

NAIROBI, 1 Sep 2005 (IRIN) - Human rights violations, including harassment of minorities and trafficking in human beings, have remained rampant in Somalia despite the creation of a transitional government for that country, an independent expert said on Thursday.

"The human rights situation has not improved," Ghanim Alnajjar, the UN Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in Somalia, told a news conference in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, at the end of an 11-day mission to Somalia.

He said the fledgling Somali transitional federal government lacked the capacity to deal with the human rights problem, mainly because it had still not established its authority on the ground.

That government - led by President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed - was formed in Nairobi in October 2004 and relocated to Somalia in June 2005.

Alnajjar said minorities continued to be harassed and the lack of an authority to police Somalia's long coastline had encouraged human trafficking.

"The world is not paying enough attention to the situation in Somalia," he said, and added that the international community looked at Somalia as a "security problem" yet the country received little external support to restore stability.

"The lack of coastline monitoring encourages human trafficking, often with fatal consequences for those who seek to leave Somalia for a better life elsewhere, many of whom drown or arrive at their destination only to discover that their hopes for a better life cannot be realised," he said.

Illegal fishing by foreign vessels in Somalia's territorial waters had also continued to deplete the country's marine resources, he added.

"The lack of protection of the Somali coastline has allowed illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing activities by foreign vessels to take place, diverting resources that could considerably improve the livelihoods of Somalis," he added.

He reiterated his call for the launch of an organisation mandated to safeguard the Somali coastline until Somalia's own authorities developed the capacity to undertake that function.

Alnajjar, a professor of political science at the University of Kuwait, expressed concern over the plight of Somalia's 370,000 internally displaced persons, whom he said lived in desperate conditions.

He said he was also concerned about recent reports that non-Somali refugees inside Somalia were being unfairly targeted and harassed by authorities "under the guise of anti-terrorism operations".

The independent expert spoke out against reports that "certain countries" were stepping up efforts to repatriate - at times forcibly - Somali refugees and asylum seekers without ascertaining that their safety would be guaranteed inside Somalia.

Lamenting the lack of access to primary and secondary school education for many Somali children, Alnajjar said: "With an estimated enrolment rate of 19.9 percent, efforts to ensure the basic right to education of these children should be stepped up."

Associations of disabled people had reported numerous cases of discrimination, Alnajjar said, and many of them had urged him to support their efforts to increase awareness of the challenges they faced in their daily lives.

He condemned the recent killings of human rights activist Abdulkadir Yahya Ali, local journalist Duniya Muhaydin and the BBC's Kate Peyton, and appealed to political, religious and business leaders in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, to ensure that attacks on human rights defenders and media personnel ceased.

Alnajjar also said he was appalled by conditions in the main prison in Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland; the prison was built in 1942 with the capacity to hold 150 inmates, but nearly 700 prisoners were crammed into it despite the lack of sanitary and medical facilities.

"It is a shameful place, the lack of medical facilities is beyond belief," he said. "Prisons in Somalia remain unacceptable and much below international human rights standards, mainly due to lack of funding and management know-how."

He noted, however, that land had been set aside for the construction of a new prison in Somaliland.

Alnajjar said Somali Prime Minister Ali Muhammad Gedi had expressed his commitment to include the establishment of an independent national human rights commission in the agenda of the interim government.

During his mission to Jowhar, Hargeisa (Somaliland), Garowe (Puntland), and Nairobi, Dr. Alnajjar met with local authorities, civil society organizations, journalists and the international community including representatives of UN agencies and donor countries in an effort to investigate and report on the prevailing human rights situation in Somalia.

The Independent Expert is concerned by reports that certain countries are stepping up efforts to repatriate - at times forcefully - Somali refugees and asylum-seekers to Somalia without certainty that their safety would be guaranteed. Dr. Alnajjar is equally concerned by recent reports that non-Somali refugees inside Somalia are being unfairly targeted and harassed by the authorities under the guise of anti-terrorism operations. He calls upon the international community to ensure that the rights of refugees and asylum-seekers are fully respected.

In Somaliland, Dr. Alnajjar was encouraged to see that preparations for parliamentary elections, scheduled for 29 September 2005, were well underway. In this context, he held discussions with leaders of the political parties contesting the elections. He highlighted the need to ensure that the voices of women, minorities and the disabled be heard, and was pleased with the positive responses he received in this regard. Dr. Alnajjar also welcomed the decision of Somaliland authorities to allocate land on the outskirts of Hargeisa for a new prison, allowing for the demolition of Hargeisa Central Prison, an issue which the Independent Expert has been campaigning for over the past several years. The prison, built in 1942 with a capacity to hold 150 inmates, currently houses nearly 700.

Dr. Alnajjar continued his efforts to secure the release of prisoners of war in Puntland and Somaliland, held in captivity as a result of the Sool/Sanag conflict. After talks with top officials on both sides, Dr. Alnajjar is hopeful of a speedy resolution of the issue. He met with Somaliland POWs held in Puntland, and was pleased to see that they were well treated. He was informed by independent sources that the same applies to Puntland POWs held in Somaliland. He was happy to note that the ICRC has confirmed its willingness to provide logistical assistance to facilitate the exchange if and when a final agreement is reached between the two parties.

Dr. Alnajjar is on his fifth annual fact-finding visit to the region since being appointed Independent Expert on the Situation of Human Rights in Somalia by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June 2001. His mandate is to assess the prevailing human rights situation in Somalia and report his findings to the UN Commission on Human Rights. Dr. Alnajjar is a professor of Political Science at the University of Kuwait and carries out his duties on a voluntary basis. During his mission, Dr. Alnajjar was accompanied by Human Rights Officer Paul d'Auchamp, of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Women: The IE applauded the initiative and persistence of countless Somali women who are showing leadership in a wide variety of fields such as education, development and, in particular, the demobilization of militia in Mogadishu.

Establishment of independent human rights institutions: Independent human rights institutions have on-going, advisory authority in respect to human rights at the national and/or international level. These purposes are pursued either in a general way, through opinions and recommendations, or through the consideration and resolution of complaints submitted by individuals or groups.

The IE welcomes the commitment by TFG Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi to include the establishment of an Independent National Human Rights Commission as an agenda item to be discussed in the next meeting of the TFG Cabinet. The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR) has extensive experience in providing technical assistance towards the establishment of such institutions, and stands ready to assist the TFG. In Somaliland, an independent human rights institution is in the final stages of establishment, with the assistance of UNDP's Rule of Law and Security.

Programme

IDPs: There are approximately 370,000 Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Somalia and Somaliland and the IE wishes to draw attention once more to the desperate conditions under which they live. He appreciates the efforts of the United Nations, NGOs and others to improve the conditions in which they live and encourages donors to support them generously.

Children: The IE is particularly concerned about many Somali childrens' lack of access to primary and secondary education. With an estimated enrolment rate of 19.9%, efforts to ensure the basic right to education of these children should be stepped up.

The disabled: Associations of disabled persons in Somaliland reported numerous cases of discrimination and urged the IE to support their efforts to increase awareness of the challenges they face in their daily lives.

Minorities: Minority groups continue to be marginalized and discriminated against. In Somaliland, representatives of some of these groups requested that the IE support them in raising their concerns with Somaliland authorities and the three main political parties, and stressed their desire to be included in the political process.

Coastline: With the pressing need for diversified income generating activities, the lack of protection of the Somali coastline has allowed Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing activities by foreign vessels to take place, diverting resources that could considerably improve the livelihoods of Somalis. The lack of coastline monitoring encourages human trafficking, often with fatal consequences for those that seek to leave Somalia for a better life elsewhere many of whom drown or arrive at their destination only to discover that their hopes for a better life cannot be realized. The IE reiterates his calls for the establishment of an organization mandated to safeguard the Somali coastline until such time that the Somali authorities are able to undertake such functions.

Joint Needs Assessment: The Somali Joint Needs Assessment (JNA) is intended to help begin to achieve sustained reconstruction and development and deepen the peace process by having teams of Somali and international technical experts work together to assess needs and develop prioritized initiatives to achieve reconstruction and development and reinforce peace building. After extensive consultations with stakeholders, the Somali Joint Needs Assessment Concept Note has been prepared jointly by the United Nations and World Bank and reviewed by the TFG Minister for Planning and International Cooperation.

The IE applauds the efforts to conduct the JNA and emphasizes the need for full participation by civil society and calls that due consideration be given to the complex political context at this critical stage of the transition process.

Prison conditions: Prisons in Somalia remain unacceptable and much below international human rights standards mainly due to lack of funding and management know-how. Whilst recognizing the sensitivity of this issue, the IE requests the international community to reconsider their hesitancy to support effort to improve prisons.

Somaliland refers to the self-declared, but unrecognized Republic of Somaliland in the northwest, Puntland refers to the self-declared Federal State of Puntland in the northeast

Re: Human Rights issues in Somalia

Dear Dr. Ghanim Alnajjar

We are glad to hear you visiting Somalia again to assess human rights issues. We would like to take this opportunity to highlight some issues which we are concerned about. Human rights issues have not been better since your last visit of the country.

We believe that human rights abuses were one of the main reasons for the collapse of the former Somali Democratic Republic. Similarly, taking no account on human rights issues and humanitarian law in the Somali peace negotiations are some of the main reasons for the failures of setting a working government in Somalia for the last fourteen years.

Our concerns is shared by the majority of Somalis as they feel that those believed responsible for the worst human rights atrocities in Somalis have been rewarded with high office government office. One of this is President Abdullahi Yusuf who on 23 March 2005 lost damage case to the widow and children of the late Sultan Ahmed Mohamed Mohamud (known as Sultan Hurre) in the UK Court. The respected Sultan was killed on the 17th of August 2002 at Kala-bayrka, in Puntland state of Somalia, by the personal bodyguards of Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf.

The real intention of the killing of Sultan Hurre was intended to threaten and curb the grassroots development from taking root in Somalia. This trend has not ceased as they are still in many part of Somali regions.

It is unfortunate that after two years of Somali reconciliation in Kenya, Somalia is embracing a renewal of violence as there is a build up of tension and political hostility within the new Somali institutions. Since the formation of the Somali Transitional Federal Government (TFG) in 2004, two main problems seem to have stalled its activities. These are: (i) The deployment of foreign peacekeeping troops in Somalia, and (ii) The temporary relocation of the capital until it is cleared of militia and freelance gangs. These matters have divided the government, the parliament and the presidency into two or more groups.

The real losers are the Somali people while the warlords, turned to `statesmen', are employing media rhetoric tension to shore up their position. SHHRF believes that a warlord is a warlord and he should be held responsible for his deeds.

by Sultan Hurre Human Rights Focus (SHRRF)

In the capital Hargeysa, the 3 parties have so far conducted their campaigns in the same style. Each party announced the launching of its campaign by vehicles mounted with loudspeakers that went through the streets as early as 7 o'clock in the morning. A long procession of vehicles carrying supporters of various party candidates for parliament, then filled the streets en-route to the Liberty Garden where rallies were held later. Pictures of candidates were sticked onto buses and cars that had been specially hired for the occasion or provided freely by supporters. Few political banners were visible and most candidates seemed as though they were not at ease with public campaigning. The majority of contenders still preferred campaigning through the Mafrish (Qat chewing place), as rival candidates from the same tribal constituency competed against each other to win as much support as possible from members of the common lineage.

Since no marches were held, it was difficult to guess the strength of the supporter turn-out for each candidate or party. However pressure is already mounting for the contenders in this parliamentary campaign to announce their policies with regard to some pressing issues such the country's high unemployment rates, poor public services (education, health, judiciary, roads, land) and corruption within government.

The September 29 elections for the lower house of parliament (House of Representatives) will constitute Somaliland's third experimentation with multi-party elections in less than 3 years, following the local council elections and presidential elections held in 2002 and 2003 respectively.

246 candidates will compete for the 82-seat House in all the regions of Somaliland including Sool and eastern Sanag. There are only 7 women candidates or less than 3% of the total test of candidates.

The upcoming elections are expected to witness a higher level of voter participation, compared to the previous two elections, given the greater number of candidates and polling stations available for this polling. However preparations for the conduction of these elections have already posed gigantic challenges for both the National Electoral Commission and the contesting political parties' candidates.

The struggling NEC does not have enough money even to cover basic logistical, administrative and technical needs, while neither the political parties nor their candidates have funds for fielding their own monitors at polling stations. Although a donor delegation that visited the country few days ago was said to have pledged support, however the international community has largely remained indifferent to Somaliland's democratic electoral process.

The next few days are expected to witness thousands of political activities going into action, campaigning for the candidates of their political parties by holding rallies and making speeches in towns and villages. Despite facing tremendous odds, Somalilanders however seem to be determined to seize this opportunity in order to elect their true representatives in parliament.

According to the Norwegian business journal Dagen Naeringsliv, Meier was accused of creating bogus business entities including a fake firm by the name Inverse International, purporting to be involved in oil exploration.

By claiming to be in the oil business, Meier was reportedly able to trick a number of African leaders including Somaliland's President Dahir Rayale and Somalia's factional Premier, Ali Gedi. Meier visited Somaliland in December 2002. He was accompanied by another accomplice, Rakesh Rajan, a Briton of Indian decent. The two signed a deal on oil exploration in Somaliland with the then Minister of Water and Mineral Resources, Mohamed Abdi Farah (Malow). Meier and Rajan then met with President Rayale.

Dagens Naeringsliv ran a long story on Magne Andreas Meier's fraudulent oil businesses in its August 27 edition. It referred to a front page article published by Somaliland Times on December 28, 2002 under the banner "Fake Company Strikes Deal with Minerals Ministry". The Norwegian publication said despite Somaliland Times' revelations, Somaliland Minister of Water and Minerals at the time M. A. Farah [Malow] defended the deal by insisting that "Inverse International" was a genuine company. (see below the full text of the Times' Dec 28, 2002 article).

More recently Meier was quick to establish ties with Somalia's latest factional Premier Ali Mohamed Gedi.

Gedi became so impressed by Meier's credentials that he appointed the Norwegian as his special advisor and Somalia's Consular General in Norway. The 2 men were introduced by Abdirahman Libaan, one of Gedi's supporters living in Norway.

Gedi announced last Sunday that his government was ready to start granting oil concessions soon. He also warned international oil companies against dealing with anyone other than his faction in the so-called Transitional Federal Government of Somalia.

Gedi cited an agreement under which an Australian oil company offered cash money to the authorities in Somalia's Puntland region for oil exploration. Puntland reacted angrily to Gedi's statement, saying that it wasn't his business to interfere with the deal.

It isn't yet clear what prompted Gedi to talk about oil concessions at this particular stage, or whether his relations with Meier had influenced him.

Below is the De

c 2002 article in which Somaliland Times first blew the whistle on Meier: "Fake Company Strikes Deal With Minerals Ministry

Inverse International Doesn't Exist As A Real Company, Somaliland Times, Issue 49 December 28, 2002

London (SL Times): A company by the name of Inverse International which had concluded an oil exploration deal with Somaliland Ministry of Minerals and Water earlier this month, has turned out to be fake.

"Inverse International" address has been traced to an apartment in Essex, England, dwelled by an Indian family. The company listed its executive officers as Magne Andreas Meier and Rakesh Rajan. It was registered in earlier this month as being located at 9 Clarendon Gardens, Ilford, Essex, IG1 3JN.

Two persons purporting to represent Inverse International came to Hargeisa two weeks ago. They were welcomed by Somaliland's Minister of Mineral Resources, M. A. Farah. The Minister then announced that an oil deal has been concluded. Later, he was lavish in his praise of the "company" as one with the necessary financial and technical capabilities to do the job - oil exploration and drilling - "The people who used to come here were mostly brokers and not real companies. This is a real company with extensive experience in Sudan, Saudi Arabia and Europe."

It is not the first time that the Minister has been cheated by people pretending to represent an oil company. Out of 4 agreements he had signed since assuming office, none has been implemented.

However, following revelations that Rakesh Rajan has connections with Italian Mafia group engaged in toxic waste disposal, the faltering of Farah's last deal could be a blessing from the sky.

Rakesh Rajan and a Somali holding an Italian passport by the name of Omer Osman are also listed among the directors of Bushido Security Services Ltd. The Somali lives in Italy but his address in Britain is 40 Montague Road Leytonstone, London E11 3EN. Bushido is registered as a toxic waste disposal company.

There were reports in the recent past that Somalis recruited by the Italian Mafia have been involved in international operations for dumping nuclear waste along the coast of Somalia. Osman had reportedly introduced "Inverse" to Somaliland's Minister of Minerals. It is not clear yet whether Osman is the same man charged with taking part in nuclear waste dumping operations."

Illegal fishing off Somalia's coast has reached proportions of about $300-million annually, a United Nations official said on Thursday in Nairobi.

"It is mostly foreign vessels but we don't know who they are," said Ghanim Alnajjar, the UN's independent expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia.

"Some Russians claim they have previous agreements and have paid licences, but no one can prove that", he added.

This has led to serious environmental concerns of the depletion in the fish-rich Somali waters.

The expert also said that despite the relocation back home of the Somali government from Kenya, the human rights situation in the conflict ridden country had not improved.

Alnajjar, who had just visited several parts of the country, said there were still massive security problems and he could not go to Mogadishu as planned.

"The situation remains catastrophic," he said.

The prospects of a planned election in Somaliland on September 29, however, were a positive sign, he said. The semi-autonomous northern region of Somaliland did not participate in the peace process. - Sapa-DPA

Dr. M.Y. Ali and Dr. Ali keli - Hargeisa, Somaliland - 31 August, 2005

Open letter to His Excellency Dahir Riyale Kahin, President of Somaliland regarding PSA between the government of Somaliland and unknown Company called REC for exclusive right to conduct petroleum operations in Somaliland

Dahir Riyale Kahin, President of Somaliland, Hargeisa, Somaliland. 29th July 2005

Dear President,

We are a group of experts in the field of petroleum exploration with no political aspirations. As compatriots of this country we feel compelled to warn the government and the people of this country, the dangers that the country may face if they neglect and destroy the natural resources that are present in the country.

We believe that hydrocarbon is Somaliland's most important asset. Handled correctly, it will be the basis of the country's future development. However, our main concern here is the destruction and exploitation of the country's hydrocarbon resources by its own elected authorities with the help of professional bandits. As you are aware, your government has secretly signed a Production Sharing Agreement (PSA) with an obscure UK-based company called Rova Energy Corporation Limited (REC) in April, 27, 2003 for the sole and exclusive right to conduct Petroleum Operations including exploration, appraisal, development and production in blocks 35, 36, M10 and M10A (East of Berbera to East of Laasqoray, offshore and onshore). These blocks are located in the heart of petroliferous province and were operated by Amoco and its partners before they declared force majeure in 1989. Furthermore, your government has recently (July, 2005) permitted REC to commence the Second Exploration Phase, although the Initial Exploration Phase has expired in April 26, 2004, while REC did not fulfil its obligation under the Agreement.

We remind your government that there should be a high level of competency and transparency in all agreements that the government has entered into, including how the resources from these investments will be used for the interests of the people. After examining the Agreement and a report prepared by REC, we believe that this Agreement is illegitimate, and it should be terminated immediately. The reasons for pronouncing this are listed below:

1. Rova Energy Corporation (REC) Limited. The registered office of REC is Falcon House, 257 Burlington Road, New Malden, Surrey, KT3 4NE, UK. The Company's registration Number is 03861142. REC changed its name on April 10, 2003 from Rova Energy Limited. It claims that the nature of its business is services to oil and gas extraction. There are only four officers in the company with directors being Ananda Kumar CHAKRABARTI and Jawahir CHAKRABARTI and the secretary as Amina CHAKRABARTI. All three of them are residing at the same address. The fourth individual is Vincent Dato LEONG, a Malaysian who is living in Kuala Lumpur. The company has only issued 100 shares worth œ1 each. Therefore, the total nominal value of issued shares is only œ100. The shareholders are Dr. Jawahir ALI who held 16 shares, Dr. Jawahir Mohamed ALI who held 1 share, Ananda Kumar CHAKRABARTI who held 17 shares, Anandar Kumar CHAKRABARTI who held 1 share, and Westmont Offshore HK Ltd who held 65 shares. The first four shareholders are residing at the same address of that of the directors of the company. It is, therefore, obvious that they are the same two individuals who are using different names to deceive the authorities.

From the attached documents and the above account it is clear that this company was established to trick the government of Somaliland with the intention to filch the hydrocarbon resources of the country. As seen from the Annual Return, this company has no means to conduct petroleum operations in the country. It is a broker, trying to take advantage from the lack of law and order in the country, and it is not a genuine company.

Furthermore, this company has no track record of exploration and production of hydrocarbon in anywhere else in the world. Moreover, it has no qualified Petroleum Geologists, Geophysicists and Petroleum Engineers who can assist the hydrocarbon potential in the Contract Area. As a result your government should have not appointed this bogus company to be the Contractor for the Petroleum Operations in the Contract Area.

2. Production Sharing Agreement (PSA)

There are a lot of flaws in the Agreement which your government have signed with REC. Some of these are listed below: a. Mining/Hydrocarbon Act Somaliland has no approved Mining/Hydrocarbon Act. Therefore, we believe that the PSA should have not been signed without the existence of Mining Act in the country. The priority should have been to establish the Mining Act, so that the future PSA and Exploration Licenses should be according to the Mining Act of the country.

b. Concession Holders: For the interest of Somaliland, we believe it is better to renegotiate with the concession holders (i.e. BP and its partners), instead of signing a new agreement with a bogus company. Furthermore, it is questionable whether this Agreement is legal since the concession holders declared force majeure in 1989 due to the civil war in the country.

c. Exploration Phase

Under the Agreement the Contractor is not obliged to carry out rigorous exploration activities for the purpose of exploring the oil and gas potential within the Contract Area. The Contractor is not required to acquire geological and geophysical data, for example it is not obligatory for the Contractor to: i. Shoot, process and interpret two dimensional or three dimensional seismic lines. It is a common practice with this type of agreements to demand the Contractors to acquire minimum area coverage (e.g. 300 sq. km) of 3D seismic. ii. Carry out an upper section site investigation survey in the Contract Area to ensure a safe and environmentally sound base for drilling. iii. Drill exploration wells in the Contract Area during the Initial Exploration Phase. This phase should include the drilling of two to six exploratory wells.

d. Acreage Fees

Under the agreement, the Contractor is not obliged to pay annual acreage fees in the Contract Area. It is a common practice in the industry for the Contractors to pay an annual acreage fee of up to one thousand ($1,000) dollars per square kilometre of the Contract Area during the Exploration Period. Knowing that the concession area of blocks 35 and M10A is 16,272 square kilometres, it is apparent that the country is losing a huge amount of needed income.

e. Employment and Training Opportunity

The Agreement does not include providing training opportunities to the Ministry's professionals, and employment preferences for the citizens of Somaliland. It also does not include a community benefits component.

3. Contractor has not fulfilled its Obligation under the PSA Obligations under the Agreement include: "5.2 (a) (i) During the Initial Exploration Period, the Contractor shall conduct the following exploration work programme: A. Review, reprocess and reinterpret existing seismic data;
B. Define drilling location(s) and logistical programmes for one or more wells.

The Minimum Expenditure for this period shall be Five hundred thousand US dollars (US$ 500,000)."

The Initial Exploration Period was 12 months from the date of the contract. It is clear (as documented below) that the Contractor has not fulfilled its obligation in the Contract Area under Article 5.2 (a) (i). Therefore, the Agreement should have expired in April 26, 2004 after the end of the Initial Exploration Period.

a. Failure to Review Existing Data

Under the Agreement, the Contractor is required to review existing geophysical and geological data. However, the only report that the Contractor submitted to the Ministry of Water and Mineral Resources was not an original report. The Contractor has copied the report from existing reports and publications. It is clear by examining the report that the Contractor has cut and pasted without adding new data or interpretation, and at the same time claiming to be its own work. This is a crime that deserves a punishment. In addition, the report does not contain enough detailed information that can be used to plan drilling locations for exploratory wells.

b. Failure to Reprocess and Reinterpret Existing Seismic Data There is no evidence at all to show that the Contractor has either reprocessed or reinterpreted the existing seismic data. Once more the Contactor has copied a few sections of 2D seismic profiles from existing company reports to allude that it reinterpreted these lines. Moreover, in the report there is no evidence to indicate that the Contractor understands the Petroleum System of the Contract Area.

c. Failure to Define Well Location

In the report, the Contractor has not mentioned the location of exploratory wells as demanded by the Agreement. This is not surprise because the Contractor:
- Never visited the Contract Area
- Has no knowledge of the Petroleum System of the Contract Area
- Has not reprocessed and reinterpreted the existing data
- Has not acquired new seismic data that can be used to define the location of exploratory wells

It is, therefore, foolish to suggest that the Contractor can define the location of exploration wells without the help of 2D and 3D seismic data. 2D seismic data has been very effective in mapping traps for hydrocarbon accumulations. 3D seismic surveys are now being implemented, and have proved very successful in the exploration for oil in small fields.

- Has not interpreted exploration models that forms the basis for a decision about potential exploration drilling
- Has not planned logistical programmes for drilling exploratory wells

d. Failure to Meet Expenditure Commitment

Under the Agreement, the Contractor should have expended no less that US$ 500,000 during the Initial Exploration Period. However, there is no record to show that the Contractor has spent this amount for the purpose of exploring the oil and gas potential within the Contract Area. It should be noted that the Contractor never visited the Contract Area. The only activity that it claims to have carried out is the report that it copied from the existing publications.

4. Recommendations

On the basis of the above account, it is apparent that: a. Rova Energy Corporation Limited is a fake company that has no income to conduct exploration activities in the Contract Area. It is trying to take advantage of the situation of the country, to exploit the hydrocarbon resources of the country. b. There are a lot of imperfections in the Agreement including the lack of Mining Act, the absence of rigorous exploration activities and the lack of annual acreage fees. c. The Contactor (REC) has breached its obligations in the Contract Area under Article 5.2. (a) (i). i. It failed to complete the activities listed in Article 5.2. (a) (i). ii. The Initial Exploration Period has expired in April 26, 2004 d. The Contractor did not carry out the Petroleum Operations in the Contract Area diligently; with due regard to good oil field practices. e. This bogus Contractor is blocking well known oil and gas companies that have skills and capital to invest and explore the country. f. To be in an agreement with this phoney company is a disgrace to our nation. It highlights your government's view with regards to international exploration licence awarding processes and how to safeguard the country's natural resources.

Therefore, we urge the President to:
- Unilaterally terminate this Agreement immediately.
- To stop this fake Contractor to have further rights to conduct Petroleum Operations or recover any Petroleum Costs in the Contract Area.
- To investigate the corrupt government officials who authorised this Agreement, and bring them to justice.

Finally, whatever the motives and the intentions behind this scandal are, we believe that it is within your government's duties to protect the country's natural resources.

We hope the will of the sincere citizens like us, shall have more thought with your Excellency.

We look forward to hearing from you.

Yours Sincerely,
Mohammed Yusuf Ali, BSc, MSc, PGCE, FGS, Ph.D.
Professor Ali teaches and researches in petroleum geophysics at The Petroleum Institute, Abu Dhabi, UAE. He can be reached at E-mail: mali@pi.ac.ae

Ahmed Ali, BEng (hons), MSc, Ph.D, DIC
Dr. Ali is a Petroleum Engineer currently working at Kings College London, University of London. He can be reached at E-mail: Ahmed.2.Ali@kcl.ac.uk

Cc: Qasim Sheik Yusuf, The Minister of Water and Mineral Resources

Annex

Register information1 of Rova Energy Corporation Ltd 1. Current Appointments Report, 2. 363s Annual Return, 3. DCA

1 These documents are obtained from Companies House, which stores company information delivered under the Companies Act. www.companieshouse.gov.uk

The leader of the delegation, who represents the EU, Richard [second name indistinct], told the president that the visit was related to observing the forthcoming parliamentary elections, which he described as historic.

The EU official said his team had already held talks with Somaliland's electoral commissioner, civil society groups, the interior minister, women and members of political parties. He said they were happy with the way things were being conducted.

For his part, the president of the republic thanked the delegation for the assistance it had extended to Somaliland, particularly to the electoral commission, saying it was necessary and badly needed in the country.

By Yassin Ismail, Kent, UK

As a Somalilander living in Diaspora Internet is naturally the most convenient way of keeping closely abreast of the events taking place back home. I was reading Haatuf online the other day as I saw this compelling editorial piece under the heading of First Lady's Illegal Activities and having read it on a reported face value, the nature of the alleged illegal wrong-doings I felt gobsmacked and deeply disgusted that the wife of the very man that we allotted for our leadership is now being implicated of having a 'thief' wife. This is so sad and if proven true it illustrates the disturbing realities of moral decadence that we 'as a nation' are going through. The revelations also cast dim shadow of deception, dishonesty and pure pilfering of public resources.

On the other hand I felt proud of the valor and bravery of the local press in keeping a vigilant eye of the public interest and bringing such a story into light. Well done guys but let's prove it. I also call upon the nation as a whole, urging them to play an impartial role in overseeing the progression of such a unique pursuit to bring our rulers accountable to the laws. Let's see if they are worthy of our trust.

Personally I will follow up this matter with special interest, being a former journalist working for the local press and should the Government bring into play their high handed ways of dealing with free press, I will offer my services for free to apprehend any further abuse of local journalists and press houses from the Government by inviting other International Freedom of press groups to keep up as the situations unfolds its dramatic dimensions.

To my fellow journalists I say let's play it by the book this time.

The HMN publishes three newspapers: the Somali language daily Haatuf, the Arabic weekly Al-Haatef, and this newspaper.

Somaliland government announced earlier this week that it was going to sue Haatuf for false information. The announcement came after the newspaper published allegations of corruption and nepotism in connection with the procurement of television equipment.

There was no information as to why the government wanted to search HMN offices. It was also unclear whether the government would appeal the regional court's decision denying the search warrant.

Meanwhile, the government-owned media continued its attacks on Haatuf and Somaliland Times through most of the week. However, the campaign has so far been counter-productive; failing to produce sympathy for the government while triggering a tremendous public support for the two sister newspapers.

Ghanim Al Najjar who is in the country since Wednesday said that Somaliland government has already promised to make the necessary plot of land available for the construction of Hargeysa's new central prison.

The new prison facility is to replace the existing one which has been over-congested and without basic utilities and services over the years. Al Najjar described the state of the prison as on the border of a real humanitarian tragedy.

Ghanim Al Najjar who was appointed by Kofi Anan in 2001, has taken upon himself to secure funds for the establishment of a new Hargeysa prison.

Green light will be given for the project once a site has been assigned he said.

The international expert on human rights for Somaliland and Somalia arrived in Hargeysa on Wednesday on a four-day visit. His mission is to look into a variety of issues ranging from human rights, including the rights of women and children, to the administration of justice as well as the state of minorities. He will be expected to meet government officials, human rights activists and political as well as civic leaders.

On Thursday, Dr Ghanim Al Najjar met with leaders of Somaliland Society for Independent Journalists and Writers (SSJW) and Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA) to discuss issues related to freedom of expression.

The UN expert is also expected to follow up an earlier offer to mediate exchange of prisoners of war between Somaliland and Puntland.

If public interest in a story doesn't die quickly or keeps growing, then the government takes the next step, which is to attack the newspaper or the person who made the information public. The government took this second step when it realized that the public's interest in its violations of the law and fraudulent activities by government ministers, the president and the first lady are not going away, so they have decided to attack Somaliland Times and Haatuf for revealing these unlawful activities. The point man in this campaign against the Haatuf and Somaliland Times is Somaliland's Minister of Information, Abdillahi Dualeh who did not say the usual automatic denial of wrongdoing by the president or his wife and went on to accuse the journal of having been paid, by a third party, to smear the presidential couple's reputation. When that did not seem to work, the government took the third step, which was to bring legal proceedings against Haatuf and its sister journal Somaliland Times.

It is clear to us that the President of Somaliland and most members of his government think that they are above the law, and that the law is just an instrument that they could use against whoever does not do their bidding or dares to challenge them. Furthermore, they think they could cherry pick whatever laws they want, even if it is the much hated Siyad Barre's dictatorial laws, and disregard the law of the land regarding the press that was passed by parliament and signed by the president. But just as they want to re-impose Siyad Barre's laws, we reiterate that the only laws that we acknowledge regarding the press are those that were passed by Somaliland parliament.

The series of illicit activities by President Rayale and his ministers have shown not only how deep is the corruption and lawlessness in his administration, but also how alien the notion of accountability is to his government. The worst offender in this regard is the president himself, who until now, has made no effort to honestly address the serious charges against him, his family and ministers. The president seems to think that the three-step tactics that had worked for him in the past would work for him this time, but he is mistaken. The illegal activities by him and people around him are too many, the looting of the public purse is too massive, and the number of people who are disgusted with what the president and those around him have done are too many and growing, the old tactics just won't work. Denials won't work. Blaming the press won't work. Time for accountability.

Ghanim Al Najjar who has been in the country since Wednesday, said that Somaliland government has already promised to make the necessary plot of land available for the construction of Hargeysa's new central prison. The new prison facility is to replace the existing one which has been over-congested and without basic utilities and services over the years. Al Najjar described the state of the prison as on the border of a real humanitarian tragedy. Ghanim Al Najjar who was appointed by Kofi Anan in 2001, has taken upon himself to secure funds for the establishment of a new Hargeysa prison. "Green light will be given for the project once a site has been assigned" he said.

The international expert on human rights for Somaliland and Somalia arrived in Hargeysa on Wednesday on a 4-day visit. His mission is to look into a variety of issues ranging from human rights, including the rights of women and children, to the administration of justice as well as the situation of minorities. He will be expected to meet government officials, human rights activists and political as well as civic leaders.

On Thursday Dr. Ghanim Al Najjar met with leaders of Somaliland Society for Independent Journalists & Writers (SSJW) and Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA) to discuss issues related to freedom of expression.

The UN expert is also expected to follow up an earlier offer to mediate exchange of prisoners of war between Somaliland and Puntland.

The HMN publishes 3 newspapers: the Somali language daily "Haatuf"; the Arabic weekly Al-Haatef and this newspaper.

Somaliland government announced earlier this week that it was going to sue Haatuf for false information. The announcement came after the newspaper published allegations of corruption and nepotism in connection with the procurement of television equipment.

There was no information as to why the government wanted to search HMN offices. It was also unclear whether the government would appeal the regional court's decision denying the search warrant.

Meanwhile, the government-owned media continued its attacks on Haatuf and Somaliland Times through most of the week. But the government campaign has so far been counterproductive, instead of triggering sympathy for the government, it resulted in tremendous public support for the two sister newspapers.

Somaliland's president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, has consistently stated that Somaliland's independence is beyond discussion, and that therefore negotiation on the reintegration of Somaliland into Somalia is not an option. It is also clear that any attempt to coerce Somaliland back into a united Somalia would lead to further futile conflict. When the time does come for discussions of Somaliland's status, the obvious broker is Ethiopia, the country with which leaders from both countries have strong ties. Meanwhile, the decision to proceed with the scheduled parliamentary elections in Somaliland on September 15th, despite the lack of a national census--which means that the 82 parliamentary seats will be allocated on a clan basis rather than on the principle of one-person-one-vote--is a practical one. The elections, postponed from March, are widely viewed as the final phase of the self-declared republic's democratisation process, and the new date is soon enough to help to restore international confidence in Somaliland as a viable nation state worthy of much-needed recognition. In that respect, it is imperative that the election is seen to be both free and fair, particularly in the eastern regions of Sool and Sanaag, where Somaliland's rule is not total. The outcome is likely to be close, given the narrow margin by which President Dahir Riyale Kahin beat his main rival in the presidential election of April 2003. It is possible that the result will leave Kahin's party, the Democratic United National Party (UDUB), without a majority in parliament, which means that he would have to make concessions to Somaliland's two other parties--Kulmiye and the Justice and Welfare Party (UCID). Whatever the outcome, all political forces will remain united in continuing to insist that Somaliland's independence is not a topic for discussion and that any attempt to coerce Somaliland back into a united Somalia would result in open conflict.

HIGHLIGHT:Right: A Somali chews the bitter-tasting khat. Left: khat leaves, which are legal, for sale in the market of the capital, Hargeisa TOM PILSTON

The piles of khat at Parcharafi market were of prime quality, a luminous dark green, glistening in their wrappings of banana leaves. The muzzein's afternoon call to prayer had come and gone and a queue of buyers was forming to start the long, langorous hours of hallucinogenic chewing.

In Hargeisa, the capital of a country ostracised by the rest of the world, khat is among the very few pleasures left for the vast mass of the dispossessed. Even the fortunate few who are in work rush to get their fix. What passes for business life is over by mid-day, with clusters of men squatting on the floors in tin shacks beside the dusty, pot-holed streets, rolling wads of the leaves in their mouths.

A few days ago, officials in Somaliland launched an initiative to try to regulate the sale and consumption of khat, one of the last chances the country has, they say, of pulling back from the abyss before turning into a fully fledged narco-economy.

The mayor of Hargeisa, Hussein Mohamud Jiir, has set aside tracts of land on the outskirts of the capital where sellers of the drug can be installed and monitored. Abdulkarim Adan Omar, the development director at the environmental ministry, declared that as well as fracturing Somaliland's social and commercial structure, khat was also causing huge damage to nature. 'Young people in rural areas are burning charcoal to buy khat. Their common saying is, 'Cut a tree to chew a twig'.' But the dealers in the dusty streets of Hargeisa protest that they are providing a valuable service.

Ali Omar, whose stall is near the government offices in the centre of Hargeisa, shrugged. 'It is a silly question to ask why I sell khat. Can you just go to the store across the road and ask why he is selling food? People need us.'

The plant, which contains a natural amphetamine, is a main source of revenue for the government, which sells licences to those involved in the business. It is also a valuable export crop, with Britain a prime destination.

The price of khat in Somaliland reflects the poverty of the country, a former British protectorate and now one of the poorest countries in the world, internationally unrecognised and starved of aid 14 years after seceding from neighbouring Somalia.

The drug sells for 50p a bunch here. But the real money for those dealing in the potent leaves is in the West, with the same amount fetching œ5 in the streets of Britain, where it is legal, and 10 times more in the United States, where it is not. Regular flights leave from the Horn of Africa to Liverpool, Birmingham and London packed with khat leaves. Seven tons arrive at Heathrow, perfectly legally, every week.

But the sheer amount of revenue, estimated at œ150m a year, has attracted the involvement of organised crime, police and customs say. Kenneth Noye, the notorious gangster, was said to be considering investing œ500,000 in the trade before his conviction for murder at the Old Bailey.

There are also reports that proceeds from the trade are being used to subsidise terrorism. Osama bin Laden was based in Somalia before moving to Taliban-run Afghanistan, and the July 21 London bombings, with suspects from Somalia and Eritrea now under arrest, point at links between the Horn and Islamist militancy.

Robert Emerson, a security analyst, said: 'It is a simple and effective way for groups, be they purely criminal or political, to raise money with very little risk, after all the product is not even illegal in this country and there are well-established trade routes.' The underworld uses Britain as a staging post for other countries where khat is banned including many states in Europe as well as North America. But there is also a large customer base in the UK among the Somali and Ethiopian communities and a growing market among other ethnic groups.

Two psychiatrists, Dr Mansfield Mela and Dr Andrew McBride, carried out a survey in south Wales, which has a large Somali population. They found 72 per cent of Somalis questioned said they had used khat at some time and 46 per cent said they had done so in the previous week.

Abdulkarim Adan, the director of the Somali Progressive Association in Cardiff, said: 'I chew khat on the weekends with my friends. It is a cultural and social thing, a bit like going down the pub. And it is like anything; if you use too much, there are going to be problems. It's the same as alcohol; if you abuse it, you are going to get problems. A lot of people I know have given it up because of the health risks.'

Abdi Jama, a youth worker from Newport, added: 'Lots of the teenage boys are taking it up and it has a real effect on them; this is very worrying.'

Studies had been made of the risks posed by the leaves, also known as African salad, whose main ingredient is the chemical cathinone, the equivalent of a class A drug in the US. Users of khat describe symptoms ranging from hyper-activity to aggression followed by tremendous 'downs' of depression and lethargy.

Professor Peter Haughton, of King's College London, said: 'Clinicians who work with patients who chew khat regularly, certainly in this country, pick up that quite a few have psychological problems.' In other countries, 'there seems to be a high incidence of strokes and heart attacks. The effects on the heart and bladder can be explained by what's known about the pharmocological properties of some chemicals in khat'.

The Home Office says there are 'no immediate plans to control khat or ban it under the Misuse of Drugs Act', with the rider that the situation is being kept under continuous review and further research is being done.

But studies at King's College also showed that cathinone in khat produced a chemical which could boost the power of men's sperm, and help infertile couples. Lynn Fraser, professor of reproductive biology, said: 'It might be relatively easy to develop products. And the amount that's required isn't that high, so it's not a question of taking very high doses and becoming overstimulated.'

The debate in the West about khat is academic in Somaliland. Its main export, livestock, has suffered a crippling blow after the biggest customer, Saudi Arabia, imposed an embargo, saying Somali cattle suffered from Rift Valley fever. Somaliland government says this is a political decision taken under pressure from other Arab and African countries determined that a breakaway state should not be allowed to prosper and become an example to their own disaffected regions.

Khat is now one of the chief money-earning export crops. But it is also hugely in demand at home. Hundreds of khat chewers marched in protest in Somaliland when the price of the leaves doubled recently. There were similar protests in Somalia when Kenya temporarily banned khat flights to Mogadishu as an 'anti-terrorist measure'.

Officials in Somaliland are deeply worried by khat dependence among the young. Abdurrahman Mohammed Mal, the director general at the education ministry, said: 'You see boys no more than 13 starting on khat. They then drop out of the education system and get involved in all kinds of things to feed their habit. It is a bad, bad thing.'

Abebaw Zeleke, the programme manager for Save the Children UK in Somaliland, said: 'The hopelessness of the economic situation adds to the problem. But it is not just the younger generation being affected. Most office work stops after lunchtime because of khat-chewing. It is deeply ingrained in Somali life.'

Buying his khat, Sher Hassan Abdulrahim claimed it was his consumption of the drug for more than 40 years which has equipped him to continue his construction business at 66. 'It gives you energy, it keeps you going; the light is always on,' he said with a chortle. Abdulrahim, who served with the British Army during the Aden emergency, added: 'It gives you energy and keeps you young. It is better than smoking tobacco.'

But Abdulrahim's children have eschewed chewing. 'All 16 of them. They all live in England, and none of them chew.' He shook his head with regret. 'Most of them are graduates, they are in professional jobs, and they think it is old-fashioned. I know it is still very popular in Britain among Somalis, but the more educated they become the less they want khat.'

Hamid Abdullah Hassan says he is 16 but looks a lot younger. Munching his khat, he is defiant. 'Why shouldn't I take it? If there was any chance of a job then I will stop. But there is no chance and there is nothing else to do.'

What about sperm strengthening tendencies of khat? The mere mention of this makes Majida Ali Abbas and her friends hoot with laughter at the coffee shop of the Al-Mansoor Hotel. 'The men have a strange way of showing it, if that is the case. All they do is chew khat and spend seven, eight hours in the company of other men jabbering. It is very much a world of men, everyone involved in it are men.'

Ginao Mhabi, 30, selling khat at the market, is one of the exceptions. 'I am not doing this out of choice as a woman. But my parents are old and I have 10 brothers and sisters to support. The men who could have earned money for the family were all killed in the civil war. But it is not easy being a woman in this job. The men are addicted; they will come and demand you give them khat even when they do not have the money. They insult you and rob you. If I could find something else to do, then I would. I do not make much money out of it.'

Ahmed Daoud Juma is someone who does make money out of khat, and does not apologise. His family farm in Gabiley, west of Hargeisa, is covered with acres of swaying, 5ft-high khat shrubs. 'What else can we grow? The government has given us nothing to replace it with. Anyway, khat is legal, not just in this country, but England as well. It is not like heroin and cocaine.

'The Ethiopians sell it and we must as well. Some people in the West are complaining about it because Africans are making money out of it, but the money the dealers are making in England and America is far more than we do. But that is not a surprise, that is always the way among white and black people.'

But the cousins Usman Mohammed and Ahmed Awali, who have a 20-acre khat farm, say they would change to another crop, given the chance. 'We are not the ones making the money from this,' said Mohammed, 35. 'We would earn much more if we could plant fruit trees, but we haven't got the money for the irrigation that needs. We also know khat is damaging the health of people who take it and that includes us. It stops people from working properly and that is not good for the country.'

1. The Director of the Institute for Practical Training and Research in Somaliland, Dr. Ahmed Esa, visited the Republic of South Africa from 9 to 14 August 2005, as part of the larger bi-lateral momentum to consolidate educational, political and economic ties between the two countries.

Dr. Esa responded positively to a call made by the University of South Africa to Somaliland educational institutions, to attend the 1st African Council for Distance Education (ACDE) conference, which was hosted in the City of Tshwane (Pretoria).

At the inaugural ACDE Conference, which was attended by leading university Vice Chancellors from the continent, African education ministers and the Deputy President of South Africa, Dr. Esa contributed to the discussions on mobilizing African leadership, economic growth, capacity building, health and the organic link with education.

During the ACDE Conference, Dr. Esa shared ideas on Somaliland's growth and growing challengers with a range of delegates, such as the Vice Chancellor of the University of Abuja, Professor Nuhu Yaqub, and the British High Commissioner, the Rt. Hon Paul Boateng.

2. Particular focus was given to discussions with the University of South Africa's Head of Religious Studies and Arabic, Professor Yousuf Dadoo, on ways to initiate joint Islamic studies workshops, as part of the on-going efforts by Somalilanders to deepen Somaliland's democracy, traditional structures and good governance.

3. The up-coming Somaliland parliamentary elections on 29th September 2005, attracted particular attention. In this respect, Dr. Ahmed Esa responded to invitations to appear on South Africa's SABC Africa TV, and Channel Africa Radio programme Tam Tam Express. This opportunity was also utilized to explore ways to initiate the exchange of radio programmes between South African radio stations and Somaliland.

4. During his visit, Dr. Esa visited the headquarters of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and held discussions with its Director, Ms Elizabeth Sidiripoulis. Dr. Esa expressed his appreciation of the events and good research work of SAIIA on Somaliland, such as the South African Yearbook of International Affairs 2003/04, and the The Security Intersection, which explores Somaliland's political and economic trajectory. Discussions also focused on ways to deepen Somaliland's parliamentary elections by possible joint capacity-building programmes between the South African Institute of International Affairs and Somaliland's Institute for Practical Training and Research.

Dr. Esa was briefed on the programmes of the Academy of Self-Knowledge and also addressed members of the South African Muslim Community at the Rasooli Centre mosque in Centurion.

5. On his concluding day, Dr. Esa addressed members of Somaliland community at the Suleiman Nana Memorial Hall in Johannesburg and up-dated the community on developments in Somaliland.

6. Finally, Dr. Esa made a courtesy call to Dr. Jandayi E. Frazer, the Ambassador of the United States of America to South Africa and newly appointed US Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. Furthermore, a valuable meeting was held with the visiting Nigerian Minister of Education, Her Excellency Mrs. Chinwe Obaji, on developing educational links and exchanges between Nigeria and Somaliland.

7. On his departure, Dr. Ahmed Esa expressed his appreciation to Somaliland Liaison Office, in Tshwane (Pretoria), "for all the support extended to him, that made this visit valuable and possible".

Issued by: Somaliland Liaison Office, Tshwane (Pretoria), South Africa
14 August 2005. Enquires: Telephone: + 27 82 880 8603/ Further information on Somaliland, see : http://encyclopedia.thefreedictionary.com/somaliland

Let us first deal with the broader context. In the struggle for political recognition, Somaliland often justifies the country's reassertion from the voluntary unity with Somalia mainly by referring to the bitter experience people of Somaliland suffered at the hands of southerners during that unity. We point out the way our people were treated as second-class citizens with all major political positions and development funds going to the south. Also emphasized is the mass massacre subjected to the people of Somaliland and the bombardment of their towns and cities that followed. The perception is that Somaliland is a response to a cruel behaviour and extermination policy by the south partner of the former Republic of Somalia. An independent state of Somaliland is viewed as being a mechanism for preventing a repeat of such cruelty. Worth mentioning is also the death of the idea of Greater Somalia as a guiding principle for Somali unity, after Djibouti decided to go alone and NFD remained part of Kenya. It is against this background that Somaliland has decided to regain its independence and is now seeking recognition.

The realities discussed above offer legitimate grounds for the secession. However, the approach taken shows three weaknesses. The first is the claim by Somaliland politicians that they will win international community's approval if only they can get the world understand the difficulties the people of Somaliland had suffered at the hands of the former Somali regime. After pursuing this policy for 14 years, however, the issue of recognition of Somaliland is as remote as ever.

The second weakness is the insistence that the creation of Somaliland will somehow prevent from further conflicts and abuse of power. Yet in Somaliland we have experienced an armed civil conflict and political discomfort. The creation of state of Somaliland must not be seen as a panacea for conflicts inherently associated with clan-oriented societies.

Thirdly, the present strategy denies that Somaliland is a nation that consists of different communities who actually hold different views on the country's present and past history. And in fact some of them may even feel as being particularly misrepresented in the rationale for the state reassertion. The road to recognition will continue to prove difficult, until our leaders grasp the need for identifying more unifying arguments for our recognition, taking into full account of what binds us together today rather than what divided us yesterday.

For this matter, a finger of blame is pointed towards the current Somaliland administration as well as the previous ones. In Tour's government, the issue of Somaliland 's recognition was not given a serious thought at all. The country was faced with other priorities. But in the Egal era, the strategy towards recognition took some shape. His foreign policy, however, lacked initiatives and was mainly reactionary. It can be captured in one of his famous phrases 'the world has turned its back towards us'.

Unlike his predecessors, Riyaale administration is reaching out the world, but his message lacks substance and vision. First, there is a problem of conceptualisation. The way the case for Somaliland is often set out seems to be emotional and undiplomatic. The arguments underpinning the case paint a picture of a victimized people whose healing process demands an international support in a form of political recognition. At the root of this conceptualisation lies past experience as a rationale for the recognition and little is offered in the way of forward thinking. We need to emphasize on what we as the new nation of Somaliland can offer to the region and the world and what we have so far achieved. We should also be linking this into the international and regional agenda. For example, Somaliland can be presented to the world as a potential partner in the spread of democracy, war on terrorism, and in mechanisms for peace and conflict resolution in the region and the world. Yes, this should include the role that a recognized state of Somaliland can play in making peace in Somalia and the region. This holistic approach could win Somaliland more friends than solely focusing on victim-focused approach.

There is a problem of policy co-ordination too. Edna Ismail, the Foreign Minister, has the responsibility for maintaining our foreign contacts while Awil, the Finance Minister, apparently, has a role in that too. We often see conflicts arising from this arrangement, which results in substance of our foreign policy being lost in the race of out-performing each other's contribution. The president can assign a member of his government for special tasks, tapping into unutilised skills. But we need him to draw clearer lines of responsibilities and let the public know where the accountability lies.

We also need to take note of experiences elsewhere. Southern Sudan is a case in point. When SPLA lost the support of Mengistu Haile Mariam, John Garang looked west and switched his policy, stressing the faith card and war against terrorism. He skilfully harnessed American might behind his movement. Learning from this experience, Somaliland can abandon its allegiance with the Arab world and adjust its flag accordingly to demonstrate that shift. We should understand that the American power is unavoidable fact and that the trick is how to mobilize it in our favour. We can do this by becoming a strategic partner of the American war against international terrorism by offering a base in Berbera.

Moreover, the expectation from some of our so-called friends is substantially inflated. In fact the idea that Somaliland has countries it could call allies is less convincing. Take Ethiopia as an example. If Somaliland were a true friend or an alley of Ethiopian government, surely Abdullah Yusuf would not have contemplated to invade Sool and East Sanaag, let alone annexing them. Instead, Ethiopia prefers to support Abdullah Yusuf in his plan of taking control of Somalia. Although I appreciate the South Africa 's efforts to campaign for Somaliland within the AU, we are yet to see a tangible progress from that relationship either.

But the suggestion here is not that Riyaale should pack up and go home. The aim is that the poor performance of his foreign policy should be recognized and addressed. This means that a comprehensive approach with clear vision and strategy is required. This should feed into the direction the policy takes in relation to which countries, organizations or groups that can be seen as potentially useful for building relationships with, and managing the process. The last but not the least, a critical though should be given to the arguments for the recognition- less emphasis on the victim-focused arguments and more attention on our collective success in the last 14 years, benefits to the security of the region and our potential prospects as a nation. The latter unifies the people of Somaliland more than the former. Finally, visits to Hargeisa by foreign delegates, and Edna or Awil's frequent appearances in abroad should no longer be a valid benchmark for our international relations success. We need to rethink, adopt our approach and see some progress.

First a confession: in order to write this editorial, we had to overcome a lot of our own self-imposed resistance. One source of the resistance was that the person we are writing about does not hold public office. Another source was that she is Somaliland's first lady, Huda Barkhad, and we believe we should not rush into putting her on the spot without enough evidence. But we finally overcame our resistance when it became clear that we are not dealing with a mistake here and an allegation there, but rather with a persistent and deep-seated problem. We also realized that if we do not write about the first lady's felonious and harmful activities, we maybe indirectly encouraging her to continue in her reprehensible path.

What is the first lady's persistent problem? Answer: she has engaged in unethical and illegal financial as well as political activities. First, her political irregularities:

1- The first lady constantly meddles in very sensitive political issues. In a previous editorial we had briefly touched on how she was responsible for removing some parliamentary candidates from UDUB's Hargeisa list, and how she replaced them with others as a favor to some of her friends.

2- The first lady is known to have her own favorite clique of ministers who execute her wishes, and who in turn rely on her to champion their cause with the president.

Now the financial ones:

- The first lady has insisted on posting some of her close relatives to the customs collections posts.

- During her recent visit to Egypt, she went to follow up a controversial agreement signed with Egyptian fishing companies to fish in Somaliland's territorial waters. Needless to say, the first lady pocketed the fees that the Egyptians paid for their illegal fishing activities. There are also reports that she bought a house in Egypt while she was there.

We must say this about the first lady: she is no ordinary embezzler. To give some idea of how well-versed in the art of looting she is, one has to look back on how she decided to throw some crumbs from her loot to worthy and charitable causes such as the Gabiley hospital. By giving away a tiny fraction of what she claimed was her own private money, she figured she could hit two birds with one stone: on the one-hand, it would be good public relations, and on the other hand, it would trump the few hundred dollars that were donated to the same hospital by the rival UCID party shortly before she did. The first lady's move was so clever, it made the UCID party Chairman's question of where she got the money, look irrelevant, even foolish.

What do the first lady's illegal activities say about President Rayale? The short answer to this is that given the extent and frequency of these activities, it is very unlikely that they are taking place without his knowledge, which means he is part of the racket; and even if he does not know about them, he is culpable for negligence. After all, how could Somalilanders trust someone who does not know what is going in his own household, to run their affairs?

The other important question is what Somalilanders are going to do about these blatant and endless violations of the law by the president's wife? We suggest that Somaliland's citizens and civic organizations should petition the courts to look into the first lady's illegal activities. The coming parliament should also hold hearings on this matter as soon as it is sworn in.

President Rayale and Somalilanders in general, often, and rightly so, blame Egypt for not treating Somaliland right. But when Somaliland's first lady engages in shady activities in Egypt, clearly, the blame belongs more to Somaliland than Egypt. Aside from its legal implications, blaming someone assumes that they still have a sense of shame, something in short supply at the presidential household. An Egyptian saying captures this lack of sense of shame "Illi yikhtashu matu (those who had a sense of shame died)", the implication being, if you want to get ahead, do whatever it takes, which is exactly the presidential couple's motto.

The contract for the purchase, provision and installation of the TV station was awarded without a bid to a a man called Mahmud Abdi Nasser who happens to be the husband of Ilhan Barkhad Adan, the sister of Somaliland's first lady, Huda Barkhad.

The TV station has now been established at the Radio Hargeysa compound. Transmission will only cover Hargeysa city and its surrounding areas. Though broadcasting started earlier this month, most of the material shown consists of pre-recorded video songs and old Somali plays. The contractor simply didn't bring along the studio facilities needed for programme production and news broadcasting. Only a transmitter and an old antenna have been provided.

According to reliable sources, the procurement contract for the TV station was awarded as a result of pressure put by the first lady on the president who in turn pressured the finance ministry into compliance with the wishes of his spouse.

The first lady was also reported to have been involved in an agreement allowing Egyptian Fishing companies to fish in Somaliland waters. As a result, an Egyptian fleet of over 20 ships has been engaged in intensive fishing in Somaliland coast, particularly off Zaila, Lughaya and Eil-Sheikh.

Ms. Huda Barkhad recently returned from a visit to Cairo and according to press reports she bought a house while in the Egyptian capital.

The first programme of this BBC produced documentaries will be on Somaliland. The first episode will be shown at 17:30 and 00:30 today and 12:30 in the morning on Sunday (all Hargeysa times).

The second episode is on 17:30 and 00:30 on Saturday 27th, and 12:30 on Sunday, 28th, with the other 3 episodes on the following 3 weekends at the same times.

Ethiopian Airlines currently operates regular daily flights between Addis Ababa and Hargeysa. The route was introduced 4 years ago.

Essentially designed to meet the traveling needs of thousands of diaspora Somalilanders who annually spend their holidays here, the route has since turned into a highly lucrative business. As the runways of Hargeysa airport were technically unfit to receive jet planes, only small and medium size aircrafts were utilized for the Addis Ababa - Hargeysa route. However Berbera airport could easily handle large aircrafts.

In August 2003, Ethiopia had reached an agreement with Somaliland over the use of Berbera port. The agreement has been formalized recently and will enable Ethiopia to import goods and fuel through Somaliland port.

Meanwhile a youngman carrying 2 knives was stopped from boarding Ethiopian Airlines Thursday afternoon flight. The Airlines security staff discovered the 2 knives while being hidden under the shoe socks worn by the youngman, who was identified as Ali Hussein Ali. Later it was revealed that he was actually the son of Somaliland's Finance Minister, Hussein Ali Duale. The flight was delayed for about 45 minutes as passengers and their luggage went through another security checking before the plane was finally given green light for take off.

The latest edition of the UN's monthly report on the humanitarian situation in Somalia said current infection rates were relatively low in areas where testing has been done compared to other parts of Africa, but could rise dramatically.

"The findings show that HIV will soon become a major health problem if concerted efforts are not put in place to contain the vulnerability factors fueling the epidemic," the report said, citing a survey carried out in 2004.

The survey found Somalia's average HIV infection rate to be 0.9 percent but with "zonal variations," particularly in its two self-declared autonomous regions of Puntland and Somaliland, where the average was one and 1.4 percent respectively.

Poor education, high mobility, the transfusion of unsafe blood and negative cultural practices, including female circumcision and commercial sex, were some of the "vulnerability factors" the report said needed to be addressed.

Somalia, a nation of about 10 million people, has been without a functioning government since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre plunged the Horn of Africa country into anarchy.

Humanitarian groups have in the past warned of a possible explosion of HIV/AIDS when tens of thousands of Somali refugees return home if current efforts to restore a government succeed.

Ms Fadumo Sudi, minister of family welfare and social development in a speech at the closing ceremony of the workshop financed by SILICK of Sweden said, "I am happy to be here with seven women candidates for the parliamentary elections. I would have been happier if you were already elected. I wish you all success for it means that women will take part in decision making bodies".

The minister urged all women to vote for women candidates saying, "You should vote for women candidates even if your husbands, brothers or sons are also candidates".

Ms Ikran Hagi Daud of opposition Kulmiye Party from Awdal Region speaking about what her priorities said, "I have been part of the nation building process. I know the needs of my region and the way to tackle them and I will do that".

Ms Hodan Abdi Husayn of the ruling UDUB Party from Sool Region said, "Two administrations from Somaliland and Puntland exist in my region, because regional politicians forced the people to be in such a situation. I need to make the change men had failed to achieve. Women are not only the majority, but have been exploited and dominated. I will unite them to make changes in the region."

Ms Anisa Hagi Abdi Awad of the opposition Justice and Welfare party (UCID) Hargeysa, said: "A lot of unfulfilled promises have made to the people from such a platform. I will not say that I will turn the salty water to honey, build skyscraper or end hunger. If elected I will strive hard to improve the condition of life of the poor and low-income groups".

Ms Nimo Husayn Qowdhan from Kulmiye Hargeysa, said; "If elected, I will see that the constitution and the law are respected in parliament. I believe that women today are more efficient and more loyal to their country than men. I will see that laws are passed to deal with society related problems as well as business problems. I urge all voters particularly women to vote for their representatives....[ellipsis as published] for us".

The minister said she had held talks with the Arab League Secretary-General Amr Musa and discussed education, livestock exports in relation to Arab states and on the political front - Somaliland question.

Lady Isma'il said she was received by the Egyptian foreign affairs minister in charge of African affairs. She said it was the first time that the two had talks at ministerial level.

The minister said they had agreed Egypt sends a fact-finding team and a trade delegation and said they would like similar delegations from Somaliland.

They said they would also send observers to monitor the forthcoming Somaliland parliamentary elections.

The minister also said the talks among other issues, dealt with the security of the Red Sea.

The minister also said she had met the South African foreign minister and several diplomats in Addis Ababa.

- History: Survival, Reconciliation and Peace
- Present: Re-construction and Democracy
- Tomorrow: Development and Prosperity
A. Background

Somaliland Societies in Europe (SSE) is primarily a network for Somaliland communities and organisations in Europe. SSE is a non-political but charitable organisation. It is in its formative years and its vision is "to bring together and utilise the skills and resources of its members, Somaliland organisations and communities in Europe for the benefit of Somalilanders in Europe and back home - Somaliland".

Main SSE's Strategic Objectives include:

1. To promote the development and empowerment of Somaliland communities in Europe and Somaliland
2. To link and liaise with indigenous and International and Somaliland NGOs and Institutions
3. To promote, publicise and market the achievement of Somaliland, its people and institutions in the International Community
4. To lobby for more resources and development grants for Somaliland Communities in Europe and those in Somaliland
5. To be vigilant about the on going Somaliland democratisation process and challenge any undemocratic obstruction and hindrance instigated by individual (s) and or groups in this democratisation process

The idea to form SSE as an organisation took place in May 2003 in Holland (Utrecht), but it was formalised and structured in May 2004 in London. All the EC that Somaliland communities reside are represented at SSE. Somaliland community in UK holds the chairmanship and Secretariat and SSE address is: Phoenix House, 389 Newport Road, Cardiff CF24 1TP.

B.1 Introduction

SSE will hold an International Conference and a Grand Exhibition in London on 1st and 2nd September 2005. Our choice of London is strategic as UK holds the Presidency of G8 this year, UK is chairing the EC as of July and the Prime Minister, the Rt Hon Tony Blair, has created a flagship for Africa democratisation and development: Commission for Africa. This year (2005) is a very exciting one that holds opportunities and prosperity. It will hopefully be the year Somaliland people succeeds to become part of the International Community. We believe that every human being is entitled to "a life of dignity and opportunity".

Against all odds Somaliland has successful managed to overcome the destruction carried out by the military dictatorship. Now Somaliland is a country of peace, freedom, equality and enterprise. On 15th August 2000 The Financial Times reported, "It (Somaliland) could serve as a model for Africa: peaceful, stable, little crime, no debt, a liberal economic regime as of this month, a multi-part electoral system".

Since then a new constitution establishing a multi-part electoral system was approv