That Freedom Shall not Perish
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Source: http://www.sudantribune.com/article.php3?id_article=10298
How does Somaliland fit?
June 21, 2005 -- So long as the Republic of Somaliland withdrew from the rest of Somalia and remained a peaceful and stable democratic State, it is shameful and regretful for the International Community to neglect the wishes of the people of Somaliland for self-determination and also expect to join willingly with their brothers in the south to reform a "Greater Somalia".
Definitely, political analyst can't over look that the Union can be only endorsed by the will of the two populations as in the case of former two Yemenis and Germanys.
It is clear that Somali Landers were the founders of the Union into which they had voluntarily entered as an independent and sovereign State on July 1, 1960, with the former Italian Somaliland.
To day it is vise-verse, they are willingly neither for federalism nor re-Union. They also like to see a peaceful, stable, Somalia in order to act as a two brotherly States living side by side in a peaceful way.
Then why the International Community neglects the people of Somaliland for Self-determination? Is it fair to do that? Does it deserve the International Bill of Rights? I don't think so. Article one of the International Bill of Rights refers to the right to Self-determination, as does the UN Charter in Article 1and 55.
Interestingly enough, Somaliland's Self-determination is more conductive to regional peace and stability as Somaliland has strong capability of solving longstanding regional disputes with Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, and Djibouti due to its acceptance of the colonial boundaries.
Somaliland has achieved what none in similar circumstance in Africa or probably the whole world had achieved before. They planted the seeds of better democracy in a war-town country and maintained peace and stability within its territory of the former British Protectorate.
On May 31, 2001, Somali Landers were called to vote in order to endorse or reject a new constitution that was badly proclaimed the case for independence.
The constitution defined a new political system for Somaliland, a democratic, multi-party system. The referendum, which was " fairly openly, honestly, as well as largely in accordance with internationally recognized election standard, resulted in the approval of the new constitution by 97% of the votes.
The Brussels- based International Crisis Group ICG) indicated the voting as transparent. Similarly, on 15 December 2002, Somali Lander voted on their local elections, and on 14 April 2003, they elected their first democratic president since independence in 1960.
In fact if the west considering the out breaks of lasting democracy in the Horn of Africa, Somaliland is a society found of rule of law, Justice, Free and Fair elections and actively is ready to co-operate with the International Community the peace initiatives in the Horn of Africa.
Despite the un-rewarded democratic achievements, Somaliland has remained victim of different kinds of violence including the Challenge in the red sea in the last decade. Ethiopia had similar experience.
This challenge is running between the Israel and its Arab State neighbors and deepened its root when, in 1967, the Suez Canal was closed during the Six-Day War. Equally significant is that when, in1984, Libya's Muammer Al-Gadhafi ordered the laying of floating ocean mines in the Red Sea.
It could be argued that the Global Trading System damaged these two events significantly and measurably for that period.
Since Somaliland declared as a viable, sovereign entity, intense diplomacy from the Arab -League particularly Egypt, Libya, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and probably Djibouti have prevented recognition of the resumption of sovereignty of Somaliland, fearing that the Arab -Muslim -State (Somaliland) which occupies a strategic position in the Gulf of Aden especially the Mouth of the red sea at the straits of Bab-elmandab could enter into deals with Israel so that Israel could base Military units and warships there to dominate the Mouth of the Red Sea with the support of the close ties they have to day with their Neighbor of Ethiopia.
In the case of Ethiopia, Egypt, Libya and their alliance attempts to deny Ethiopia access to the red sea fuelling of Ethio-Eritrean hostility at a time when Ethiopia has begun constructing a new infrastructure to move Ethiopian exports out of the Country via a road link to the Red See port of Berbera of Somaliland.
The Arab countries, particularly Egypt, Saudi Arabia and probably Libya will not hesitate to capitalize the evil forces in the region to encourage hostilities against the Ethiopian people with whom we Somali Landers consider our savors. A clear picture of their misguided and illogical thinking can be seeing from their diplomatic measures when it comes to the Ethio-Eritrean relations.
Eritrea it self, the challenge in the red see damaged measurably and significantly it's economic. Eritrean ports used by the Ethiopian trade goods are now virtually deserted and the Eritrean economy is in ruins.
Even though Muslims are the leading population in the Horn of Africa (125Million) however those Arab countries have no slightest sympathy and humanitarian feeling for the suffering people in the region. They are not respecting the development and stability in the region.
To be sure Egypt's occupation over the follow of the Nile waters, which Egypt regards as its own. It is an historic fact that Egypt was the mastermind of the 1977 disastrous war between the former regime of Somalia and Ethiopia, which caused huge, loses of human and material resources.
I think it is time to discover for the International Community the potentially dangerous condition which Egyptian diplomatic adventures are creating in the Horn of Africa.
Generally, Somaliland is by no means to ally itself with Israel. Just this depends on if Israel expressed us their sympathy of Somaliland's Statehood. Surprisingly, Somaliland is not the first Arab State that has established relation with Israel. Egypt has already done around 26- years ago, in Camp David Treaty and recently on 14/12/2004 singed a Trade Protocol with Israeli in Cairo.
And now, Egypt is considering reopening its diplomatic office back again in Tel-Aviv which was closed after the beginning of the Palestinian intifada in 2002. Also it is important to know that Morocco, Mauritania, Jordan, Qatar are members of the Arab-League and in fact have some kind of relations with Israel to day.
So why in Somaliland? It is our memory that at the independence year in 1960 thirty-five countries recognized Somaliland diplomatically and one of those countries was State of Israel. Why not now? What is the difference between now and then? The message is clear; we warmly urge Israelis diplomatic support same as Lord Balfour's declaration support
To my view, I support if a good relation and Co-operation which Would benefit both sides in their sphere of Co-operation starts. At same time, promote development and sharing technological expertise of both States. In spite of its strategic position, Somaliland sitting on abundant natural resources decorated by a very amenable climate is at the bottom of every ranking.
Alarmed by this situation, does Somaliland is ready to seize the opportune moment to make the 21st century the century of Somaliland by inviting the State of Israel to process its natural resources?
* ALI MOHAMED NOUR, is from HARGIES/SOMALILAND . Email: toosane@lycos.com
Source: Somaliland.org, June 20 2005
Somalia Is The Cause Of Underdevelopment Of Somaliland
There are many ways to take hostages. Individual or group hostage taking is probably the most commonly known aspect where victims are (individuals or groups) held against their wills and threatened with injuries or death, or prevented to do what they want to do unless certain demands from the hostage takers are met. There is another kind of a hostage taking that might be new to the most people: Country Hostage Taking. Country hostage taking is rare in the modern world. Bust it exists. Unlike individual or group hostage taking, country hostage taking is not organised by a single person or a group of persons, but a collection of cooperating countries. It is created when a country is held politically isolated and internationally abandoned by the rest of the world. In today's world, no country can manage to survive and develop without the interconnections and relations with the outside world at all levels.
A typical example of country hostage taking is manifested in the case of Somaliland. Somaliland has been held hostage by the international community. For over a period of more than 14 years, Somaliland has been showing the world (albeit many shortcomings) that its people possess unique and outstanding minds in establishing peace and security, fostering a system of rule based on democracy and pluralism with vibrant free press and civil society. This is a unique case in Africa. Instead of rewarding Somaliland for this noble work by extending diplomatic and economic assistance, the international community held it hostage. The help the international community could have given to Somaliland has been made conditional upon and linked to the stability of Somalia. The international community has been saying to Somaliland: "Unless Somalia first establishes peace and security through an elected legitimate central government, you are not going to be eligible for economic help and diplomatic relations". The crime for which Somaliland is being punished is the simple fact that it is has skilfully succeeded in bring itself back to its feet.
Since the collapse of the state functioning of Somalia, the international community has been trying to help the Somali people rebuild their country and repair their damaged reputation as a functional state capable of solving its own problems. A dozen of reconciliations and peace conferences have been arranged with the aim of bring an end to the culture of warlordism and at the same time establishing a functional state government. The last effort from the part of the international community is the formation of a transitional government last year in Nairobi, consisting of former warlords who had carved the country into own fiefdoms. However, it is increasingly being known that the chance of survival of this last surgically formed government is becoming smaller as days go by (in line with its predecessors) as it has already started to split into warring different factions. Its own president cannot dare to legally establish himself in the country preferring, instead, to wander in foreign countries.
Parallel with these political efforts, the humanitarian aid from the international community has been pouring to Somalia from Nairobi in billions of USA dollars. Somaliland is being kept aside and has been deprived of its rightful share because of unknown reasons. By denying Somaliland the right to be accepted as a fully functioning state, or at least not giving it de facto diplomatic status, the international community has subjected the already feeble economy of the country to severely crippling constraints. Foreign investment capital cannot come to the country without first solving Somalilands diplomatic status. Likewise, Somaliland companies can neither establish international contacts nor enter partnership or joint-venture agreements with foreign companies because of Somalilands diplomatic isolation, rendering it a place unsafe for international business investments, contacts and transactions. International financial links that are crucial for the growth and establishment of businesses and development projects are not available in the country. If the entrepreneurship of the people of a certain country is accepted to be one of the major key factors of its economic growth and poverty reduction, Somaliland has been denied to foster the needs of its strikingly business-oriented inhabitants.
Intellectual hostage taking
Somaliland is not only kept as a hostage politically and economically. It is equally being held hostage in the intellectual front. The case of Somaliland being held hostage intellectually is manifested by what SODA (Somaliland Development Association) has experienced in its work in Sweden. As a chairman of SODA, I can only speak about our feeling and experience regarding the (unwritten) Swedish policy with respect to intellectually holding Somaliland hostage. Similar cases to our experience in Sweden as mentioned below might be true in other donor countries.
Since organising conferences and seminars on the pertaining development issues of Somaliland is one of its main objectives, SODA applied last year for funds from different Swedish state agencies that are involved in helping developing countries, with the aim of organising a conference on developmental problems of Somaliland. Our application for funds for this end went even to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The aim of the conference was to bring together internationally renowned scholars on development issues in the Sub-Saharan Africa in order to discuss a variety of topics relevant to the developmental problems of Somaliland so that viable solutions could become exposed and disseminated. To our disappointment, we came to know that the Swedish developmental policy towards Somaliland was politically motivated. Instead of considering Somaliland as a reality and a physically free entity, separate from Somalia (without necessarily touching Somalilands controversial political status) and looking at the conference as a pure intellectual, non-political and development-oriented endeavour, the Swedish authorities politicized the issue and rejected our applications for funds on the basis of their strange judgement, i.e. that Somaliland is part and parcel of Somalia and such types of conferences cannot enjoy the support of the Swedish government. One wonders if Sweden was (and is still) afraid of future retaliations and diplomatic punishment from Somalia in case it helps Somaliland build up its economic base. In my pursuit of getting clarifications of the reasons behind the rejections of our applications, several officials at these agencies told me clearly (through phone) that our aim of the conference was politically motivated and that Sweden had a clear line in dealing with Somaliland and Somalia as a single nation. SODA thinks that this is an unjust treatment of a donor country towards one of the poorest countries in the world and a clear violent intervention in the freedom of the intellectual debates as well as in the integrity of the research society. It is another form of mechanism of keeping Somaliland as a hostage. After all, intellectual hostage taking is much worse than any other kinds of hostage taking in the sense that it affects the lives of many people. It also hinders the intermingling of the pioneering minds of experts on different issues as is clear in the case of SODA:s activity in Sweden at this juncture of the history of Somaliland.
Somaliland cannot make the impossible become possible and do the magic in making Somalia come to its sense and change its culture of war and chaos so that the international help for Somaliland gets secured. In waiting for the magic to start working in Somalia so that it can be stable enough for the betterment of all Somalis and consequently for Somaliland, the international community has two alternatives with respect of dealing with the developmental problems of Somaliland; namely either keeping hanging Somaliland on the Somali ordeal as it has been doing over the last 14 years and making its development conditional upon the stability of Somalia and hence exacerbating the developmental problems of Somaliland, or facing the reality and dealing Somaliland separately when it comes to contributing to its development.
Eng. Adam Sheikh Ibrahim Suldan, Chairman SODA (Somaliland Development Association) Lund SWEDEN, Email: sult2a@yahoo.com
Editorial: Who is worse Col. Abdillahi Yusuf or his supporters?
To get a sense of the parlous situation Col. Abdillahi Yusuf is in, one has to just take a glimpse of the headlines. The British Times wrote: "President is told to pack bags after outstaying his welcome." After his much awaited re-location to Somalia turned out to be a hoax, Reuters wrote: "President fails to arrive in Somalia, plane diverted." These headlines only confirm what many Somalis already knew, that Abdillahi Yusuf's presidency, like those of Ali Mahdi, Aidid Sr, Aidid Jr, and Abdiqasim Salad Hasan , was in name only, and that the facts on the ground tell another story. Abdillahi Yusuf repeatedly announced that he was going to change those facts on the ground by conquering the south, especially Banadir region, with foreign troops. Instead of showing him the folly of his plan, his supporters saw it as their long overdue chance to conquer Mogadishu and to exact revenge on its people for past crimes. Finally, they had a man with a plan, and they egged him to march on to Mogadishu. They began writing about how Somalia needs a strong leader, and how the colonel was exactly such a man. The clock kept ticking, and they kept writing about how decisive, how strong-willed he is. Days, months went by, and they kept writing about how determined he is, how he has a plan. Then came the hour of decision, and it turned out to be not his decision but a Kenyan decision. The Kenyans were tired of him and the rest of the Somalis, so they kicked them all out. As if that were not bad enough, instead of going to Somalia as he had said he would do, Abdillahi Yusuf landed in Djibouti. The hero in shining armor whose supporters expected him to conquer Mogadishu for them, turned out to be a tired old warlord with no political skills who would rather be a guest, even an un-wanted guest, in one foreign country or another than deal with the problems of a broken country.
This bleak picture has led to big disappointment among his supporters. Whereas they used to write some pretentious and long-winded letters paving the way for the iron-fisted rule that Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf was going to impose on Somalia, they now write rambling notes about how Somalis don't want a government, about the death of Somali nationalism and how Kipling may have been right about Africans. The fact is, when they thought they could pull it off, they had shown no qualms about using foreign troops to spill Somali blood. Now that their designs have fallen apart, and their hero is homeless, they are playing a different tune to cover up what they stood for earlier, but it won't work because today's maudlin musings are being drowned by yesterday's war cries.
Source: Somaliland.org, 18 June 2005
Pseudo-Elections, Bogus Recognition And Damn Lies
As if smoked out of their holes, the apologists, sycophants and ardent supporters of UDUB are coming in thick and fast in an endeavour to shore up the desperate administration of Rayale since a staggering number of nearly 50 formerly pliant MPs tabled a motion calling for his impeachment.
Much to the amazement of Somaliland's political observers, Ahmed Haji Ali Addami, the Chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) who was recently touring Burao, joined the fray by drawing himself into the murky waters of party politics.
First, according to Hadhwanaagnews, Adami was quoted as saying, "the people who were against the parliamentary elections were defeated". Adami did not specify what he meant by `those who are against the elections' nor did he say who defeated them or how and where they were defeated although it is known with absolute certainty that his own folks in eastern Sanaag are second to none in the list of those who are opposed to participating in the so-called democratic process in which he is the vanguard.
The people that Adami said were defeated are not aliens that descended from Mars but sections of the Somaliland communities who pointed out the inherent flaws of the electoral system to be employed, its apparent lack of equilibrium, and how unjustly it was designed. If Adami calls this a `defeat', then I am afraid the chairman does not understand what the democracy he is trying to advance stands for.
The first step in a democracy is to establish the rules of the game. In a situation such as ours where the very rules of political competition fail to recognise diversity, or seek to muzzle the voices of heterogeneous interests, then a democratic culture has been jeopardised from the start.
The upcoming parliamentary election is based on a revamped 1960 electoral formula- a formula that deceitfully tips the scales in favour of certain sections of Somaliland communities and stealthily deprives others of their rights.
According to this formula, the allocation of parliamentary seats is based on regions, another euphemistic term for clans, and the seats for each region are pre-determined. The formula was designed in such a way that it would result in UDUB's desired conclusion. Even before the parties began to gear up for the elections, there are already winners and losers at the outset. For instance, all seats up for grabs in Odweine and Borama will almost certainly go to UDUB. In a similar fashion, nearly all the seats to be contested in Berbera will unquestionably go to UDUB too. This is based on a secret pact struck by Rayale long ago with Awil and the vice-president, Ahmed Yusuf Yassin. It is therefore a foregone conclusion that the people from these districts, wherever they happen to be in the country, will be voting to UDUB. These are exclusive UDUB territories and will remain off-limits to KULMIYE.
With Sool and eastern Sanaag out of the picture, the battlegrounds will be Balligubadleh, Gabiley and El-Afweyn.
In a letter to the chairman of KULMIYE, according to Somaliland Future, the Mayor of Berbera, who was acting on the express orders of the central government, informed Ahmed Mohamoud Silanyo, in no uncertain terms, that he would not be allowed to make speeches or campaign in central Berbera. UCID leader was equally refused permission to make speeches in Berbera by the government although its leader, more often than not, allies himself with UDUB.
An example of how the electoral formula is so grossly unfair is, for instance, a prospective candidate from Hargeisa will have to garner over 10,000 votes (based on the results of last presidential elections) in order to secure a single seat in the parliament whereas the same number of votes would enable the people of Berbera to have three and half MPs.
Such electoral system is not only an epitome of injustice but also a recipe for disaster, taking into account of the deep-rooted discontent and tensions that simmer beneath the surface.
The government is fully aware that several communities have already expressed dissatisfaction with the unfair electoral system to be employed but, as usual, this president refused to lend an ear to these people. It was grievances of a similar nature, a simple contest of clan interests, which led to the intra-Issaq civil strife in 1994. Now the same spectre seems to have raised its ugly head yet again in Somaliland. But why Rayale would care so long as this infamous formula gives him the upper hand?
Such an unjust system based upon opportunistic juggling of clan interests probably poses a potent menace to Somaliland's survival than anything else.
KULMIYE may have thrown down the gauntlet to UDUB by demanding an election for election's sake, without giving a serious thought as to how the formula was designed in the first place but soon they will be crying their eyes out for having made a terrible mistake by taking a leap into the unknown.
KULMIYE's willingness to get aboard the fashionable bandwagon of elections will only legitimise the diktats of Rayale for another three years unless the impeachment does not seal his fate at the end of the parliament's recess although rumours abound that Rayale would destroy Somaliland if he were impeached.
KULMIYE is caught between the devil and the deep blue sea: if they do partake in the elections, they are bound to lose. If they don't, the better, it will take two to tango. UCID, the party that stands for justice, will play the game with UDUB no matter how unjust the electoral system is. It may be a bitter pill to swallow, but the truth of the matter is that UDUB will win hands down. It is hard to see how otherwise an UDUB administration can survive even for a few months without securing a comfortable majority in the House of Representative.
KULMIYE's woes are further compounded by UDUB's readiness to make use of all the available state resources at its disposal such as transport, media etc; In addition to that, petrol prices have already been doubled ahead of the parliamentary elections and salaries of government employees were put on hold in order to save sufficient slush fund to buy swing votes.
No matter how deep the opposition reach into their pockets, they are unlikely to match an irresponsible government, which, if need be, could dump billions of Somaliland notes into the market on or before the Election Day.
Surely, the people did not die in droves to overthrow an oppressive regime only to replace it with another of its kind run by people afflicted with tribal leprosy. It is imperative for people to realise that this is not going to be a genuine, fair and free election but a pseudo-election designed to hoodwink the international community and satisfy the whims and prerogatives of the few who are loyal to the government.
Second, while speaking on behalf of the NEC, Adami was also acting as a mouthpiece for Rayale, when he said that `the National Electoral Commission has ample evidence that Somaliland would be recognised if the parliamentary election was held in the country and concluded without any disturbances or violence'. The people were not expecting Adami to talk about contentious party politics. They were expecting him to talk about how a fair and free election would be conducted, how a level playing field (though out of question) would be created for all parties, how on this occasion the NEC would ensure the lorries carrying the ballot boxes would not get bogged down in a muddy track somewhere in the country, how they would take a great deal of care that this time round their numbers would add up and what methods they would use to avoid a repeat of the last presidential election, how the ballot boxes would be evenly distributed according to the demographic breakdown of each village, district and settlement and so on. Instead, the chairman ventured into the politics of diplomatic recognition and played right into the hands of Rayale.
Adami dwelt on the much-circulated issue of recognition of Somaliland by mollifying the people of Burao with lies about a bogus recognition, which was out of Somaliland's reach since 1991. He pointed out that recognition of Somaliland is round the corner and that the people of Burao should not spoil the fruits of their hard work and the bitter liberation struggles waged. In a similar manner, the Minister of Education, Hassan Haji Mohamoud Warsame (Gadweine), said, according to Qarannews, that the country would be recognised after the national assembly elections. This is the election message that the government has lately been trying to hammer home. Just like Adami, Gadweine cautioned the people of Sheikh to be wary of the `enemies of Somaliland, within and abroad, who are out to destabilise Somaliland's nationhood'.
As we know, a country can only be afforded with a diplomatic recognition when it has a population of its own, when there is legitimate authority given to it by the people, and when that authority exerts full control over its whole territory. So far, the latter (the entire region of Sool and eastern part of Sanaag) remain outside the authority of Somaliland.
How can a government, which has no control over a large junk (not less than one-third) of its territory, be recognised by the international community? For a long time, the Sool people had been the unenthusiastic passengers of the Somaliland ship of state, largely through no fault of their own, although there are hardcore tribal fundamentalists who had always wanted to merge with their Majeerteen brethren in Puntland.
Sool was an issue that vexed successive Somaliland administrations and it will continue to haunt future administrations so long as Rayale wants to keep the Sool people out of the picture of Somaliland.
Only fools and the ignorant will believe that recognition of Somaliland is close at hand and will be delivered on a silver platter once the election is over. The majority of European countries invested time, energy and money on Somalia's government-in-exile headed by the strongman of Majeertiniya, Colonel Abdullahi Yusuf. Until this mobile government collapses somewhere in the world and there is no foreseeable ray of hope on the horizon that it will ever stand on its feet again, the issue of Somaliland's recognition will continue to be as illusive as ever. We know that Abdullahi Yusuf was impressed upon by many countries including Britain that he and his government should not meddle in the internal affairs of Somaliland.
It remains inexplicable how ample evidence stating that Somaliland would be recognised came into the possession of the National Electoral Commission. One would have thought that such evidence would rest in the hands of president Rayale or the Foreign Minister, Edna Adan Ismail. How these evidences came into the possession of the NEC is as baffling as the chairman's bizarre statement. At any rate, this is a clear testimony that the NEC is nothing more than an offshoot of UDUB.
No wonder why Rayale was fighting tooth and nail not to let Mohammed Hashi to become a member of this Udub-ised commission. No wonder why he would not even let KULMIYE to nominate anyone to the commission?
If Somaliland were recognised after the parliamentary elections, although the entire subject of this self-determination has been studiously avoided in the international fora, it would be entirely due to other factors but not as a result of holding elections. There is no single country in the world from Slovenia to Macedonia where the condition of diplomatic recognition was dependent upon holding democratic elections. It's a cheap propaganda and nonsensical to say that Somaliland's recognition is dependent upon the holding of parliamentary elections.
There is no doubt that, at some point, Somaliland will get a diplomatic recognition but when it will come is beyond anyone's guess. It is just another UDUB gimmickry to say that recognition is round the corner.
It is said that a lie travels half way around the world while the truth is still putting on its shoes. People are sick and tired of having damn lies rammed down their throat all the times by Rayale and his unscrupulous clique.
Polio at Somalia, Somaliland doorstep
With polio emerging in two countries near to Somalia and Somaliland, the UN's public health agency is now launching nationwide anti-polio drives in the two countries to protect millions of children from the paralysing virus, the UN reports.
The World Health Organisation (WHO) in Geneva is leading the large "emergency immunisation" campaigns in Somaliland and Puntland, which later will head on to southern Somalia. "The outbreaks of polio in Ethiopia and Yemen, coupled with large population movements between Somalia and its neighbours, have put Somali children at risk of polio," said David Heymann, Polio Eradication Representative at WHO.
The polio virus now at Somaliland's and Somalia's doorsteps has its origin in Northern Nigeria, where religious authorities stopped the worldwide immunisation campaign for one year, based on conspiracy theories. Polio, which was on its way to become globally eradicated, thus was able to start spreading from Nigeria again, and the virus has moved into countries that had eliminated the disease years ago.
From Northern Nigeria and Niger, the virus rapidly spread to most West African countries. Lately, polio has also spread eastwards through Chad. Over the past 12 months the disease had also broken out in Sudan, infecting 152 children there. From Sudan, the virus has entered Ethiopia and the Arabian Peninsula.
WHO now fears a further spread on the Horn and towards East Africa if the virus is not stopped by emergency immunisation, such as the ones planned for Somalia and Somaliland. "It is crucial that all efforts are made to ensure that the polio virus is not allowed to reverse the gains made so far in Somalia," the WHO representative for Somalia, Ibrahim Betelmal, said.
WHO said that, together with the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF), it has organised tens of thousands of volunteers, health workers and parents, as well as community, religious and traditional leaders, to move from house-to-house and village-to-village across the two countries to hand-deliver the polio vaccine to every child under age 5.
Immunisation would be carried out this weekend in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, on 18 to 20 June in the self-declared Republic of Somaliland, and from 24 to 26 June in the south and central areas of the Somalia.
According to WHO, vaccinators would initially use a recently developed oral polio vaccine, which has been known to boost children's immunity more rapidly than the commonly used vaccine. Further campaigns would take place in July, August and September, WHO said in a statement.
By staff writer. c afrol News
Lloyd's List, June 15, 2005/ SECTION: Issue #58933; Special Report-Red Sea Ports and Shipping; Pg. 19
Ethiopia signs import trade agreement with Somaliland
A deal, which goes into effect on July 1, closed out a four-day trade mission led by Ethiopian Revenue Minister Getachew Belay at the end of May.
The delegation assessed the port, on the Gulf of Aden in northwestern Somalia, its oil terminal and the roads to Ethiopia's remote eastern regions along the Somali border.
Somaliland, a former British protectorate, broke away from Somalia in 1991 and has been a relatively stable enclave ever since, which held its first multiparty election in 2003. It is not recognised internationally.
The rest of Somalia has had no central authority since the ousting of former President Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991 and has been devastated by warlords and their militias.
"Somaliland is at peace with itself. That means it also has peace with its neighbours," a state of affairs conducive to trade, Mr Getachew said after the deal was signed on May 28.
Somaliland Foreign Affairs Minister Edna Aden Ismail told reporters the port and roads will need upgrading to accommodate the increased trade.
Somaliland and Ethiopia will jointly approach donors for financial aid, Mr Ismail said.
The two legalised bilateral trade in August 2003, established customs posts and agreed to improve road links.
Trade between the two countries is mostly limited to the stimulant leaf qat, fruit and vegetables exported by Ethiopia and food and other commodities exported by Somaliland.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, June 14, 2005/Source: Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 1600 gmt 14 Jun 05 c BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND: PUBLIC TRANSPORT OPERATORS STRIKE IN CITY OVER FUEL PRICE HIKE
[Rambo] Buses commuting across the city which transport residents in Hargeysa today went on strike following increase in fuel price, which hiked in the recent past. There were no activities going on at the popular bus stops. Few buses which attempted to transport passengers were pelted with stones.
Police force in Hargeysa were found deployed at bus-stops in a bid to protect the few buses operating in the city. The bus operators threatened to increase fares to [Somaliland currrency] 2,000 shillings, from the current rate of 1000, otherwise they vowed to continue with the strike. [Passage omitted]
Hargeysa residents are now forced to hire taxis which charge expensively.
The Indian Ocean Newsletter June 11, 2005, SECTION: DIPLOMACY/ORGANIZATIONS
Discussion on SPU in Somaliland
Certain NGOs remain reluctant to use the SPU service, comprising 78 policemen to be deployed throughout Somaliland. For the NGOs, the rate for paying the policemen is as follows: $20 per month par person. For SPU services outside Hargeisa, the tariff is $4 per person per day and $7 for night time protection. Since 1 June, the members of the SPU have been providing the service on a rotating basis and their payment must be made directly to the ministry of Home Affairs in Hargeisa.
Agence France Presse -- English June 10, 2005 Friday 11:07 AM GMT
At least 40 killed by floods last month in Somalia: UN
In addition to the deaths, more than 2,000 families in parts of central and southern Somalia and another 270 families in the northwestern breakaway republic of Somaliland were displaced, it said.
The raging flood waters caused extensive damage, including to bridges, as they swept through villages, uprooting large trees and burying property under mud, UNICEF said in its monthly review of the situation in Somalia.
One resident of the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa, where the offices of Handicap International and a French charity had to be evacuated, said it was the worst flood in the area since 1953, UNICEF said.
The flooding began in late April in both Somalia and neighboring Ethiopia after torrential rains hit the region. At least 170 people in Ethiopia's southern Somali state were killed by flash floods or eaten by crocodiles.
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/
"Berbera Corridor" Is the Best Choice
First, there is nothing positive in Somaliland about the legacy of the controversial English global trotter, who didn't even appreciated the generous hospitality of the Somali race during his infamous trips through our land. Afterward, he oxymoronically despised and ridiculed everything about the Somalis or black race ad nausea . Second, it could be argued that his only known legacy in S/land is more than 80 years of outright colonialism and another 45 years of socio-political upheavals and identity crises. Lastly, it seems that current situation is comparatively and radically different from that of captain Burton trips' era for a number criteria as the today's engagement consists :
Consensual agreements between a two brotherly neighbouring African black nations.
Implemented as an equal and reciprocal terms rather colonial and servant relationship.
The area's history trade partnership, though varied in scale, is century years old and existed long before the arrival of imperial R. F. Burton.
The present accord is taking place at the dawn of 21st technological and communication innovations, instead of 18th century.
Political borders weren't existed between Harar and Berbera back then in 1855, and the whole region was under the same geo-political sphere of influence-Islam.
Today's officials conduct themselves not under any colonial disguise, but rather under a modern diplomatic atmosphere.
The above mentioned project's name specifically honours the S/land city of Bebera, because of its unique and modern geo-commerce strategic position.
Clearly, today's situation has little in common with the past.
Another suggested short-list name by the author was " An Old Islamic City Gets Access". Well, nothing is religious about the contemporary Harar anymore. After the bloody, brutal conquest of Atse Menelik II in 1887 and its long, subsequent reign of terror and social engineering, which were carried out by emperor H. Sillasse and Col.Mengistu that span for another seventy years, the city and its Islamic heritage are never be same. It completely transformed to the better or worse, depending whom you ask and how you see it.
Albeit UNESCO is recognized the city as being among the world's top heritage sites, an state-of-art of post-secondary institutions and a modern hospital facilities and beer brewery factories are all its today's major flagship. Nearly 87 mosques, some of them empty, including a thousand years old of Abu beker mosque are all left behind from the once thriving, legendary horn African Islamic civilization centre.Who is then interested to visit it for a religious symbols this day and age, let alone pilgrimage? Today, the Aderi natives and their cohabitants are more in tune with the other Christian orthodox than their neighbouring Muslim Oromos or Somalis.
In another line, the author states as " Britain would find some interest in extolling the name of their fellow explorer..." Again, I'm in the view of that Britain owns Somaliland more, much more, than that. On one hand, Somaliland deserves nothing less than a heartfelt sympathy, if not sincere apology, from Great Britain for her 80 years of colonial negligence, under-development and Cinderella empire status.On the other hand, Somaliland now expect from Britain of not praising enthusiastically in the name of their fellow explorer, but rather to unambiguously spearhead and mitigate along the diplomatic fronts of Somaliland recognition. Anything less would be pure tokenism and empty rhetoric.
Finally, appealing to the sensationalist and publicity inclined media outlets is one thing, while the seriousness and practicality of the project's proper nomenclature compels something else. Definitely Technocratic and project planners have much expertise and insightful in dealing with or inventing of such magical names, and I'm afraid they already have coined a better one for us " The Berbera Corridor". Let stick with it , please! It couldn't be better.
Mohamed A. Awale, Ottawa, Canada. Abdull@ncf.ca
Source: Tv Somaliland Europe. 2005-06-06
Propaganda is Millicious & Bad Journalism
The main question here is that dont this kind of Somali people have a sense of Responsibilty,Dignity and repect towards their fellow Somali & African citizens?
One of journalism Principals is based upon Being Objective & Righteous towards one and all, and at the same time operate as the tools of education to our people.
We realy wonder Why you dont write the truth about the genocide that was conducted in the name of Somalis to citizens of Somaliland.
We have been Victims My Little Freind and we therefore do not support or encourage evilness of any kind at any place.
Mind you that many Citizens of Somaliland were systematicaly assasinated between the beggining of the 80S to the end of the 80s .
Somaliland Believes in Global Peace.
Why not Seek & Write the truth Somaaljecel.
We think its a shame to all those that fabricate news and mislead our African Neighbours and the whole world.
Somaliland will prevail.
Please Read the So Called "Secret" report below.
Somalia web site says Ethiopia planning to import nerve gas via Somaliland May 31, 2005/ Asia Intelligence Wire
Text of report by Somali website Somaaljecel on 30 May
Secret reports we have obtained say that the Ethiopian ministers who recently visited Hargeysa, the capital of Somaliland administration, have signed an agreement with the Somaliland authorities allowing the Ethiopian Government to use Berbera Port to ship in nerve gas for use against Eritrea.
The reports said that the Ethiopian ministers presented the Riyale administration with two proposals, one of which it accepted.
One proposal sought the use of Berbera Port to import the dangerous chemical; the other sought permission for Ethiopia to develop a new natural harbour near Berbera Port, which would allow the neighbouring country to import anything it wants - arms or chemicals.
The Riyale administration is said undecided about the latter proposal.
Somaliland ministers have left for Ethiopia, accompanying the visiting Ethiopian ministers. There were no details about their trip to Ethiopia.
The Somaliland ministers will deliver a message from President Dahir Riyale Kahin to Ethiopian Prime Minister Zenawi, as well as hold talks with senior Ethiopian Government officials on the [port development] issue.
Nerve gas is extremely toxic. If a tiny hole is punctured in a barrel containing the gas, the chemical can escape putting people in the area at risk. Saddam Husayn was reported to have used the chemical against Kurds.
The Ethiopian government is said to have bought the chemical from mercenaries. If Ethiopia, a long-time enemy of Somalia, lays its hands on nerve gas, it may use against the Somali people.
Source: Somaaljecel website in Somali 30 May 05
N/B. Final Conclusion:
Somaliland has The Right to conduct trade with all its neighbours and every other Nation in the world.
Somaliland Wishes Peace , Democracy, & economical Stability to the poor African Nations & the whole world.
We wish Peace to all the citizens of the world Wherever they are.
Producer Ali Mohamed, TVsleurope
From http://www.tvsomalilandeurope.net, 2005-06-08/ Source: Economist Intelligence Unit, Country Report, 2005-06-08
Somalia politics: Somaliland outlook
When Mr Yusuf eventually resolves the more pressing issues for his administration--the location of his interim government and the presence of foreign peacekeepers--the obvious broker in his relations with Mr Kahin is Ethiopia, the country with which both leaders have strong ties.
The postponement of Somaliland's parliamentary elections, which had been due to occur in March, is probably the most serious political crisis of Mr Kahin's presidency so far, given that the elections are widely viewed as the final phase of the self- declared republic's democratisation process.
Faced with two houses of parliament seemingly determined to postpone elections indefinitely, Mr Kahin has handled the situation with skill, deciding not to dissolve parliament, which he had the power to do, but succeeding in pressing through a bill that allows a new date for elections to be set without a national census--the previous election law required a national census to be completed for voting purposes before any new elections could be held.
The new date for parliamentary elections, which will be determined by the national electoral commission, will be in 2005 and should be soon enough to restore international confidence in Somaliland as a viable nation state worthy of recognition.
From http://www.tvsomalilandeurope.net/ Source: Irin, 2005-06-06
SOMALIA: Torrential rains kill seven, render thousands homeless
Large tracts of farmland were also inundated following torrential rains on Saturday night and Sunday morning. Hectares of farmland that had already been planted with crops were devastated, and food stocks stored underground was also washed away.
According to elders in the affected areas, the Juba River burst its banks, flooding more than 30 villages in the district. More than 500 huts were swept away and at least 120 animals killed.
An elder from one of the hardest hit areas, Farah Mohamud, told IRIN that an elderly woman and two children were among the seven people who had been confirmed dead.
The floodwater submerged some villages and destroyed roads linking Bu'ale to the towns of Jilib and Afmadau. Local officials said most of the affected areas were still inaccessible, raising fears that the number of casualties could be higher.
Many displaced families moved to higher ground, and some sought refuge at a nearby school in a hilly area.
Most Bu'ale district residents are farmers and irrigate their crops with water from the Juba River. They grow sorghum, maize, beans, fruits and vegetables, which they sell to local traders and businessmen from other regions.
Those affected also included hundreds of pastoralists who had migrated from drought-stricken areas in search of pasture and water.
Flooding was also reported in Qardo town in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, following heavy rains. At least one person was killed, hundreds of huts were damaged and crops and livestock were swept away.
Last month, flooding in the Hiiran region of south-central Somalia displaced thousands of families and inundated many hectares of farmland in and around Beletweyne, the regional capital.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 176, June 4, 2005
Total's Action Is An All-Out War Against Somaliland's Economy
A source close to the oil company, who wanted to be anonymous explained, how the company was busy lately to root out any competition from other companies. For instance, he mentioned how TOTAL demanded from RED SEA Company; a small privately owned oil company will be allowed to use the fuel tanks only, if they paid $500,000 or deposited oil of equal amount in the fuel tanks.
At the beginning of March this year, RED SEA Company decided to bring a tanker to the Port, in order to use the fuel tanks, following TOTAL's initial demands. TOTAL refused to allow the tanker to use the fuel tanks. According to our source, the Port Manager, Mr. Ali Xoor-xoor intervened and gave permission to the tanker, after two days.
Another bizarre act by TOTAL was to dismantle five sophisticated, state-of-the-art oil pipes, built by the Soviet Union during the late seventies in Berbera for refueling purposes and later rebuilt by the United States military to refuel, during the 1980s, when they used Berbera as a military base. The pipes were built to provide quick supply of fuel to tankers, vehicles and aircraft all at the same time.
According to some political analysts, the EU advised TOTAL and its government sponsors about the high cost of repair and maintenance of oil pipes. In addition the EU estimated that Somaliland uses only 2000 tons of oil each month and that small amount of oil can be used by only one pipe, they argued.
TOTAL decided to dismantle the sophisticated system, in order to use an old system, built by the British Shell company in the 1950s.
Other analysts, call the dismantling of the 5 pipes high noon robbery. They accuse TOTAL of selling the five sophisticated oil pipes to the Arab Financiers of the Port in Djibouti for the amount of 90 million dollars. How else can you justify the elimination of such incredible oil pipes and replace it for an old pipe that has to be maintained once every five years, they say. Many intellectuals call TOTAL's action an economic war, geared towards hurting the Ethiopia - Somaliland agreement on May 28. According to these groups, TOTAL, which is based in Djibouti has an economic stake in the area. They argue that TOTAL was the only oil company serving Ethiopia's oil needs from Djibouti, during the past decade, and that Ethiopia will be free to deal with other oil companies, if it uses Berbera as her main port of entry. Therefore, when Ethiopia decided last week to use Berbera port, TOTAL began to sabotage the agreement between the two countries, by destroying the main oil pipes and, essentially forcing Somaliland's government to use its oil fuel tanks for local consumption purposes only. Furthermore, Somaliland's inability to handle Ethiopia's economic needs, will force her to use Djibouti facilities. This will in turn, force Ethiopia to use TOTAL as its main source of oil, they maintain. TOTAL will not only dominate Ethiopia's oil needs but the company's aim is to control Somaliland's economy by becoming the only company that owns both the wholesale and retail of the oil in the country, the intellectuals conclude.
According to reliable sources, TOTAL rented several gas stations around the country already. They are also in the process of eliminating the competition entirely through their refusal to use the fuel tanks. If they succeed in doing that, they will become the only source of oil, which makes them a monopoly. In a free market economy, monopoly is not allowed, because it cripples the economy which leads to stagnation and political instability. The economic ties between Ethiopia and Somaliland will come to a standstill, if TOTAL gets away with its sinister moves, many analysts argue. It also reminds many people of the economic and political hurdles that Somaliland went through during her recent past, including the international ban of Somaliland livestock, and the role EU played. It was the EU's research claims about Somaliland's livestock trade, which was published on March 1997 that led to the livestock ban on November 1997. Many people are wondering if TOTAL's war on our economy is a result of EU's advice to limit Berbera Port for local consumption only.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 176, June 4, 2005
The disgraceful end of the Somali conference in Kenya
Wednesday at 10 a.m, members of the Somali government-in-exile were finally kicked out of the Nairobi hotels where they have been staying for the last three years. The Kenyan government's action may seem a bit harsh and humiliating but then again, it is highly unlikely that Somalis would have vacated the hotels on their own. Moreover, the Somali politicians in Kenya have shown again and again that they have no sense of shame. This is a crowd that is used to assassination attempts on their head honcho and bloody fights among its parliamentarians, so being forced out of a hotel should be a minor thing by their standards. Initial reports confirm that is exactly how a lot of them look at it, and that many of them have reacted by simply taking their luggage to the Isli slum to join the Somalis who live there. This is a fitting end for a reconciliation meeting that had lost its way long ago. Even those who don't like this miserable ending cannot honestly claim it came as a surprise, for the writing was on the wall for a long time.
Now that the party is over, we can safely say this about the conference:
1- It was a great waste of time, money and energy
2- The selection of Col. Abdillahi Yusuf as president contributed a lot to the failure of the outcome. Abdillahi Yusuf's strategy was to get foreign troops to conquer the south for him. Barring a last minute change of heart, that strategy looks like it has failed because he could not get any foreign troops to do the dirty work for him. The fact that his calculations about getting foreign troops turned out so wrong, is an indication of his shallowness as a strategist.
3- With the end of the Nairobi saga and future action shifting to Somalia, the politics of southern Somalia is going to be mostly focused on Mogadishu, where Abdillahi Yusuf has no base, which will result in even more marginalization for him and his supporting cast.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 176, June 4, 2005
A Norwegian National Supports Somaliland's Struggle To Rebuild its Country
This time we were a group, people working with Somalis in Norway, from local authority refugee offices and different organizations. Apart from Hargeisa we visited Las Geel, Berbera, Sheikh and Burco. After the rains the countryside was beautiful and green, and for those who were first time visitors to Somaliland it was wonderful and surprising!
The purpose of the trip was to get an impression of the country, and to create a better understanding and knowledge of the background of the people who are now our fellow countrymen. We have 15 000 Somalis in Norway, a large proportion from Somaliland.
After spending some time in the country, and having been welcomed so generously everywhere, our group has already developed a keen interest in the people, the history and the developments here, an interest which will have an effect on further contact between our two nations.
There were plenty of warnings about security and so on, but we never felt uncomfortable or threatened in any way, on the contrary, we were met with kindness and hospitality wherever we went.
One evening I realized I had lost a wallet containing nearly $ 500 and my return ticket to Norway. I tried to think where I might have lost it, feeling quite sure it hadn't been stolen. If I had accidentally left or dropped it somewhere, I wouldn't have blamed a person in need if he or she had been tempted and kept the money. As the days went by, I was beginning to think that had happened. Then I got a message from Bile Restaurant that it had been found by an employee there, and that they had taken time finding me. I went to pick it up, and everything was there! Imagine my relief and gratitude! I doubt if the same would have happened in Oslo, where I have had my bag stolen on several occasions!
It was a pleasure to introduce my Norwegian group to this city and country, which I have grown so fond of during several visits in the last 14 years, and from my work and friendship with Somalis in Norway, and to see what a positive impression they got, thanks to the brave and hospitable people.
About a hundred people who are now Norwegian citizens, but have returned to their original homeland, celebrated the Norwegian national day, May 17. in the NRC compound, along with us. It was a wonderful, emotional occasion.
I hope the good relations between our two nations will continue and develop further, that we can support you in your struggle to rebuild your shattered country.
The word has already spread about our successful stay, and I hope to bring many more Norwegians to Somaliland in the future, the fan club is growing! Until next time, thank you!
Ingeborg Vard
- en,
Oslo, Norway.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 176, June 4, 2005
Editorial: The Somaliland Convention in Los Angeles
Three aims of this conference stand out:
1- To promote dialogue between Somalilanders
2- To discuss ways of improving Somaliland's education and economy
3- To contribute to the efforts toward Somaliland's recognition
The fact that this conference is taking place in the United States is of great significance, for although Somalilanders in the United States played a crucial part in the anti-Siyad Barre struggle, lately, they have not been as active as they used to be and are lagging behind Somalilander communities in Europe. We hope this conference is the beginning of the kind of involvement that Somalilanders in the United States had shown during the height of the anti-Siyad Barre struggle. If they were able to do it then, surely they can do it now.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 176, June 4, 2005
Somaliland's self-inflicted wounds
If one looks at the latest parliamentary mess in isolation, one would be baffled by what is happening. But if one sees it in the context of what has been going on for the last few years, one will notice that it is part of a pattern of manufactured, unnecessary and avoidable crises which appear in Somaliland suddenly and out of nowhere every few months and inflict great damage on the young republic. First there was the dispute about the impact (or "saamaynta" to use a much abused Somali word) that the Embagathi conference was going to have on Somaliland. Then there was the maneuverings by some parliamentarians to sack the speaker simply because they were unhappy with him which precipitated his resignation. Now some members of parliament are at it again. This time they want to impeach the president for alleged corruption and losing control of Sool region.
On the face of it, these are serious charges. But they have several problems. The most obvious one is why they didn't present their case against the president all these years and waited until now? Secondly, the reasons they gave for their drive to impeach the president are not the real ones. The real reasons, which are widely known, have to do with the coming parliamentary elections. Some of them are angry with the president for insisting on elections because they see little chance of being elected. Some are upset with him because his party, UDUB, would not back their candidacy. While others have some other misgivings about the elections or the president.
One of the unfortunate consequences of the impeachment drive was the disagreement that surfaced between the honorable speaker of the Parliament and his first and second deputies. These three gentlemen are some of the pillars of the country and we trust what happened was just a passing a cloud. Mr Qaybe is one of the elder statesmen of Somaliland and should always be accorded the respect and honor he deserves. We condemn any signs of disrespect, threats or intimidation toward him or any Somaliland citizen.
To the parliamentarians involved in the latest crisis, we say: the elections are going to take place soon. No amount of diversion and stumbling blocks are going to stop it. They are going to take place not just because the president wants it but because the people want it, the international community wants it and Somaliland's democratic process requires it. So be good citizens and get ready for elections instead of doing further damage to your credibility.
There is an American saying: if it talks like a duck, walks like a duck, and feels like a duck, then it's a duck. Somaliland today talks, walks and feels like a sovereign state. The latest symbol of this was the spectacle of one of modern Africa's founding fathers, a former head of state, Dr Kenneth Kaunda disembarking from the Airlines of another sovereign state, Ethiopia, at Egal international airport.
Somaliland has come a long way, but it still has a long, hard road ahead of it. Somaliland's people expect their political elite to focus on consolidating what has been achieved, and to make plans for the tasks ahead. One way Somaliland's political elite can help the country is by breaking the habit of manufacturing one crisis after another.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 176, June 4, 2005
Somaliland's Diplomatic Progress and the President's Speech
Somaliland's patient and persistent diplomatic efforts seem to be finally paying off. One only has to look at the steady stream of high-level diplomats and statesmen that have been visiting Somaliland in the last few months. There was the vice-chairman of the African Union, the British delegation, and now one of the founding fathers of modern Africa, H.E Dr. Kenneth Kaunda is in Hargeisa. There was also President Dahir Rayale Kahin's superb interview in al-Jazira where millions of Arabic-speaking people watched him explain Somaliland's achievements. Right now while Somaliland is receiving statesmen, Somaliland's foreign minister is in the United States discussing bilateral issues with the US government. Somaliland is definitely a country on the move. Even the BBC Somali Service had to admit the momentum toward recognizing Somaliland that is building up in the African Union.
President Dahir Rayale Kahin came to the May 18th celebration knowing full well that the diplomatic winds are now in Somaliland's favor, which put him in a strong position from which to address a host of questions. His performance was robust and engaging. He worked his audience and they responded. The only sour note was some of the harsh language the President used against the opposition. As the President of Somaliland, he should have been more restrained. Parliament should also know that it's not just the president, but many Somalilanders are fed up with their antics. Members of parliament should be busy preparing for elections instead of trying to blackmail the president with the threat of impeachment.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 176, June 4, 2005
Col. Abdillahi Yusuf Asks US To Terminate The Trial Of Ali Samater And Others Accused of Crimes Against Humanity
Ali Samater was the former prime minister and secretary of defense during Siyad Barre's dictatorial regime. He is now facing charges in the US of having committed crimes against humanity during the brutal war against the civilian populations in what was then called North Somalia and now is the Somaliland Republic.
Africa Watch estimated that 50,000 people were killed during the bombardment of the civilian population, and 300,000 had fled across the border to Ethiopia.
Source: Somaliland.org, 03 June 2005
Rayale Must Bite The Bullet And Face The Impeachment Like His Predecessor
As the pressure of impeachment mounts and the noose tightens around the neck of Rayale, the government's darlings are beginning to resort to dirty tactics and acts of extreme measures in their frantic attempts to prevent Ahmed Mohamoud Aden (Qaybe), the Chairman of the House of Representatives, from opening the parliament following its closure by Abdulqadir Jirde, the Deputy Chairman, against the will of the majority of MPs.
Out of the prying eyes of the public, a relentless and hair-raising clandestine war is being fought by the government's agents against Qaybe and other forty or so legislators who are vigorously trying to ram the impeachment motion through the parliament. The agents, mostly former experts in psychological torture during Barre's regime, are making every attempt to keep the rebellious MPs on lead, until they are made to toe in line with the government. Among other absurdities, the agents accuse the MPs, who initiated the motion, that they are unwittingly serving Somaliland's enemies, that the impeachment is a plot masterminded from outside the country by KULMIYE elements, which could be overcome only by a complete obedience to the authority.
The Internal Minister, Ismail Adan Faqash, is playing a hardball, too. He displays his macho image with bravado. He demonstrates to the public that he is unfeeling, rough, tough and dumb and, alas, there are incredulous young men, whom he transported from deep Haud who often copied his harmful image.
Mr. Ismail, the former small-time informer, who copied and excelled the mannerism of his former mentors, and who is known to take a perverse pleasure in putting his own folks through hell, began to use hirelings of his own kin and kith to threaten, intimidate and even punch MPs who put their signatures to the impeachment motion. By the same token, poor Qaybe was repeatedly harassed, intimidated and humiliated in public since the day he set foot on the Somaliland soil on his return from a short visit to Dubai. In one instance, he even had `a gun put to his head' according to a Somaliland Future report. Moreover, the government's spin-doctors are weaving a web of lies at an alarming rate and all the government's propaganda apparatus are functioning round-the-clock to ensure that Qaybe is utterly smeared and character assassinated completely.
Already accusations fly in Hargeisa that Qaybe belongs to a fifth column and the destiny of Somaliland could not be trusted in his hands, that he is a Somaliwayn supporter and a sworn enemy who has a hidden agenda to advance, that he is a fire-breathing demagogue conspiring the Issaq clan and would love to see them [Issaqs] feast on their own flesh, that he maintains a secret communication channel with Abdillahi Yusuf to keep Somaliland divided, that his recent sojourn and travel to Dubai was part of a wider conspiracy designed to forestall Somaliland's recognition. Such is the frighteningly desperate acts of propaganda being tossed around in Hargeisa by Rayale's spies and propagandists against the hapless Chairman. However, Rayale's henchmen seem to believe that the people do not have indeed the sophistication to see through any ruse or propaganda they put up.
The unprincipled Ismail Faqash who grovels at the feet of Rayale is ready to deliver a blow to anyone who stands in Rayale's way irrespective of whether that individual is right or wrong. He has the liberty to sentence anyone over the phone and the power to have them sent to Hargeisa Central Prison where inmates are wallowing in a mire of their own faeces and urine, where every 92 inmates are huddled together in a jam-packed room like animals that are about to be conveyed to the Abattoir.
We were led to believe at the inauguration of Rayale's presidency that Sultans and Aqils have no place in the so-called modern democratic state. However, somehow, Rayale found the need to appeal to the Sultans especially those who are inclined to UDUB to exert maximum pressure on Qaybe not to re-open the parliament, and, moreover, to impress upon him the grave consequences that such an act might lead to the country.
In BBC Somali interview, Qaybe said that he sent his car to collect his stepmother, who broke her leg, from Buhoodle. However, the police intercepted the car at Qorilugud and turned it back to Burao under the express orders of the Somaliland Police Commander, Mohamed Egeh. In a boldfaced lie, Egeh said that the car was crossing the border into Ethiopia. But Qaybe retorted, "Since when the border was relocated to Qorilugud".
While simmering in anger, Qaybe said in a diplomatic language that the turning back of his car to Burao was apparently as result of the impeachment issue he was handling although when he appealed to Rayale, the car was allowed to travel back to Buhodle.
The spies and informers are circling like vultures around the dwellings of each and every MP who support the impeachment motion. Their movements are constantly monitored in every step of the way and every word they utter is relayed to Rayale. The campaign to kill the motion before it is tabled is in full swing and the drama of the impeachment is still unfolding in Hargeisa.
It is an undisputable fact that former spies drawn from the defunct National Security Service (NSS) of the ousted military junta surround Rayale. These men were entrusted with various administrative posts in his government. According to ICG `He [Rayale] created his own Mukhabaaat, which is accountable only to him and is not governed by any legislation. Its purpose and powers remain unknown and it exercises its powers in the absence of public sight'. Millions of taxpayer's money is spent on who is taking qat with whom and a senseless propaganda war against KULMIYE.
A few weeks back on 17 May 2005, a strikingly similar, but less publicised, drama was unfolding in Hargeisa. President Rayale asked his close aide and confidante, Abdi Hassan Buuni, behind closed doors, to bring together and hold a clandestine meeting for members of the Somali Elders Council who are inclined or friendly to the government. Buuni, the Minister of the Bicameral Parliament (a euphemistic term meaning bribe distributor) often carries around between the two parliaments a brief case seemingly full of dollars to the brim.
He pops up only when serious disagreements erupt in the parliament between members who support the government and those who oppose it particularly over motions that are deemed to jeopardize the government. More often than not, Buuni skilfully deploys his sweeteners to lure those wobbly members who are often rumoured to be immoral, unthrifty, living-for-the-moment, and happy go lucky. The loyalty of those who are financially in dire straits is also bought.
Whatever method Buuni may have used on 17th May, he managed to bring together 42 members of the House of Elders to take a friendly Qat session with him at the former residence of president Rayale when he was a serving vice-president to late Egal. Although what exactly transpired between Buuni and members of the elders who attended that Qat session is not yet fully known, nonetheless, it was reported, according to some participants, that the purpose of the meeting was basically to contemplate ways and means to hatch a plot to unseat Saleban Mohamoud Aden, the Chairman of the House of Elders who is known to be implacably opposed to the wrongdoings and excesses of Rayale's government. Buuni's idea however was apparently to portray the Qat session as a friendly meeting between him and the elders but there was more sinister to it than the public was told.
When the House reconvened its usual scheduled session the next day, the Chairman, Saleban Mohamoud Aden (Gaal) was reported to have said to the members, "An unscheduled session [shir doceed ] was held yesterday outside this House". Immediately, finger pointing, recriminations and commotion erupted between those who attended Buuni's meeting and those who stayed away from it. Then, the Chairman abruptly ended the session.
The truth of the matter is it is the government and not KULMIYE that often masterminded conspiracies against the Chairmen of both Houses of the Parliament namely Qaybe and Saleban Gaal. And it is the government that continues to witch hunt these innocent men to this day. These men are being witch hunted and got into trouble none other than the favours they have done for the government in the past.
Rayale claims that he was elected democractically, and rightly so. He was quoted as saying, "I was elected by the people and only the people can remove me". Well if he is really honest about what he says, then he must submit himself to, and show confidence in, the system that propelled him into the highest post of the land. He must put his trust in the legislators who were at his beck and call yesterday. However, if Rayale continues to show an utter contempt for the law of the land and the constitution, then that will be a clear and an open invitation to anarchy.
It is time Rayale to show his masculinity, bite the bullet, and face the impeachment like his predecessor.
JAMAL MADAR LONDON, UNITED KINGDOM
From http://somaliland.org/opinions.asp?ID=05060204/- 2 June, 2005 Rayaale's Henchmen, Apologists And Bully Boys Jamal Madar - London, UK
Rayaale's supporters can be divided into three groups: henchmen, apologists and bully boys. In this short article, I shall give examples and describe a representative sample of each of these types of individuals.
A good example of the henchmen is Abdulqadir Haji Ismail (Jirde), the deputy speaker of the House of Representatives. His loyalty to Rayaale knows no bounds. He was instrumental in naming him interim President following Egal's death and now he is trying to keep in power despite the enormous disenchantment with his government, which some may describe as outright rebellion against it. When nearly 50 MPs signed a motion demanding Rayaale's impeachment, Jirde announced over Radio Hargeisa that the House will take a recess of 45 days - an act which contravened both the Internal Regulations of the House and the spirit of the Constitution. One may wonder as to the real reason behind such a cavalier attitude towards the laws of the land from a man who likes to portray himself as a moderate, rational politician. The answer is that he is a self-serving henchman, who does not care about anything else except keeping Rayaale in power and gaining some material benefits in return.
What is more astonishing is his assertion that the Speaker of the House had no right to reopen the parliament even after he had received a motion signed by 42 MPs demanding this very thing. He even threatened the Speaker by saying that he would be held responsible for the consequences if he went ahead and opened the parliament. His implied threat was that the country would be plunged into anarchy if Rayaale were impeached because Rayaale and his henchmen would fight back. They said the same thing in May 2003 when it became apparent to Rayaale that he had lost the presidential election and ordered his henchmen to bully the electoral commission to make him the winner. So their argument is: accept the presidency of Rayaale or else there will be no peace in the country. This argument is rubbish because if the impeachment motion goes through both houses, then Rayaale will have to go and if it does not, then there will be no problem. It is very clear who is going to destroy the peace if the impeachment motion goes through. It is Rayaale and his henchmen. In other words, we will all have to be slaves and sycophants in order to enjoy a measure of peace. God forbid! We did not fight against the dictatorship of Siad Barre in order to exchange it with that of Rayaale.
Let me now come to the bully boys. The chief bully boy in the Rayaale administration is Ismail Faqash, the Minister of Interior. During the parliamentary crisis discussed above he was always seen in the courtyard between the two houses of parliament where he was said to be cajoling, bribing or bullying one MP or another into withdrawing his name from the impeachment motion. Apparently the MPs from Sool and Eastern Sanaag were the most adamant. So he resorted to using some real bully boy tactics upon them by hiring one of his kinsmen to land a blow or two on the head of one such MP. Mr Adan (Qaybe), the House Speaker himself was reported to have been physically threatened by the same hired thug. This is very strange indeed in a country that claims to be a democracy and is seeking international recognition. Those of us who support freedom and open government are totally behind the MPs of Sool and Eastern Sanag and utterly condemn Ismail's bully boy tactics and his use of utterly irrelevant clan politics in Somaliland. We want to tell our fellow compatriots: we are with you and not with Ismail and his master, Rayaale. So keep up the good work!
As for the apologists, the foremost apologist, at least in the electronic press, is Mohamud Tani. I have seen him write a number of articles in which he was indirectly trying to defend Rayaale's record by criticising KULMIYE. However, this is an irrational way of going about it. If you want to defend a government in power, you should do that by citing its achievements during its term of office not by vilifying the opposition. You should tell us what Rayaale's government did during the three years it was in power. What has it done for the people of Somalilandwhich is worth mentioning? The answer is nothing. That is why you are vilifying KULMIYE and its supporters. Moreover, the things you mention there are so meaningless that they are unworthy of a reply.
Mr Tani was one of a group of people who put their lives on the line by working for the rights of the people of Somaliland in the 1980's. They were fighting for good governance and economic and social development. Can Tani now tell me the good governance that Rayaale has introduced in Somaliland when the system of justice has become the laughing stock of the international human rights organisations? When the prisoners wallow in their excrement? When the government itself ignores the Constitution on a daily basis? What economic and social development programmes has the Rayaale government carried out? Or are you supporting him because you belong to the same clan as the President?
Source: somalilandcenter.com, June-01-2005.
Awdalians" or "Awdalites": A Spent Shell and Lonely Voices in the Wilderness
First of all, let me on the outset make clear that this article does not demean in any manner or portray in bad faith the mainstream Gudabirsi ethnic group, who are mainly peaceful and loyal to the cause and existence of Somaliland. Second, this article solely concerns an account of the shadowy activities of disloyal and hateful people even though they are members of the Gudabirsi tribe. To proceed, the so called "Awdalians" or "Awdalites" whom I would refer to here as Pariah Awdalians are exclusively members of the Gudabirsi tribe, a minority ethnic group in Somaliland who are known to flirt and connive with the Darood Clan particularly the Majeerteen tribe of Somalia whom they seem to adore even though they do not share similar culture, traditions and customs, intermarriage coalition, and territorial proximity. Although the pariah Awdalians consider themselves as elites of their communities, they are actually a low class lot who mainly live in the diasporas particularly in North America and Europe and who from time and again have incited and misled their ethnic group to the extent of reducing them to a subservient status and faithful servant of their Darood masters at the expense of the Isaaq Clan, the majority ethnic group in Somaliland for no apparent reason other than for their unjustifiable hate, sheer envy, suffocating jealousy, and baseless tribal animosity. It is believed that the source of their animosity emanates from their utter failure to compete with the Isaaq or to emulate them or to match their gifted gallantry in battles, intellect, superior culture, customs and traditions; poetry, music, business prowess, superior way of life, and reputable standing in East Africa, Horn of Africa region, Arab World, and the Western World.
Regardless, the Darood who traditionally despises, shuns and avoids socializing with them in any manner other than to use them as their lackeys for their political ends and who skillfully exploits their meaningless tribal animosity and unjustified hate against the Isaaq whom they share blood relations, intermarriage coalitions and territorial proximity and whom the cunning Daroods dreams of vanquishing from time and immemorial since they consider them as the only stumbling block or the only ethnic group in all of the five Somali inhabited territories in East Africa and Horn of Africa regions that stands in the way of the success of their grand illusion of greatness and hallucination of false glory as inherent in their clandestine Daroodism ideology, a fascist state sanctioned clan supremacy doctrine that seeks to tribally control all state apparatus and function of governments in Somalia on the basis of raw tribalism, divide and conquer mechanism, iron fist rule, sheer oppression, systematic discrimination and gross injustices, endemic corruption, nepotism, embezzlement of national treasury, tribal/personal wealth accumulation, and land grabs dogma. In fact, it is the implementation of this evil doctrine that triggered the ill-advised and disastrous 1977-78 war between Somalia and Ethiopia, which paved the way for the resettling of the so called armed Ogaaden insurgents, a Darood tribe from Ethiopia, on Isaaq inhabited lands; and saw the beginning of outright inhumanity, barbarism and committing of horrendous atrocities against the innocent Isaaq citizens such as gross injustices, indiscriminate arrests, unlawful detentions and unlawful long-term imprisonments, torture, rapes, unexplained disappearances, cold blood murders by way of firing squads, broad daylight robberies and extensive lootings, land and property confiscations, and constant massacres, which in the end mushroomed into the documented full scale annihilation campaign and scorch earth policy to wipe out the entire Isaaq Clan from the phase of this planet. During the period 1980-1991, the innocent Isaaq citizens were inhumanly, barbarously and relentlessly bombarded from the ground with heavy artilleries such as surface to surface missiles, anti-aircraft missiles, and tank fire and were also bombarded from the air by war planes such as the Soviet-made Mig 17, Mig 19, and Mig 21 jet fighters by the Somalia Air Force as well as by Hunter Jet fighters hired from the former Rhodesia and Apartheid South Africa, which were piloted by fascist Boer mercenaries. And the aftermath of this evil ethnic cleansing policy was that in Hargeisa city alone 50,000 innocent civilians were brutally killed on the spot, thousands of others were wounded and maimed, and millions of others were either forced over the border as refugees in Ethiopia or rendered as Internally Displaced Peoples (IDP). In addition, most wells and water catchments were either destroyed or poisoned, every private and public property in Hargeisa city, Burao city, and other major cities as well as the adjacent townships, villages, and nomadic settlements, which were inhabited by Isaaq people were mainly looted to the bare bones and then, destroyed and reduced to rubble. What a heinous crime against humanity?
In spite of all these, the beastly genocide and the horrendous crimes against humanity against the innocent Isaaq people only ended when the tyrannical and fascist military regime of Somalia led by the deposed Dictator Siad Barre was soundly defeated in Somaliland by the intrepid Mujahidin of the Somali National Movement (SNM), a mainly Isaaq freedom fighters' guerilla force. This poorly armed SNM Mujahidins displayed their mastery in battle, gallantry, heroism, and soundly defeated and routed the fascist military regime of Somalia, which was one of the most heavily armed and strongest military regimes south of the Sahara and liberated its people and country. Most importantly, this genocidal policy against the Isaaq people had a ripple effect as it undoubtedly led to the disintegration of the Somali Republic and dissolution of the unjust 30-year old union between Somaliland - Somalia states (1960-1991) thereby paving the way for the restoration of the lost independence and sovereignty of the Republic of Somaliland in May 18, 1991 -- the final nail in the coffin of the barbarous enemy of humanity, which brought about the ultimate state collapse, civil war and prevailing anarchy in Somalia.
Apparently, these irrational and back stabber Pariah Awdalians along with their misled communities who were at the period staunch supporters of Dictator Siad Barre and his fascist military regime who for all the wrong reasons were referred to as the "kin of the revolution" who fully participated in the genocide of their innocent Isaaq brethren who have committed horrible crimes against humanity, war crimes, gross violation of human rights, and extensive lootings of urban and rural areas particularly at Hargeisa, Gabiley, Arabsiyo cities, and the adjacent townships who were forgiven and extended unconditional blanket amnesty at the National Reconciliation Conference in Burao in 1991; have after lying low for a couple of years resumed where they temporarily left off their venomous tribalism, hate mongering, divisive policies, subversive activities, propaganda, misinformation, and working tirelessly day in day out to misinterpret, rewrite and discredit the history of the long and bitter struggle of the SNM and that of Somaliland in general and continue unabatedly to malign the entire Isaaq people for no apparent reason. These pariah Awdalians are indeed wolfs in sheep's clothing and are suspected of being one of the most active components of the enemy within, which had been ailing the people and the country since the era of the infamous USP, a Gudabirsi and Dhulbahante (Darood) tribal political party in the 1950's.
It is common knowledge that, on one hand, these pariah Awdalians are in different of the plight of the millions of the innocent Isaaq people during the liberation war. And it is no secret that, while the Isaaq immigrants in the Western capitals were demonstrating and condemning the actions and evils of the fascist military regime in order to bring it to the attention of the international community; the majority of the pariah Awdalians in the diasporas were, at the period, staging counter demonstrations in full support of the regime and its actions against those who were supporting the just cause to defeat the regime in order to save their innocent peoples from inhumanity, barbarity, and total annihilation. Even though this fascist regime was militarily and politically soundly defeated and the people and country was fully liberated at a high human and property cost, the pariah Awdalians are still at their hostile antiques since the era of USP. They continue to arrogantly cheapen the genocide against the Isaaq people in which they fully participated, continue to diminish our quest for freedom, democracy, good governance and rule of law, frustrate all developmental efforts, belittle the achievement and victory of the intrepid SNM freedom fighters/Mujahidin, cheapen the enormous sacrifices of our martyred and living Mujahidin, bad mouth our suffering orphans and widows, malign the entire Isaaq clan, and overtly and covertly works to undermine the cause and existence of the Somaliland, which they refer to in some of their writings as "Isaaqland" and try to justify these direct insults and traitorous activities under the pretext of being unionists or the saviours of the "sacred" unity of Somalia or "Greater Somalia. "!!
On the other hand, these pariah Awdalians who nothing, but freeloaders who desperately yearn for undeserved recognition as a learned people or as the cream of the Somali peoples/nation or as "intellectuals," continue to disseminate their tribalism, hatemongering, and falsehoods and from time to time dump on Somalilanders absurd claims of possessing historical greatness and being part of a non-existent ancient "Glorious Empire called Awdal or Adel in which they were the "Kings," which even the rulers of the Somali Republic starting from the Mohamud Saleeban controlled civilian governments of 1960 - 1969 to the military regime of Dictator Siad Barre of 1969 - 1991 most of whom were led by their Daroods masters whom they staunchly supported did not even include in the history of the country due to its fallacy. Likewise, the British Protectorate of Somaliland and modern independent Somaliland of 1960 as well as the modern Republic of Somaliland of 1991 - present, have not included in their history the existence of such an empire. Furthermore, the French Somaliland and the modern Republic of Djibouti as well as Ethiopia did not include in their history the existence of such an empire in the Horn of Africa region. Worse still, the proponents of these falsehoods argue as if Awdal province had always been or is now for the Gudabirsi tribe alone!! Why is this absurd claim being peddled by these pariah Awdalians who are exclusively from the Gudabirsi tribe and why not claimed by the other ethnic groups who inhabit the province such as the Issa, Isaaq, Gabooye, and others? It seems that these foolhardy tribal minded people think that they are smarter than others and that they can rewrite the history of the region without being detected or challenged. But the reality is that they are neither smart nor knowledgeable about the ethnic configuration, history, affairs, interests, and causes of the respective Somali clans in the region. In fact, it is this kind of illogic and false claims that sowed the seed of discord among the Gudabirsi of Djibouti and the Issa of Djibouti and Ethiopia, which in the end resulted to their political defeat and marginalization of their societies in these countries. And if this pariah Awdalians do not cease their unholy alliance with the enemies of this peaceful people and country or refrain from disturbing the existing peaceful coexistence of the society or desist from their covert claims of huge chunks of other peoples territories or end soon their tribal hostilities against the Isaaq and Issa of Somaliland, there is the likelihood that they may as well be marginalized in Somaliland.
It is open secret that on, one hand, they are flirting, conniving and indulging themselves in what I call political prostitution with the Darood and now with Hawiye Clans of Somalia with the pretext of being unionists at the expense of the Isaaq and cause and existence of Somaliland; while on the other hand, they are doing the same with the Oromo of Ethiopia and Anfar of Djibouti in their shadowy bid to gain undeserved special status in these countries at the expense of the Issa of Ethiopia and Djibouti. And some of their usual political prostitution, this time, includes fabrication of false blood relations with other ethnic groups in order to garner their support, for example, the shameless dubbing of the Oromo as being Oromo Ali and the dubbing of Anfar as being Anfar Ali. These are indeed a colossal falsehood and desperate attempts of trying to weave these ethnic groups into the fold of Samaroon Ali lineage in order to justify a fraudulent blood relation with them!! This is truly evidence of a people without a legitimate cause of their own who have always tampered with the causes, internal affairs, and interests of other ethnic groups in the region. Consequently, this kind of massive blunders or recklessness signifies a desperate people who lack political astuteness, knowledge of local politics, and power competition in the region. In other words, these are power and fame hungry people who lack the knowledge of domestic and foreign politics of Somaliland, Somalia, Ethiopia, and Djibouti as it is evident in their various illogic views and arguments contained in their many balderdash articles.
Remarkably, these pariah Awdalians mainly write their balderdash articles in English and rarely write in Somali, the preferred language of their largely Somali audience; for they think that the use of this foreign language would lead others into perceiving them as a learned people or "intellectuals," which they shamelessly refer themselves to from time and again. But what they do not realize is that the people of Somaliland, Somalia, Djibouti, and Ethiopia know who they are, know their tribal position and capabilities in the region, know their reckless tribalism and hate mongering, know their cheap propaganda and misinformation, know their desperate attempts to rewrite history, know their balderdash views, arguments and unfounded allegations; know the extent of their ignorance in relation to the local and foreign politics of the region, and are fully aware of their usual concoction of witchery brew of some greatness and glory in their writings. In fact, the people consider the many balderdash articles they post on Awdalnews, Wardheernews, Hiiraan on line, Somalitalk and other hostile websites as the work of a hell-bent, envious, causeless, disgruntled, and hate filled tribal groups who are unwittingly sowing the seed of discord, disturbing the peaceful coexistence of the citizenry, and fomenting mischief in these peaceful lands. These pariah Awdalians who write some of the most odious and nonsensical articles includes the infamous Ahmed Ismail Samatar and Abdi Ismail Samatar (the mischievous Samatar brothers) and many others whom you are well acquainted with and whom I do not wish to rehash here their usual raw tribalism, hate mongering, misinformation, falsehoods, and demagoguery against the noble Isaaq people and the cause and existence of Somaliland.
Notwithstanding, the so called Awdalnews Network, which is a tribally owned and administered website whose major clientele or audience are these pariah Awdalians, is actually doing disservice to the people of this country particularly to the mainstream Gudabirsi ethnic group, which they have misled from time and again. This website is known to post balderdash articles that constantly insults and bashes the SNM and its Mujahidins to this day, the Isaaq people, and others, and is unwittingly inciting the society in general for no apparent reason, which will only lead to further hostilities in the country and endangerment of the position of their mainstream ethnic group in Somaliland. Therefore, it is up to the politicians, traditional Elders, Religious leaders, and Intellectuals of the mainstream Gudabirsi tribe as well as other Somalilanders to denounce the falsehoods, provocations, incitement, and fueling of tribal hostilities that this website is disseminating. Apparently, this is the only Somaliland website that has so far had the opportunity to interview the president of Somaliland, a pariah Awdalian himself with a dark past whose intention is to undermine the peaceful coexistence of the peaceful brotherly peoples of this country as well to undermine the cause and existence of Somaliland and who is suspected of illegally funding this tribal and disloyal website with tax payers money.
Whatever the case, what they don't understand is that they are unwittingly muddling the civilized political discourse, breaching the peace, tampering with stability of the country, and inciting the general public to their detriment. Given the divisive editorials and articles they post on their website, they seem to be playing with fire; one that will severely burn them and those who adamantly support them.
For the purposes of clarification, the following excerpts from the many balderdash articles posted on Awdalnews, clearly reinforces my initial argument and signifies the level of ignorance, absurdity, and illogic tribal views these disgruntled and causeless groups permeate on the internet and the kind of rubbish they constantly load on our peaceful people, country and the region in general:
Example 1:
ú "The SNM was not the only armed militia that waged an armed struggle against the regime of Siyad Barre..When it comes to the champion among the armed militias and their warlords, surely General Mohamed Farah Aideed and his USC are unchallengeable. No objective person will disagree that it was General Aideed who drove Mohamed Siyaad and his regime from Mogadishu and hence who brought about the end of that regime, the collapse of government institutions, the most important of which was the army. Once the army had disintegrated and vanished away from everywhere, the SNM had simply came out from its hiding places in the bush and mountains and took over Hargeisa and other principal towns in the Isaaq heartland without firing a single shot. That was the sweetest of victories."
ú "But it is almost close to 15years since the SNM accomplished its goal of "liberating" the Isaaq heartland. Given this long passage of time, why then does it continue to hold the unswerving loyalties among its Isaaq adherents? The answer is simple: There have been no other heroes and only villains in the person of the Somaliland government." Source: www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=5259
Example 2:
ú "It is time to admit that SNM had.its crimes and its share of responsibility for the plight of hundreds of thousands of Somalilanders, destructions and annihilation of whole towns and villages and killing of hundreds innocent farmers, businessmen, poets, intellectuals, elders, religious men, and women and children for the crime of belonging to anti-SNM clans."
ú "One wonders whether it ever occurred to the former SNM commanders and fighters that as much as its music for their ears to be called Mujahids, hearing such description may be loathsome to the victims of the SNM."
ú ".can anyone deny the fighters of other clans who fought against the SNM militias in defense of their honor, their property and their existence to be decorated heroes and Mujahids of their concerned clans."
ú "It is time that Somaliland establishes a Truth and Reconciliation Committee in the style of the famous South African one and brings those who committed crimes in the name of the SNM and those of other clans who committed crimes in the name of defending tribal pride to face rule of law. It is also high time to give the victims of both sides the chance to have their stories heard before a neutral court. Only in this way would all Somalilanders embrace the legacy of the SNM beyond its present tribal confines." Source: www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=5150
In addition, to learn more about the past writings of the poor soul responsible for the unfounded allegations as stated on example 2 who also believes that the sadist Mohamed Abdullah Hassan is a Somali hero and who shamelessly markets this odious war criminal `beast-man' Warlord as being equal to Omar al-Mukhtar of Libya and Abdul Qadir Jazairi of Algeria who directly insults and attacks the integrity of the Somali National Movement (SNM), its living and martyred Mujahidins, and their sacrifice in the liberation of our people and Somaliland and who in the past foolishly called the SNM as the "Sadistic Noisome Maniacs (SNM)" who contradicts himself as per the above stated alleged SNM atrocities compared to the allegation in his book that the ".SNM has targeted the Gudabirsi and Dhulbahante tribes" and that "they invaded villages, looted their properties, indiscriminately killed children, women and many innocent nomads" who in a reckless and insulting manner is disputing the ancestral origins and lineage of the noble Isaaq people who to this day continues to spit venomous tribalism, hate mongering, and falsehoods against the entire Isaaq people, the SNM and history of Somaliland in general whom I fear is slowly turning to become the Ayaan Hersi Ali (the Somalia girl who slandered Islam) of Somaliland, given his past slanderous and blasphemous writings about the Divine religion of Islam; read the article titled, "Who is Bashir Goth?" by Somalilandcenter, and click on the following link or type the address: www.somalilandcenter.com/who%20is%20Bashir%20Goth.htm .
Example 3:
ú "To my opinion only a loose confederation of autonomous states may work."
ú "Somaliland communities signed separate treaties with the British in 1884. The `Gadaboursi' signed a treaty with the British in `December 12, 1884 in Zayla,' and other Somaliland communities also signed separate treaties with the British. We now know for the last 40 years, some groups used that fictitious device as the stepping stone to the highest echelons of power, when they succeeded to sell their false numerical superiority over other Somali communities. That false mathematics was nothing but a ploy to [grab] power."
Source: www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=5227
ú "Adel/Awdal' as recent as the `1850's' (when the legendary `Hajji Diide' told the French and the British colonialists quote `you need to wash your feet before you walk on the sacred land of the great `Awdal') `Awdal' borders were all the way to `Tajoorah in the west,' `Harar' in the south-west and `Bulahaar' in the east."
ú "They keep on confining the long rich history of this area of the world to the just recent `SNM' struggle..there are a number of other struggles that span more than `800' years which took place in this area. The struggle for freedom and independence of the great `Adel/Awdal Empire' has started in the 11th Century, and continued until the arrivals of the British navy spy `Richard Burton' at `Sayla' in `1854.'"
ú "As the saying goes, `one man's hero is another man's villain.' Therefore, if the `SNM' are martyrs and heroes to the Isaaq communities, `Horyal,' `SDA' and `the Red Sea militias' are also martyrs and heroes to the `Gadaboursi' community. I have no problem with that and it is just simple clan logic.
Source: www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=5392
Example 4:
ú "One can remember, commemorate, decorate with medals, or shower with praise to who ever, as a hero to his standard, but reality is what counts. As was said, `One man's hero is another man's villain..' To me SNM forces are neither heroes nor saints. SNM forces killed my people. SNM forces orphaned my cousins. SNM forces killed my uncles, and grandfathers. SNM forces burned my people's farms and properties. SNM forces committed serious crimes against my people. Common sense tells me that heroes do not commit atrocities against innocent people and therefore SNM forces are far from being heroes. Source: www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=5237
Analysis:
The inhabitants of Awdal province comprise of the Gudabirsi, Issa, Isaaq, gabooye, and others ethnic groups. These ethnic groups, collectively identify themselves as "Reer Awdal" - meaning the residents of Awdal and not "Awdalians" or "Awdalites" just like "Reer Hargeysa," "Reer Saahil," "Reer Togdheer," "Reer Sanaag," and "Reer Sool" -- meaning the residents of Hargeisa and not "Hargeisans," residents of Saahil and not Saahilian," residents of Togdheer and not "Togdherian," residents of Sanaag and not "Sanaagian," and residents of Sool and not "Soolian" or "Soolites". Consequently, they also identify themselves individually by way of their respective ethnic groups as stated on the above. Who then, are the "Awdalians" or "Awdalites"?
The "Awdalians" or "Awdalites" are exclusively from the Gudabirsi tribe. They are the ones who coined these two westernized words, which they constantly use in their balderdash articles in a manner to publicize them for some ulterior motives and agenda. It is widely suspected that the intentions behind the peddling and publicizing of these new foreign emulated words is to mislead the Somali peoples and perhaps the international community into believing that the Gudabirsi tribe is a great ethnic group with a great history behind them and probably are a powerful and influential ethnic group in the Horn of Africa region as well as a distinct society in both Somaliland and Djibouti and that Awdal province, which they do not inhabit alone is an autonomous province within Somaliland.
As a result, the only conclusion one can draw from here, given the manner in which these suspicious words are being used and peddled day in day out is that, the pariah Awdalians, either aspire to some special status within Somaliland or are probably separatists in disguise or are most likely still unionists and supporters of Somalia and "Greater Somalia" or are seemingly coveting future union with Djibouti in the hope that Somaliland state may some day collapse and that anarchy will reign in the country like in Somalia, which is a far fetched absurd wishful thinking and a megalomaniac designs of a scenario that will never happen in Somaliland. And those behind these foolhardy ideas are basically tinkering with dangerous affairs that may unleash grave consequences for their small and fragile society.
As for the continued unholy alliance between the pariah Awdalians and the Darood particularly the Majeerteen tribe, it is a poor stratagem that has long been rendered worthless and irrelevant by the intrepid freedom fighters of Somaliland. Given the emergence of the independent Somaliland, the pariah Awdalians, have now been orphaned as their decades long unholy marriage, honeymoon, and political prostitution with their Darood masters has abruptly been ended by the victorious SNM in May 18, 1991. This is evidence that their continued tribal animosity and hatemongering is misplaced, unjustified, and unnecessary at this juncture of Somaliland's milestone, where it has recently celebrated the 14th anniversary of its hard worn and sweet independence and is inching closer by the day to achieving full international diplomatic recognition and preparing to join the family of nations. It is indeed too late in their evil game.
But the pariah Awdalians who are out of touch with reality are still at their antiques and consumed by their petty tribal politics and seem to be unable to swallow the bitter pill of reality or to come into terms with what is happening on the ground in Somaliland even though the era of USP and its hypocrisy, raw tribalism, divisive policies, and subversive activities is in the dustbin of history and long forgotten. In addition, it has not yet sunk into their twisted minds that the dark days of the so called "SDA" and "Red Sea Militias" who are responsible for committing horrendous crimes against humanity, war crimes, human rights violations, and extensive lootings against the Isaaq and Issa peoples has long been vanquished and awaiting to be brought to justice in the near future at either in Arusha or in Hague War Crimes Tribunals. Similarly, they seem not to believe that their previous special status as being the "Kin of the Revolution," which is a black spot in the history of their people have long been terminated by the all the peace loving and people of faith of the region. It is indisputable that the evil "revolution" and its raw tribalism, corruption, and barbarism, which they whole heartedly supported, have long been jointly vanquished by the SNM, USC, and SPM freedom fighters. Furthermore, the poisonous tribalism and the divide and conquer policies behind the initial creation of Awdal province and the heinous clout afforded to it by the fascist military regime of the deposed Dictator Siad Barre of Somalia is no more and long forgotten. And that Awdal province is now no different from the other five provinces of Somaliland. This is evidence that the pariah Awdalians are now a spent shell and are of no use to their previous Darood masters.
Nevertheless, their present courting and political prostitution with yet another ethnic group in the region, this time, with the mighty Hawiye Clan of Somalia at the expense of the noble Isaaq people is a waste of time, efforts as these will not yield them any fruit. Unlike the Darood, their newfound Hawiye master is not a traditional enemy of the Isaaq people. After all, the Hawiye are in a struggle of their own and have no use of them since they neither understand nor are interested with the meaningless tribal animosity, hate mongering, and petty issues of the pariah Awdalians against the noble Isaaq people. This denotes that the Pariah Awdalians are wallowing in a poisonous tribal mud of their own making, one that they have no knowledge and experience of and one that they will not emerge from unscathed as they have foolishly found themselves in the thick of the struggle, internal affairs, interests, and cause of the Hawiye people, which is quite different from the usual tribal interests and cause of their previous Darood masters. And if they are not careful, they will probably be nailed in the head one by one as happened to their heavy weight compatriot General Talan who was gunned down in a broad daylight in Mogadishu city, Somalia.
In regards to the pariah Awdalians claims of historical greatness and control of a glorious empire called Awdal/Adel that extended from Bulahaar to Harar to Tajoorah, is utterly false. Perhaps they are trying to claim as their own, Imam Ahmed Gurey, and the Islamic civilization that existed in Harar region and the adjacent territories in which the Isaaq, Issa, Gudabirsi, and others were all part of or may be they are confusing the issue with the existence of the ancient trading posts of Zeyla, Bulahar, and harar. Whatever the case, their claim is hollow as these could have long been written in the history of Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and former British Protectorate of Somaliland or in the history of independent Somaliland. After all, their falsehoods and covert claims of vast Somaliland, Djibouti, and Ethiopia territories is what has led to the deterioration of relations and existing friction between them and other ethnic groups in the region such as the Issa of Somaliland, Djibouti, and Ethiopia.
In accordance with their boastfulness as being the only highly learned people in both Somaliland and Djibouti and for shamelessly referring themselves from time and again as "intellectuals," is indeed a laughable wishful thinking and yearnings of undeserved recognition. The reality is that these are a desperate lot in search of recognition and fame in a deceitful manner. Despite their dissemination of falsehoods, the pariah Awdalian, have neither put an impression on any of the ethnic groups in the five Somali territories nor accomplished any tangible thing as it is evident in the existing underdevelopment and existing abject poverty in Awdal province compared to the other provinces such as in Hargeisa, Saahil, Togdheer, etc. In addition, despite their grandiose claims of greatness and glory, they can not stand on their own without the support and cooperation of their Isaaq and Issa brethrens. But rather than realizing these, they instead chose to subordinate themselves by way of political prostitution with others who are not known to have in their hearts the best interests for their communities. They seem to have indulged themselves in fake support and recognition from others for all the wrong reasons. This denotes that the pariah Awdalians are truly a confused, blind, deaf, and dump lot who are at a great loss of their own making. Don't these pariah Awdalians have brains to realize that by recklessly meddling in the causes, internal affairs, and interests of other ethnic groups in the region such as the Darood, Isaaq, Hawiye, Issa, Anfar, and Oromo may contribute to the souring of the fragile ethnic relations and that their shadowy activities may be conducive to the marginalization of their people in the long run?
Conclusion:
It is evident that the pariah Awdalian, are a confused, rudderless, and misguided people with inferiority complex who always complains of others such as the noble Isaaq for no apparent reasons other than for their failure to compete with them or to emulate them or to match their gifted gallantry in battles, intellect, poetry, rich music, superior culture, traditions and customs; business prowess, superior way of life, and reputable standing in East Africa, Horn of Africa region, Arab World, and the Western World. The pariah Awdalians are indeed a disgruntled people who seem to know best how to envy, subvert others, interfere with other peoples causes, disseminate falsehoods, hatemongering, malicious propaganda, and spitting of venomous tribalism against their Isaaq and Issa brethrens who do not harbour the same animosity for them and who had always wished to live with them in a harmonious and cooperative manner.
Nevertheless, the so called "Awdalians" or "Awdalites" are a threat to our peace and peaceful coexistence with the mainstream Gudabirsi ethnic group since they are responsible to mislead and incite them against their Isaaq and Issa brethrens of Somaliland, Djibouti, and Ethiopia for no apparent reason. They are doing disservice to their main ethnic group for creating unnecessary animosity and tensions in the region. These pariah Awdalians are indeed a people without legitimate cause of their own who continue to muddle the civilized political discourse in these countries. In addition, they are ungrateful people who have been forgiven for their outright opposition of the SNM during the liberation of Somaliland, for their staunch support of the fascist military regime of the deposed Dictator Siad Bare of Somalia, for their participation in the genocide of the Isaaq people, and for committing horrendous crimes against humanity, war crimes, gross violations of human rights, and lootings against the innocent Isaaq civilians. Despite the good will, forgiveness, generous and unconditional amnesty, cooperation, and even electing one of them as the president of Somaliland; their communities are still ungrateful and unsatisfied and continue to sow the seeds of discord, hate, divisiveness, and meaningless tribal animosity against their brethren Isaaq. They are blinded by their evil activities and seem not to have learned from the ancient and modern history of Somaliland, Somalia, Djibouti, and Ethiopia. Although George Santayana once wrote, "Those who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it." This is an old adage, which has a contemporary meaning for reckless members of one ethnic group that continues to overestimate their shadowy activities and underestimate the understanding and power of the other ethnic groups. There is no doubt that the pariah Awdalians have gone too far with their subversive activities and tribal animosity. So what is the solution?
Recommendation:
1.) Launch an official inquiry on the clandestine SDA and Red Sea militias in order to expose and bring to justice its past and present leaders for committing crimes against humanity, war crimes, and violations of human rights, and for looting private, commercial and public properties in both Somaliland and Djibouti against the innocent Isaaq and Issa communities.
2.) Bar the disloyal members of the pariah Awdalians from holding future public office in Somaliland and Djibouti.
3.) Investigate the backgrounds, monitor the activities, and document their inciting publications and articles for future war crimes trials.
4.) Pressure the local politicians, Traditional Elders, Religious leaders, and Intellectuals of the mainstream Gudabirsi ethnic group to disassociate, denounce, condemn, and disown these pariah Awdalians in the interest of their peaceful communities and Somaliland.
5.) Consider Awdalnews as a hostile anti-SNM, anti-Isaaq, anti-Issa, anti-Somaliland, anti-Djibouti, anti-Ethiopia, and pro-Somalia, pro-Criminal Warlords, and pro-Faqash website that is bent on disseminating malicious propaganda, falsehoods, hate, and for inciting the peoples of the Horn of Africa region who trying to live in peace with themselves and with others.
Farah Ali Jama, Ottawa, Canada.
Copyright c 2005 BBC Monitoring/BBC. Source: Financial Times Information Limited. Source: Qaran News. June 02, 2005 - 11:43
Political advisor to Nigerian, SAfrican presidents arrives in Somaliland
BBC Monitoring, 2 June 2005--A delegation headed by Imam Abbas, a Malian national and highly influential personality in Africa, arrived this evening at the Egal International Airport, Hargeysa.Imam Abbas, who is on a four-day visit to Somaliland in order to familiarize himself with the situation there, will be holding talks with the country's authorities. Imam Abbas is currently the advisor to the presidents of South Africa and Nigeria on issues of political settlement in Africa.
Somaliland's Vice-President Ahmad Yusuf Yasin, will tonight host dinner for the delegation at Hotel Mansur, Hargeysa. [Passage omitted]
From http://somaliland.org/opinions.asp?ID=05060204/- 1 June, 2005
Is KULMIYE A Threat To Our Democracy?
Ali Deria - Music City , USAIn our country, the people choose their president by the simple act of voting. It is through voting, not fighting, that power changes. But the constitution (article 96.1) also allows the impeachment of a president for committing 'high crimes' such as 'treason' or 'contravention of the Constitution.' Impeachment is used only to prevent grave danger to a nation. However, the Constitution also states that members of the House of Representatives who have the power to impeach the president are those who where ƒ?oelected by secret ballot in a free general election' (article 40). Even if they were elected, no one is accusing the President including those who want to impeach him that President Dahir Riyale has committed any such crimes that poses a danger to our nation. Then why the KULMIYE party is pursuing so much to throw the president out of office? There is no question that an enemy hand is behind the plot. Since the creation of the Republic of Somaliland, some of the old regime members from Somalia, especially, from the region known as Puntland, have made it known in their attempt to block Somaliland from their dream of democracy and freedom. They have collaborated with Somali fundamentalist groups to create instability in the country.
Together, they have succeeded to kill foreigners including the British couple who have committed to educate some of our poor youngsters in Somaliland. Instead of condemnation of this cruel act, KULMIYE leaders started blaming the government for not doing enough to secure the country. This shows that KULMIYE party has only one interest: to win, no matter what it takes.
Soon after KULMIYE party leadership has realized that they have no chance to win the next election, they have become more desperate by employing strong rhetoric and emotional appeals.
Instead of offering alternative policies, KULMIYE leaders have started to threat the government and to encourage defiance of the law and authority. No one is more vocal than they are concerning their scheme to overthrow the government.
Therefore, it is no surprise that KULMIYE leadership is in the forefront for the campaign to bring down Dahir Riyale's government. But the question is if the KULMIYE leadership is aware of the blot that outside groups are behind the overthrow in order to destabilize the country.
On the other hand, the government, to some extent, is as guilty as the KULMIYE party for the political chaos and the lack of leadership in the country. Though I am still optimistic that the President will form a good government before this coming parliament election, I am disappointed that the president and his government are not serving well for the people who put them in the leadership of this great land. Instead of bringing together government that is capable to lead this nation forward, they chose to build a government that many of its leaders are self serving and lack of managing.
This has given the enemies of Somaliland the opportunity to stage their attacks inside our parliament and use our own resources to create lack of stability to our democracy. They even went so far to using some of our government leaders and members of congress for their evil attempt.
This unprecedented exercise demonstrates the influence that foreign groups have on the House of the Representatives and on some top KULMIYE leadership. Thus the KULMIYE party, with collaboration of some members of the parliament which majority of them seem cannot reason from cause to effect, have aimed to stage a constitutional coup against a democratically elected president.
The KULMIYE party policy is one that is based on a purely confrontational stance. One of their most common strategies is to threat of violence. This is because they do not have confidence to win the hearts and minds of the people plus they do not seem to understand the real problems and issues in our country.
Unlike Faisal A. Warabbe, the chairman of UCID who remains credible and presents his party as a viable alternative to the government at the next election, Mr. Silanyo is too combative and filled with so much venomous hate that there can be no intelligent discussion with him. No wonder that everyone at political circles is laughing and ridiculing at Siranyo during media interviews for his tendency to complain for his party instead for the people. If he would focus more toward improving the social issues such as education, health, social justice, and accountability to the people, then people would respect instead of ridiculing him.
Unfortunately, the KULMIYE leader has no new ideas to offer, no ideology, and only one clear agenda: to get the President out of office. Earlier this week, the second most senior in KULMIYE party, Mr. Kahin, threatened the government that they have supporters willing to fight and predicted doom's day scenarios.
Such opposition would have no chance of presenting itself as a viable alternative to the government. A credible party is one that is able to criticize some of the government policies, and offers credible alternative ones. For example, during his recent meeting with the respectable leader of Gaboye in Europe, Mr. Faisal A. Warabbe criticized the Somaliland government for not doing enough to protect the rights of our Gaboye brothers in Somaliland. He promised Gaboye to have their fair share in the party seats for the coming parliamentary election.
However, it seems that the UCID party is still lacking a broad based support in the country. In order to win meaningful parliament seats in the coming election, the party needs to recruit few credible heavy weight politicians and educators in their top party leadership and continue to fight for social change that is meaningful.
On the contrary, instead of promoting social change, the top KULMIYE party leaders are promoting their self interest confusing their desires and needs with rights. Their insistence to stage a constitutional coup just before the election is a great danger toward our independence, freedom, and democracy.
Ali Deria Music City , USA, Aderia@yahoo.com
http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ June 1 2005
RECOGNITION OF SOMALILAND VERSUS THE LEGITIMACY OF SOMALIA
The turmoil that followed the demise of the Somali Republic presented a new challenge to the world community in general; and the African continent in particular. The collapsed Somali state split into two defacto countries along the old colonial boundaries: The Republic of Somaliland and the chaos and strife torn Southern Somalia. Today, the issue is not whether to recognize the republic of Somaliland; it is a question of when to admit this new nation into the global village. The case of Somaliland is based on sound historical and constitutional facts and it is exercising its rights within the boundaries of its own territory in accordance with the protocols of international law. No boundary changes are involved in the case of Somaliland but Somalia that is in pursuit of frivolous claim over a territory it never owned in the first place.
However, the dilemma facing the African Union and its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity, is the issue of international borders.
1- For example, among the principles enshrined in article 4, paragraph "b" of the Constitutive Act of the African Union is the following: "The Union shall function in accordance with the following principles: b- Respect of borders existing on achievement of independence;"
2-The charter Of the Organisation of the African Unity also deals with the subject of boundaries on similar general terms. Article III, section three, reads as follows: "Respect for the Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity of each state for its inalienable right to independent existence."
A rigorous scrutiny of the two articles reveals that Somaliland is in fact in full compliance with both articles and if this is a serious matter of contention, it is no more than a technicality at all. This is a nation reverting to the old borders inherited at the time of independence and simultaneously renewing its nationhood.
It is also a matter of historical record that on June 26th, 1960, over thirty five nations extended recognition to Somaliland. Among these countries were the united Arab Republic- union of Egypt and Syria, Cuba, Israel, United States of America, the United Kingdom, France, and China. Mr. Christian Herter, the United States Secretary of State at time despatched a congratulatory telegram on the occasion of independence.
Also, on the day of independence, the government of Somaliland and the government of United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland signed a number of bilateral agreements in Hargeisa, among them:
1- Draft interim agreement between the government of the united kingdom of great Britain and northern Ireland and the government of Somaliland for a united kingdom aid mission; 2- Draft public officer's agreement between the government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the government of Somaliland. These agreements were signed in Hargeisa, Somaliland on June 26th, 1960 .These bilateral agreements form an integral part of the "report of the Somaliland Protectorate Constitutional Conference held in London in May, 1960.'
The real challenge for the international community and the African Union is to establish the legality of the defunct Somali Republic from the day of the independence of British Somaliland Protectorate and its eventual union with the former United Nations Trusteeship Territory of Somalia. The following is synopsis of the said union from historical and legal perspectives:
THE UNION OF 1960
The prelude to unification:
On April 6th, 1960, the legislative Assembly of British Somaliland passed declaration of intend of independence by June 26th, 1960 and an eventual unification with the former Italian Trust territory of Somalia on 1st July, 1960. The Italian colony was scheduled for independence on December 2nd, 1960. The government of Somaliland requested the British government to move forward the date of independence of Somalia to July 1st, 1960 and the British government did so through a motion submitted at the United Nations General Assembly.
On April 16th, 1960 the National Assembly of Somalia and the Legislative Assembly of Somaliland issued a joint communiqu‚ to the effect that the two territories will unite on July 1st, 1960.
The creation of the failed Somali State was based on some unrealistic and fundamentally untenable false assumptions: The dream of the Somali independence movements of the 1940's, 1950's, and 1960's was the ultimate unification of all ethnic Somali communities of East Africa under one jurisdiction by any means necessary. The undercurrent of this noble cause stipulated the creation of a racially and ethnically pure Somali entity comprising of former British Somaliland, French Somaliland( Republic of Djibouti now), the Hararghe region of Eastern Ethiopia, Italian Somaliland, and the Northern Frontier District of Kenya.
The unification process:
The chronology and the events surrounding the union of Somaliland and Somalia are well documented historical facts. First of all, "The development of the constitution of the Somali Republic" is a legal document written by Dr. Haji N.A Noor Muhammed), a one time advocate of the Supreme Court of India and a member of the Madras Bar Association. Under the Opex programme of the United Nations, the legal expertise and the service of Judge Dr. Haji Noor was provided to the government of the Somali Republic after independence. This magistrate held the position of the Vice-president of the Supreme Court of the Somali Republic and he was an expert on international law.
According to Dr. Haji Noor Mohammed:
"0n 1 July the legislatures of two newly independent states met at Mogadiscio in Join session and proclaimed the establishment of the Somali Republic. The same day, the president of the legislative assembly of Somalia, Hon. Aden Abdulla Osman, who was elected as the provisional president of the Somali republic, promulgated the constitution, which was originally prepared for Somalia and from that date the provisional constitution came into force throughout the republic."
The apparent flaws of these extrajudicial measures will not survive the initial procedural wrangling in an international court of law because of the following:
A: The proclamation of the Somali Republic was an agreement in principle that was never enacted
into law;
B; The two draft Acts of Union were never reconciled or merged into one piece of legislation
for parliamentary debate;
C: In a parliamentary democracy, a president cannot promulgate a constitution without first
submitting the measure for a national referendum followed by a parliamentary debate on the
articles of the constitution. Once all amendments/additions/alterations are completed, then and
only then, shall the final bill be submitted for the final signature of the president. The measures and
the processes taken by president Aden Abdille Othman Daar were atypical of an annexation of one
nation by another. Without the approval and the prior consent of the legislative assembly of
Somaliland, he unilaterally signed the constitution of the former Italian colony as the law of the land.
He did so with the advice of a team of legal and constitutional experts provided by the Italian
government.
In the following paragraph, Dr Noor Muhammed highlights the inherent shortcomings of the processes and the procedures adopted in the unification of the two territories of Somaliland and Somalia:
"Some doubts where expressed concerning the legal effects of the instruments relating to the union. The act of the Union of Somalia and the Union of Somaliland and Somalia Law where both drafted in [the] form of bilateral agreements, but neither of them was signed by the representative of Somaliland and Somalia. The Somalia Act of Union was approved "in principle" but not enacted into the law."
In the absence of verifiable documentary evidence attesting to a genuine "Act of Union" between Somaliland and Somalia, any agreements "in principle" or any other forms of "bilateral agreements" are subject to cancellation without notice because such instruments do not have any legal weight. This is one of the legal challenges facing the former politicians and the current war lords of Somalia. They have to prove the constitutional legitimacy of the Somali Republic. The sentiments and the euphoria of greater Somalia are dead for good at the present time.
The concluding remarks of the legal opinion of Dr. Muhammed are summarized in the following segment:
"The decree-law of 1 July 1960 was signed by the provisional president to the deal with some of the legal effects of the union. However, in the absence of conversion into law in accordance with Article 63 of the constitution, this decree-law never came in to force."
The law of July 1st, 1960 is even in direct contradiction to article 63 of the constitution of the former Italian colony, let alone incorporate a single inch of the territory of Somaliland. The proponents of the often ill-defined and sanctified dogma of the political independence, the unity, the territorial integrity, and the sovereignty of the failed Somali state will have no easy task on their hands and they should produce more than these hollow rhetorical slogans. The days of the evangelical preaching and canonisation of the unity Somali Republic are over. There is no such a legal entity called the Somali Republic that ever existed!
The next segment is a summary of the reflections of a British Historian, an anthropologist, and an expert on Somali affairs since colonial times. Mr. Drysdale was an advisor to the civilian governments of Somalia prior to the military regime. The opinions of Mr. Drysdale come to the same conclusions reached by Dr. Muhammed in the preceding section. The two briefs are part of the historical and legal aspects of the incorporation of the Somali Republic as of July 1st, 1960.
According to Richard Drysdale, the process of unification of the two states was illegal and unconstitutional because of some basic flaws. He also attests to the fact that the legislatures of Somaliland and Somalia have prepared two separate texts as far as the so called "Act of Union" is concerned. He points out some variations in the two texts:
"discrepancy between the two texts were such that on June 30th the Somaliland legislature,
whilst agreeing in principle to act of union, insisted that the two governments agree to the text
of single act of union to be presented for approval of the join legislatures."
The representatives of the government of Somaliland noticed the apparent inconsistencies between the two texts- the Somaliland draft act of union was prepared in English; while the Somalia version was in Italian. Without agreeing on a single text, the provisional president signed the constitution of the former Italian colony into law. With the stroke of the pen of President Abdille Othman Daar, an illegitimate entity called THE SOMALI REPUBLIC came into existence, and the following excerpt from the recollections of Mr. Drysdale elaborates the process:
"At midnight of June 30th Somalia became independent under terms of its own constitution. On July 1st, 1960, the two legislatures met to elect a provisional president of the Somali republic, though no act of union had been signed. The president has immediately signed a decree entitled the "law of union of state of Somaliland and Somalia". It was not promulgated since it had not been passed by the national Assembly."
THE PROCESS FLAWS:
The president circumvented the decorum of parliamentary protocol and all norms of procedure in an unwarranted haste. We can surmise from this evidence that the luminaries of Walaweynian Somalia had been conniving to incorporate Somaliland as a new found territory without any legal documentation. The recommendations of the integration commission are a sufficient enough proof that southern Somalis were bargaining in bad faith from the very beginning. The commission recommended a referendum to fix this constitutional nightmare- the challenge was there from day one and without a proper "Act of Union", the new nation was about to split into two countries.
In July of 1961, a single referendum on the constitution was held in Somaliland and Somalia. In the absence of a real "Act of Union", the country can not be treated as a unitary state. In fact, this exercise was not a plebiscite on the constitution but it was a disguise for "RETRACTIVE ACT OF UNION." The referendum fell short on both counts. It neither established an Act of Union nor does it create a legal entity called the Somali Republic.
Retroactive in this case presents a surfeit of negative connotations. For one thing, in a parliamentary democracy, it is a repressive piece of legislation enacted to close or cover up a legal or constitutional loophole. Such extra judicial measures are contrary to the spirit and the essence of the principles and practices of contemporary democracy. If and when this issue is submitted to the scrutiny of an international panel of jurists, then and only then, shall the validity of the act under such law examined. The analysis and the onus are on the purpose and the intended effect of the act itself on the future of the collapsed Somali state.
In deed this was a very regressive law designed to have such sweeping powers so as to take effect at a certain point in the past [ July 1st, 1960 in this case]. In other words, the Somali government of that era resorted to such questionable tactics in 1961.
The constitution submitted for public approval was entirely that of the former Italian colony. The only exception was the last article dealing with pay scales and pensions because on a comparative basis, the Somaliland civil services pay and pensions were superior to that of Somalia. The referendum process was fraudulent from beginning to end and here are the reasons according to Mr. Drysdale:
"A consultative commission for integration was then appointed and its finds were subject to a referendum held in July 1961. The Somali national league, the principal party of the north, campaigned against the ratification of the constitution. Percentage votes against were: - Hargeisa (72%), Berber (69%), Burro (66%) and Erigavo (69%). The total number of votes cast in Somalia as whole was said to be 1, 952,660 out of which 100,000 votes were said to have been recorded in the North.
The new constitution was promulgated, but not before a dramatic military coup d'etat in the North had unsuccessfully attempted to restore sovereignty Somaliland. The senior officers were brought to trial in Mogadishu before a British judge on charges of treason. He acquitted the officers because the had no jurisdiction over Somaliland. There had been no act of union between the two states."
The coup of December 10th, 1961:
On December 10th, 1961, The Somaliland Scouts Regiment (Commissioned Military Officers) attempted a coup d'etat to reclaim the independence of their Country. However, the attempt failed and the officers were court-martial at a special tribunal set up in Mogadiscio, Somalia. The charge against the officers was high treason. The Somali government assembled an impressive team of criminal and constitutional lawyers. The prosecution team was headed by Mr. Continni, a constitutional advisor and legal counsel to president of the Somali Republic, Aden Abdille Othman. The Somali government also hired the services of Mr. Robert Shaw, a British constitutional lawyer, and a former magistrate of Somaliland Supreme Court to act as the presiding magistrate for the occasion.
The defendant's families hired, at their own expense, an equally qualified team of defence lawyers headed by an Indian constitutional expert called Mr Manjit Singh.
The final verdict of the British magistrate set a legal precedent that shocked the politicians of that era. This judgement put the hoax of a unitary Somali state into its final resting place forever. The final ruling was as follows:
In the administration of the criminal justice on matters of high treason, the oath of allegiance is paramount in the case of military officers, which ascertains the citizenship of the accused. As of today, the constitution of the Somali republic has no jurisdictional validity beyond the boundaries of the former Italian colony. Without first establishing a proper legal entity incorporating a union of the two former colonies, the current constitution of the Somali republic is not applicable to any citizen of the former British colony.
On the matter of the documents or instruments presented to the court, the Indian penal code in fact carries the death penalty. However, it is only valid within the territory of the former British colony. It is not part of the criminal justice system of the Somali republic.
The accused never made an oath of allegiance to a nation called Somali republic. Therefore, they are not citizens of the Somali republic yet. Consequently, they are cleared of all criminal charges- including that of high treason.
The presiding judge ordered the immediate release of the accused without any further delays. The unitary Somali state ceased to exist at the exact moment. The Somali government ordered the British magistrate to leave the country within twelve hours.
The significance of the court verdict
The significance of this forty-five year old ruling has a direct bearing on today's Somali conflict. This judgment is very crucial and at the same time constitutes an integral part that should not be over looked by any crisis management or conflict resolution think tank dealing with the Somali quagmire. This historic case established the following:
* That the Unitary Somali State has no sound legal and constitutional foundation.
* That the accused officers were not even citizens of the accusing state.
* That documents (-the constitution of the Somali republic, the Indian penal code) used in the case
was not an integral part of the criminal justice system of the Somali republic.
* That court martial established the unconstitutionality of the union act of 1960 on legal and
procedural grounds.
* And the most important aspect of this historic ruling is that it clearly established the
Jurisdictional reach and the validity of the constitution used in the trial.
The historic journey of the Somali Republic ended where it began. The rest of the story is : who is a citizen of the defunct Somali Republic?
Thank you and God bless the Nation of Somaliland.
Ahmed Ali Ibrahim[Sabeyse] Scarborough, Ontario. Canada. May 30th, 2005
Notes:
1- The Charter of the Organisation of African Unity, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, May 25th, 1963.
2-The Constitutive Act of the African Union, July 9th, 2002.
3-Somaliland Protectorate Constitutional Conference, London, May, 1960.
4- Summary: Submission on Statehood and Recognition of Republic of Somaliland [Anonymous].
5- The development of the Constitution of the Somali Republic, Dr. Haji N.A. Noor Muhammed.
6- Somaliland 1991-Report By John Drysdale, Global-Stats 1991.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, June 1, 2005/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 1 Jun 05 c BBC Monitoring
POLITICAL ADVISOR TO NIGERIAN, SAFRICAN PRESIDENTS ARRIVES IN SOMALILAND
Imam Abbas, who is on a four-day visit to Somaliland in order to familiarize himself with the situation there, will be holding talks with the country's authorities. Imam Abbas is currently the advisor to the presidents of South Africa and Nigeria on issues of political settlement in Africa.
Somaliland's Vice-President Ahmad Yusuf Yasin, will tonight host dinner for the delegation at Hotel Mansur, Hargeysa. [Passage omitted]
BBC Monitoring International Reports, May 31, 2005/Source: Jamhuuriya, Hargeysa, in Somali 31 May 05 c BBC Monitoring
TENSION "HIGH" IN DISPUTED TOWN BETWEEN SOMALILAND, PUNTLAND
The killing of the two men, identified as Said Dahir Jama aged 35, and Abdullahi Suleiman alias Indha Salale aged 32, was said to have caused very high tension in Sool Region and Buuhoodle [all in northern Somalia].
Reports say the public was moved by the brutal and inhuman way the two men were killed. [Passage omitted]
http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ May 31 2005
The Historical And The Political Meaning Of Somaliland's Independence Day
I thought perhaps I should penned this essay in-order to define for my own personal clarifications or perusal in-terms of the larger question of our time; in which in turn, I thought, perhaps egotistically that I should share with you, once I have reached the points I was groping towards gingerly, particularly in so far as to what socio-historical as well as political significance, does this independence day of the 18th May, should have for us Somalilanders every where in the world.
But before I detained you at length with my particular take of this argument, let me firstly say, as the opening remark of what is to follow in here, that may we all hope that the sons and the daughters of the fallen SNM heroes of our nation(i.e. Somaliland Republic), never should they have something to regret the sacrifice their fathers had made on all our behalf, particularly by the manner we manage the affairs of our destiny in the fullness of time; in the sense of what our tomorrow should be like; given that they, as that those men who are the fallen of our land for the struggle to liberate our country from the yoke of Gen. Siad Barre's fascistic misrule, have gave theirs in the yesterdays battlefield of destiny for our posterity of tomorrow.
By that I mean, although the rough and tumble of politics that is particularly practised in our neck-of-the-wood in the horn-of-Africa(i.e., Somaliland Republic), or for that matter in much of the third-world political scene, will always exasperate even the most serenely-incline fellow in our midst; but, when the night is old, and the annals of history is to be read openly for the benefits of the future generations, what counts in that most unforgiving moment of time, is not the small matter of Mr. Rayale's legendary incompetence as alleged constantly by the opposition parties (which I am not disputing in any way whatsoever); or come to think of it, that of Opposition parties conniving agenda of winning the seat of the presidency in any manner to hand, fair of foul (particularly that of the Kulmiye party who seemed to be hell-bend to achieve political power in any means to hand); but that of most existential question of all time and in all political seasons; namely, as to who had the foremost "Political Wisdom" to bargained for oneself and for one's nation, the privilege of writing one's own destiny unencumbered by anybody's tender appeals or for that matter any other person's political machinations.
Consequently, if one where to understand the larger argument that is at stake in here and deeds of sacrifice, that is required for the sake of that privilege of having the destiny of one's own making, then one will in no doubt, understand the difference between doings of a group of politicians (who are essentially here today gone tomorrow), and the national destiny of Somaliland that millions yet unborn shall have in their day.
This is essentially the motivating engine of my belief in Somaliland Republic's right to exist, not that I am indifferent to monstrous doings of either Mr. Rayale and his ministers, or come to think of it, that of the opposition groups; but I am mature enough, and "Historically-incline" enough to understand the differences between the furious argument of party-political kind that can be had in any given day within Somaliland's existing political institutions, and the requirement of the national destiny that millions who are yet to be born shall have in their day.
Thirdly, couple of days ago in preparations for today knees-up joviality and the other celebratory jamboree for the National Independence day of the 18th of May; I though perhaps, I should reread some of the historical document that I had collected through out the years, and consequently, I went to downstairs in my house, where I have my little fully-stock library that I have established in my house here in London, subsequently I went to fetch some historical documents for my personal perusal (just to while away the night and perhaps see to it, if I can retraced some of the missteps that Somaliland politicians of those days of 1960 have made with the destiny of their people).
Some of these documents I have found them and photocopied it from the British Public Record Office in Kew here in UK, where they keep all of the British governmental Document that exist, particularly most of historical documents all the way back to the middle ages.
However this particular document that I felt the urge to reread was detailing the negotiations between the British government officials, headed by Mr. Ian Macloed, who was the Secretary of State for the Colonies under Prime-Minister Mr. Harold Macmillan's Conservative government of that year of 1960; and the Somaliland's political delegation, headed by Mr. M. I. Egal, who was the head of the Somaliland delegation who came to London in April of 1960, in-order to finalised Somaliland's independence from the British colonial authority.
Subsequently, whilst I was reading that document in-order to re-evaluate some of the historical mistake (or an unmitigated political blunders as Napoleon would of called it if he was around at that time) that Somaliland politicians had made in that time(i.e., 1960), I came upon some of the advised that Mr. Macloed (The British Secretary of State for the Colonies) had gave to the Somaliland delegation who went to meet the British government in "Lancaster House" (where the negotiations was taken place), during those crucial moments of history, where it could be said that the destiny of Somaliland and her National Independence from the British was in the balance precariously.
And he - Mr. Macloed - distinctly said, as I can read from these documents in front of me, to Mr. M. I. Egal and to the other members of the Somaliland delegation who was with him in that meetings (they were four of them in all), wait for at least a year, as an independent State of your own(i.e., Somaliland Republic); if not, wait for Six month, before you make any fundamental political decision in regard to whether to join with the Italian Somalia or not; and Mr. Egal reply was, he can't do that because his people back home are impatient for the "Political Unification" with the rest of the Somali People in the Italian Somalia; again, Mr. Macloed came back with another suggestion; which was, OK, why don't you wait for a three months period in that case then, and in the meantime we - The British government - will be sending to you in Hargeisa the best legal brain we have in here (both from the Foreign and the Colonial office), so that the negotiations between the two side - i.e., North and South or in the sense of Somaliland vs. Somalia - will be conducting in an equal political and legal playing field; because the South (i.e., the Italian Somalia) had a UN's paid Italian Civil servants and Lawyers to help them to draw up the unification agreement with their counterpart in Somaliland (and hence, that is where Mr. Contini, who was the legal advisor to the President Mr. Adan Adde came into the picture of the negotiations between Somaliland and Somalia); however but to no avail and his advised to the Somaliland delegations was not taken up as they should of have.
For the Somaliland delegations who were meeting with the British government said, and I quote in full:
"....That we are all Somalis, and we'll find a means to come to a common political agreement with our brothers in the Italian Somalia...."
Again, Mr. Macloed came back with another helpful political suggestion for Somaliland Delegations who were sitting across the table in front of him in that crucial meeting, and he said, and I quote him in here in full:
"....As the British Secretary of State for the Colonies, as well as someone who knows the Somali people very well, I do not for one moment doubt that you as Somalis from the British Somaliland share one culture and religion as well as custom/language/familial-ties and common socio-historical inheritance with your brothers in Italian Somalia; but the case you, as the future politicians of Somaliland State, must made aware of is this fact which is, what is uniting is not a two brotherly people (although it may seemed to you that to be the case in here), but a two "Political States" in the legal term of that word, with all of the constitutional consequences that will entail...."
His father by the way, incidentally was a colonial officer in Kenya, and he came contact with the Somalis in Kenya during his young adulthood there, as well as the fact that he, himself, was once upon time, a British journalist who covered for a various British broadsheet newspaper during the Dervishes uprising in Somaliland in the early 20th century, and he was stationed in hargeisa during those time.
And he went on to indicate, for the benefit of Somaliland Delegations who was meeting with him, that It's like someone saying let us put the contents of your house to that of mine; and in that case, the first thing you need is the legal document, thoroughly debated and constructed by both parties, and I fear he said that you may be found wanting in that regard, for you seemed to be in a consuming haste to conclude "Political Agreement" with your brothers in the Italian Somalia.
Again that suggestion was not given the due weighty consideration that it had warranted from the political elites of Somaliland, and in essence the political leaders of the then Somaliland delegation had ignored that; for they have decided to go to Mogadishu soon after they return from that meeting in London with an empty hand (in the sense of having no political cards of their owns to play with across the table with their counterpart in Somalia); in-order to reach an agreement with leaders of Italian Somalia, particularly with elites and the ruling members of the SYL internal government of Italian Somalia of that time.
For those of you who want to know, as to who this Mr. Contini chap was, may I say briefly that he was a figure of unsurpassed political and legal ingenuity where Somalis of Italian Somalia is concern; and he was essentially what made the difference in-terms of Somaliland and Somalia's institutional advantages is concern (in the sense of given the political elites of Italian Somalia a hefty political and legal advantage over their counterpart from Somaliland); particularly when the political negotiation dice between the two side (i.e., Somaliland vs. Somalia) was still finely balanced in the air and all was there to play for.
However be that as it may, it's suffice to say in here that some of his political footwork was the idea of writing the "Act of Union" between the two side in Italian alone, particularly the one that was eventually adopted as the final one without the approval of the Somaliland's parliamentarians; secondly, also he came up with the idea of disregarding the original intent of the Somalilanders's version of that same "Act of Union" in it's entirety; thirdly, he had also essentially engineered the political agenda that guaranteed that the Constitutional Referendum of 1961 should be counted across the whole country (that is the whole of Somali Republic as one national vote), instead of counting them in a manner of the reality of the time, which was the existing jurisdiction of Somaliland and Somalia respectively; lastly but not least, he also advised President of the Somali Republic of that time, namely Mr. Aden Adde in 1961, that to asked the Somalilanders (or Northerners, as they were then known) of that time whether the said "Act of the Union" should be ratify in public referendum, will be tantamount of nullifying it; because by that time as every one knew the citizens of Somaliland where looking forward to of either re-balancing politically the union itself in-terms of representations (i.e., in the sense of increasing number Somaliland Parliamentarians at the National Assembly of the Somali Republic of that time); or failing that they were preparing themselves for an exit legal strategy from the said Union between the two States. Consequently at that point, the said Mr. Contini hit a bright idea in which he advised president of the Republic Mr. Aden Adde with it.
That idea was not to bother with the ratification of the "Act of the Union" as a standard alone legal document, for the northerners or Somalilanders will turn it down in a beat; and he said it the best thing to do is to circumvent that eventual political reality, by way of attaching the approval of the "Act of the Union" with the newly-written constitution(i.e., 1961 constitution) together; and subsequently make the two of them in one document that could be put before the public; so that one could not be turned down without the other. And in case, the northerners are still incline to turned the whole thing down; then in that case, we should just move the goal post a bit further down the road (in the sense of making difficult for Somalilanders to nullified the Union between the two States of Somalia and Somaliland). Of course by that he meant it, that the government should be denying the separate need for the counting of the votes of the constitutional referendum in-terms of the two-existing and the separate legal Jurisdiction of Somaliland and Somalia respectively; consequently, in here is where the idea of massive Vote-Rigging in conjunction of the name of Wanla-Weyn had entered the political lexicon of the Somali People).
Because, as he - Mr. Contini - had reasoned eloquently, that if this method of "Vote-Counting" (more like a blatant vote-rigging in action) were to be employed for the Constitutional Referendum, then the need to count the votes in separate manner (i.e., in-terms of Somaliland vs. Somalia), was essentially out of the window; and hence the reason, even though the rejection votes in Somaliland for that constitution in 1961 referendum was overwhelming, but still the government-of-the-day said the constitution was carried affirmatively in handsome proportion (because the votes was counted across the country and hence Somaliland's rejection of the whole thing was overwhelmed by the rest of the votes of the new country of the Somali Republic, which means effectively the votes of Somaliland's regions which rejected the whole thing has been nullified in that referendum by the votes from the Six(6) regions of Italian Somalia).
Therefore, the government-of-the-day, had proclaimed brazenly that the "Act of Union" between the two states of Somalia and Somaliland, as well as the new constitution of the Somali Republic was legally affirmed in full in the every region of the whole of the Somali Republic (in-terms of the regions of Somaliland State and the State of Somalia, respectively); given that, as they have reasoned this way, which was that the "Act of Union" was the first legal preamble of the said constitution; consequently if you pass the said constitution, then in an ipso-facto kind, you had also passed the other legal document which was the "Act of Union", regardless of whether Somaliland had turned downed the whole thing or not.
This is the sort atmospheric background that essentially was the ingredient that had created the failed military coup in Somaliland in 2nd December of 1961; and essentially the struggle of the Somaliland nation has been through the ebbs-and-flows of tumultuous history ever since that time (according to our "Version of History", and consequently one could say, in all seriousness, that never did we gave up the hope, that Somaliland will be one day politically resurrected, regardless as how long it takes, and what toll of sacrifice may be paid for in the meantime, in-order to attained it); subsequently Gen. Siad Barre and his murderous agenda of the genocide sort, was essentially the last nail of the Coffin of Somali-weyn's political appeal or aspirations, in so far as we - i.e., Somalilanders - are concern.
Now, does that mean, I am here trying to convinced the misguided lots who passionately believes the political idea of Somaliweyn's irredentism, or the those ho believe the political necessity of keeping the Somali Republic of old in an intact manner; in so far as the rightfulness of my case for Somaliland is concern; and my answer would be, not at all, far from it; I did that recounting of historical events in so far as we are concern in-order to merely to indicate, that idea of one man political aspirations is another man myopic and clannish agenda; and hence, why as I sincerely believe that one man historical vindication is another man historical tragedy.
For we in Somaliland, today of all day, are celebrating the final culmination of our historical vindication that essentially started in 2nd of December of 1961; when the a few brave military officers from Somaliland Scout Regiment(SSR), who were the citizens of Somaliland of that time, seen through all the mirrors and the smoke of "Somali-Weyn" political agenda; and decided that it was a historical mistake to throw away the fruits that was on our lap, which was what we had in the 26th of June of 1960(namely the Somaliland's legal sovereignty); for the hope of eating the yet-to-matured fruits that were hanging tantalisingly in a distant tree (which was the Pan-Somalis Irredentism and it's political hope of uniting fairly the whole of the Somali people of the horn-of-Africa's region as whole).
And ever since that day, the struggle of our cause, has seen a various stages of political maturity as well as various setbacks, or even come to think of it, a various stages of fulfilment. For example sometime during the early and mid sixties(1960s); there was hope that a political rearrangement can be had in-order to square the union between Somalia and Somaliland in a more equal footing politically; and that is why some had hope during Mr. M. I. Egal's premiership of the Somali Republic in late Sixties(1960s) that political discussions and various other correction to the political equations of the Republic itself can be had (in the sense of levelling-up the number of political representations between Somalia and Somaliland that had exist within the National Assembly of the Republic), particularly given that it was hoped then during the second term of Mr. M. I. Egal's premiership(i.e., 1969-1974) that something along that line can be done politically; however, as we all know by now, Gen. Siad Barre had other iniquitous ideas for the destiny of the Somali Republic of that time; and hence the reason as to why, we are today, where we are Politically, Socially and Economically as a Somali people from the Horn-of-Africa's region.
All of this may not make sense to those who are against the mere idea of Somaliland Republic; but to us, here is how we see ourselves; which is we see ourselves, firstly as a re-emerging political state, which incidentally, as it so happens, it was a sheer historical fluke (in which much of it can be viewed as a political misjudgement that can be laid at the feet of Somaliland's elites of that time of 1960) that made that political idea of Somaliland's legal right to exist as a dormant political concept through out much of next thirty(30) odd years of the Somali Republic's existence(i.e., namely from 1960 - 1991); only to reawaken itself in that glorious day of 18th of May in 1991 (I hope you have noticed, that we do not considered ourselves as a collections of Somali Clans with a political grievances, as some of the Somali-Weyn's camp consider us; for in the final analysis, although I hate to disappoint those on the other side of the barricade, but one could say that we couldn't care less of your description of our cause).
We also consider ourselves as a "Nation-State" who foolishly, once-upon-time, had thrown away a golden opportunity to be independent state of their own making.
Secondly, we considered ourselves that we paid heavily for our national destiny with a sufficient bound of flesh and it's concomitantly copious litres of our own precious blood, in-order to attained what we have today, namely Somaliland Republic (with international recognition or without it!!).
Thirdly; we believe that till the booming call of the end of time, we shall remain with steadfast manner - if we can helped it both militarily and socially as well as consciously - the right, nay, I say the forceful right for Somaliland Republic to exist.
In a nutshell, in so far as we are concern, we won our victory at the battlefield of history in broad-day light in which all were invited to bare witness to; and we are not, nor will we ever be interesting, to entertained the soiled and unconvincing appeal of those, we consider, that the grand sweep of Somali History had made them to view our particular "Vindicating History" that we are so singularly proud of, as that of "Historical Tragedy" that had befallen on to the Somali people in every where of the Horn-of-Africa's region.
And day like this one, will forced one to say to oneself, as to why would one bother or even attempt to make an easy bedfellow, between these two diametrically opposite view of reading Somali history.
For a "Historical Tragedy" (which is how Somali-weyn's believers view the existence of Somaliland Republic), will not meet in this side of eternity with that of "Historical vindication" (which is how we as a Somalilanders view our right to exist as an independence statehood of our own in today's reality).
And hence; whenever one has the misfortune to run into the Somali-Weyn Believers, one can with his closed eyes recount before hand the tall tales of "Political Somalinimo" that will be coming one's way from the lips of those in which the broad sweep of history so singularly had made their political belief-system as an idea that fits enough to be buried in the graveyard of yesteryear's rubbish ideology, particularly when it comes to the fact of them appealing to you politically for the retention of the territorial intactness of the Somali Republic of old; in which they will try to serenaded you with that song and dance.
Only for me to reply, that my father was the one of the naive and unworldly Somalilanders who believe in all of this Somali-Weyn's nonsense in a heartfelt manner in 1960; and subsequently he went for the ride of his life, in so far as he was concern when he saw the brutal consequences of that political concept of Somali-weyn(i.e., in the sense of Somali-Weyn as it existed it in the form of the Somali Republic) in action for the thirty years(1960-1991) of it's existence; which was the time when that political idea was the fact on the ground within the Somali's territories of the horn-of-Africa.
But in so far I am concern, my replies would be no worries mate, my political motto is: Somaliland to my last dying days; and consequently all else in the meantime, is the means to make that fact on the ground (i.e., the existence of Somaliland Republic) ever more irrevocable as it can be made.
And Finally, may I say one word of advise to those Somalilanders every where in the world, who are celebrating this Independence day and what it all supposed to mean for us; and that is:
"....A Gift Of Nationhood Is Very Precious Commodity To Hold On To, Less Your National Destiny Becomes A Moveable Pieces On The Political Chessboard For Others To Play With It Endlessly To Your Detriment...."
And if you doubt this centuries-old wisdom, which is essentially a mind-searingly and an undeleteable ink that will remain as a residue to the collective memory of any nation, particularly to one who has seen it's history as a social parable of a struggle to established itself as a "Nation-State" against overwhelming odds, then in that case, may I ask you, to question the nearest Palestinian that you could run into who could be your acquaintance, particularly in-terms of the meaning of "Nationhood" that one can called his own.
And I am sure, that person will surely recalled with horror the mistakes one's parents had made on one's behalf, when it comes to 1948 tragedy, or as the Palestinians called it the "Catastrophe"; which was when en-massed they as a Palestinians people decided to vacate their land and their country for the Jews in the hope of fighting another day; only for them to became wanderers of the world to this day.
Of course our case is completely different, than that of the helpless palestinians of our time, but the moral lesson is the same, and is the fact of throwing away what is yours to begin with, for so cheaply a rewarding return; alas, my fellow Somalilanders, we paid our price in blood, we recovered out precious chestnut of national liberty and it's crowning nationhood; and finally we shall guard over it with all the might that we can muster.
Even if you take into account with all of the current political problems that we face today in Somaliland; and I am sure, we shall continue to face it tomorrow, which as it of itself, mind you, does not negate the idea of Independence of Somaliland Nationhood; less our young fellow Somalilanders, particularly those who support the opposition parties, namely that of Kulmiye may confused the idea of the right of Somaliland to exist in political terms and the current incumbent leader of Somaliland, namely Mr. Rayale; given that it seemed to me clearly that some of our young fellows in the diaspora, who are Kulmiye supporters thinks because of Mr. Rayale is in the presidency seat of Somaliland; then perhaps we should reconsider our relentless pursuit of nationhood in-terms of the campaigning of the recognition of our Statehood.
However, given that our friends in the Somali-Weyn's camp, consider Somaliland's mere existence as that of "Historical Tragedy" that had happened to the political agenda of the Somali Republic, in the sense of the Somali Republic's territorial intanctness to which they believe Somaliland will dismembered it (as if that isn't our considered political intention to begin with).
Then in that case; one can understand the need to humour those, that their lot is to be starring in the face constantly a tragedy of historical proportion; and hence, I, as a Somalilander, whenever I see another furious and heartfelt denunciations towards Somaliland in the various Somali Internet Website; I secretly smile to myself, not on the account of me being a callous and heartless git; No, far from it, but on the account of the realisation that this consecutive pinpricks that never cease to stop, are essentially from the Socially-wounded psyche of those members of Somali-weyn's groupies who hold and harbour intently the defeated political argument of out time, in so far as we Somalilanders are concern; namely, as to why we would ever consider the deeds of yesterdays that my father's generations had take part in it, is something worth repeating today for my generations (in the sense of revisiting the political idea of Somali-weyn, once again in this year of 2005, after we have left it behind in May of 1991, with the sheer effort of our own much-bloodied hands!!).
As well as to why the present-day Somaliland Republic should ever consider to form a political "Reunion" with what is known as the Somalia of the present day (either in the form of the "Federal Malarkey" concept of the Building-Block Theory as proposed by Pundlanders and others, or for that matter some other form of political reunion.
And hence again, I should say that, one must make allowances of those fellows in our midst; lest they find difficult burden to carry this tragic rope around their neck, for as I recalled Mr. Churchill once said this, which was:
"....In War: Resolution. In Defeat: Defiance. In Victory: Magnanimity. In Peace: Goodwill...."
Consequently, since our cause as well as we, as Somalilanders, are those who are "Victorious" in the battlefield of history, in so far as political ideas of our time is concern (in the sense of Somaliland vs. Somaliweyn), that the Somali people of the horn-of-Africa had bared witness to; then in that case, it's incumbent on all of us as Somalilanders, to be touch "Magnanimous" towards those History, in it's infinite wisdom, had made their cause of Somali-Weyn's Irredentism, that of "Politically Defeated" agenda of our time, in so far as we as Somalilanders are concern.
And if arguing endlessly and circuitously as to why we - i.e., Somalilanders - should stay with them in that defunct and non-existent union that used to be known as the Somali Republic, is the only way our friends in Somalia can make a purposeful and a useful meaning to their much troubled destiny, or indeed if that constant debate within the Somali internet site, could help them to anchored their way out of the political graveyard that they find themselves in at this juncture of time; then I say, why should we begrudged them, for Magnanimity in action is the least we could do for them, since they are our Somali brothers across the political divide of our time.
Subsequently, this needed psychological relieve basin, in the sense of the various internet site that basically catered for this particular assignment of talking down Somaliland's achievements and it's meaning, whereby those who so singularly dislike Somaliland can fire away and vomit all of that bent up anger that they harbour for Somaliland, is the least of a human service that we as Somalilanders can provide for them.
Therefore, let us all hope, when their head is clear from clouding anger that they harboured towards us (which is after they have relieved of themselves at our expense in the far corners of the internet cyberspace), they could then settle down in-order to sort their political backyard, such as asking themselves these sort of questions, along the lines of who essentially need whom (in the sense of figuring out, as to whether it is the present-day Somalia who needs Somaliland Republic or is it Somaliland Republic that needs present-day Somalia).
And most importantly, they should be asking themselves this important question, which is why don't they - i.e., as a citizens of Somalia or the South in short - proceed to sort their political troubles in their own country; instead of crying after Somaliland under the disguise of the "Political Uniqueness of Somalinimo", in the sense of oneness of the Somali language, oneness of our Somali culture, and all the other "Oneness" Malarkey that Somaliweyn's believers never get tired to list on our behalf, as to why all of us Somalis (i.e., from Somaliland and from Somalia) should belong together in a one Nation-State of the Somali Republic's kind.
As if that political unique factors (i.e., in the sense of that famous socio-anthropological homogeneity of the Somali people) will preclude from the Somalis of the horn-of-Africa, the idea of having not only two or three, but any number of political Nation-State that Somalis may deemed politically fit for themselves (like the citizens of Austria and the Germany, who practically share everything like the Somalis were said to be; but still had the political wisdom to live in a two seperately-governed "Nation-States" of their own making).
And Finally, I hope that we as a Somalilanders, in pursuit of that line of analogical reasoning (like the Austrians and the Germans national decisions to live in two separate state of their own), genuinely should work towards the fulfilment that will guarantee that Somaliland Republic will be first amongst the equal politically independent "Nation-States" that the Somali people of the horn-of-Africa's region can and should have for the benefit of their posterity in this 21th century of ours.
Regards,
Mr. A. Ismail,
London, UK.
E-mail: AliIsmail04@aol.com
http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ May 31 2005
IMPEACHMENT IS UNJUSTIFIED
Before our traditional paintbrushes come out in force let me declare my innocence in advance. I am a neutral. I support no political party and clannist sentiment bores me after that initial unavoidable rush of blood to the head which says in all of us, if we are honest, my cousins right or wrong!
I declare another interest: I am not a member of the Goljanno branch of the Riyale Fan Club. Any leader who so lacks in vision and surrounded by minions so lacking in wisdom that they believe gagging a nation that lives on empty talk is the right way of conducting political business is not going to be in my personal good books.
And I am an admirer of the veteran opposition leader Mr. Silanyo. The man is not only the most capable, dynamic and charming politician in the country he is also the only world class diplomat we have, with the possible exception of Edna Adan(although on occasion she oversells our achievements and supposed self-reliance)
But Silanyo's supporters need to learn magnanimity from their great leader and accept, once and for all, that their man lost the election and other guy won. I feel their pain and sympathise with their genuine concerns about gerrymandering and dodgy goings-on during the count but the people have spoken, warts and all, in a free, closely contested fight and said yes to UDUB. Democracy is not always sweet as KULMIYE supporters understand pretty well.
To add insult to injury to our KULMIYE brothers, the President has something of the rough street urchin about him and he knows how to put a needle in, straight where it hurts most. I know it is not easy but one has to admire that, however grudgingly. We might have been embarrassed by his shameless use of the Independence Day speech to vilify KULMIYE and make outlandish claims about bribes being offered for votes, but he was accurate when he said "the people elected me.and only they can remove me". In another side-swipe he turned on the MPs reminding them, again absolutely accurately, and in no uncertain terms, that unlike him, they were only nominated not elected by the people. A smoother politician might have tried a more conciliatory tone or rise above the political fisticuffs under his nose, but no one has ever accused our beloved leader of suave smoothness. He clearly relishes a bit of a dirty fight.
There is something insanely infuriating about a mediocre man who knows he is right and Riyale is just that man. He fully understands that he has the most powerful mandate a politician can possess, the freely given will of his people and he is going to milk it for every possible last drop and throw the empty bowl at his enemies for good measure.
No wonder Kulmiye's people are outraged and looking for ways to cut off the milking in mid-stream. But in my humble opinion, they are over-egging the case for impeachment. For such a drastic measure to be justified, the elected leader must have done something more serious than having a laugh at his political enemies' misfortunes. Provable corruption, national betrayal, medically certifiable insanity, grossly indecent personal behaviour or a clear-cut discarding of the constitution are some of the misdeeds that can warrant the impeachment of an elected leader. Riyale, for all his shortcomings is not guilty of any of those. So Kulmiye will just to have to grin and bear with the dignity that is the hallmark of Silanyo himself and hope the masses are wiser next time round!
Guled Ismail
http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ May 28 2005
Simple truth and reality ;- Somaliland existence
Somaliland has risen from the ashes of destruction to a peaceful, respected and independent country, recognized or not.
It is a country that is based on democracy, peace, freedom, equality, justice, human rights, and development in all fields, for all its citizens to enjoy. All this is homegrown, with no pampering from the international community, working on what little it has, and tested by time.
Its political maturity and stability are well ahead, better than some countries in the world, and in the cream of Africa.
With no foreign aid its government is functioning on an impossibly low budget. Corruption is almost non-existent. This can only be attained by good governance and transparency.
This platform reached in such a short time from the chaos and destruction done by criminals from Somalia, is its self a wonder.
We have learned a lesson by the so-called union with Somalia the very hard way.
Criminals from Somalia, ordered the full might of the military and air-force (Which was one of the strongest in Africa and designed to liberate Odagen from Ethiopia) to carpet-bomb, woman, children, houses and all, killing more than 60,000 souls causing countless injures, and many more unaccounted deaths as a result of the mass exodus to refugee camps. Many more were tortured and killed by the secret police (NSS). This kind of genocide was the first in Africa. It is impossible to forget, forever.
These guys, carried out these mass atrocities (whether under orders or not), where motivated by hatred, greed, and with no conscience. They used every evil destructive tactics they could master, like engineering tribal-hatred here, to suit their ends.
Then we had to fight this evil force, bringing it down to its knees, and chased it across the border to Somalia, since then (for the last 14 years) we have no hatred and madness but developing in the right direction of peace, stability and freedom, which has promoted strong national cohesion. Proved by the last referendum, conducted under credible African and international observers, by which the people of Somaliland choose never to unite with Somalia again. The unity with Somalia is thus very much dead, forever. Those who are still dreaming about this unity need their heads checked because they are not in line with reality.
These criminals and those that share their evil agenda are still around in Somalia and would very much love to be the leaders once again of an international approved Somali government to move in and start their evil plans in Somaliland. General Morgan (the butcher of Hargeisa) in now in Mogadishu, this is a wanted criminal. If the Somalis in Mogadishu have any decency, they should hand him over to Somaliland to face his crimes in our courts.
We do not want any part of them; under no circumstances will this country be part of Somalia again. The people of Somaliland have made it clear to the all fact-finding mission sent here by the A.U. recently; YES FOR SOMALILAND, NO TO UNION WITH SOMALIA.
The A.U has very commendable policy in comparison with O.A.U. (all the above atrocities happened under the O.A.U. nose and did noting whatsoever). The A.U. should prove to us as its people; that they are not the same old system under a different name and front. If really A.U. should follow its new policy exactly, than all its members should discover or realize Somaliland is a separate complete country presently, historically and legally and not tied to be part of Somalia, and recognize it; A.U. open this case and you will see why.
The reality is we want to keep what Somalia has forgotten for more than two decades, which is peace and stability; we will not accept anybody to weight us down into their sick fluctuating condition, from what we have achieved on our own lawfully. Somaliland is determining its destiny with Gods help.
Somalia! , Grow-up! , Face reality, and determine your own destiny, leave us alone! , Everybody is fed-up of you; you have degraded yourselves in Djibouti and Kenya, you have become mere tools in a circle of chaos and hatred, what next?
Somaliland started many years back, a reconciliation process to heal the wounds inflicted on us by Somalia, for our people to live together in peace, which is rivaled only by South Africa's. Today the peace and stability available in Somaliland is open for the world to see. We are rapidly gaining respect, honor and attention from the international community for our achievements done with no help from anywhere, this is very rare in Africa, and we take pride in it.
Unfortunately, the same evil forces from Somalia are at work again, planning to see this come to an end, like the resent terrorist attacks in Sheikh, Hargeisa-Berbera road and the assassination attempt on our democratically elected president. They take pride and pleasure in causing a menace in this peaceful country.
They have moved into our territories in Las-Anod from Puntland and have started fanning tribal hatred to meet their ends. The international community is well aware of this, and who ordered this move and for what ends. It is no secret that the former war-lord president of Puntland and now war-loading president of Somalia Abdulai Yousef ordered this sinister move and then boasted of it over an interview of the B.B.C, his war-loading of our territories is proof he is an evil man bent on war, destruction and chaos and from the old school of Somalia criminals.
Puntland was created to size-up with Somaliland; they have no legal bearing, but belong to Somalia, which they know and accept.
Somaliland, on the other hand, does not accept this; we were an independent country with full recognition from about 39 member countries of the U.N for its borders and sovereignty before the ill fated, unconditional and unconstitutional, union with Italian Somalia. So the union with Somalia did not have any legal basis therefore we have full rights to revert back to our original independent state of Somaliland.
I personally respect original thoughts. Everybody now in Somalia is trying to blindly copy Somaliland's ways they forget that some bodies medicine is another's poison.
SOMALILAND EXISTED BEFORE, AND DOES SO NOW, EVEN MORE STRONGLY, what happened in between was a terrible nightmare as a result of the doomed union with Somalia.
We have tolerated these moves and constant provocation into war from Puntland (Elias Majertainia, Somalia); we are under strong self-imposed restraint. They have taken this as a sign of weakness. We have countered their sinister moves by calling all the Somaliland civil societies of this area to find out how to remove these irrational people from our territories peacefully and show them the way across the border where they came from, without causing senseless suffering to our people who live in this area.
The tribal-hatred they are trying to fan is doomed, and will never happen. We are at great pains to settle this problem peacefully. Nevertheless, Somaliland is prepared for any eventualities, and be-assured; we will secure our rightful borders.
The existing territorial borders in the whole of Africa are colonial; ours with Somalia were also well defined, so these criminals are seeking to unstable the whole region. I would like to shade light to the fact that there are Somaliland, Ethiopian, Djibouti, Kenyan and Somalia Somalis. Any Somali who lays a claim across any border in this region, for ethical or tribal-clan reasons, is in effect a trouble maker and a criminal, still dreaming of a greater Somalia as in their flag; the five corners signifying the parts from the above countries to be joined. Ask any of the four countries mentioned above and they will fully agree. Arap Moi (the former president of Kenya) openly said a strong Somalia will start a shifta menace to all its neighbors for a greater Somalia. The only long time solution for this deep-seated problem is to recognize Somaliland and put this perverse problem to a definite stop. Otherwise, as long as this star exist in their flag, this problem is going to pop-up again and again, no mater what agreements are made, resulting in so many senseless loss of life and resources that this region so very badly needs.
Somaliland not for blood shedding and destruction but concentrate all our resources for developing our people to combat poverty, illiteracy and disease.
The olive branch is the way for all our people.
Recently, when word came up that some African countries were thinking about recognition for Somaliland, the prime minister from the transitional Somalia enviously said no country is going to recognize Somaliland simply because they have peace and stability, over a BBC Somali service interview.
The reality is we will be recognized soon or later, while you disgrace yourself.
Talk about, or beg how you can pacify your shameless war-loaded Somalia and keep-off about Somaliland-maters, how many times do you have to be reminded. Your rag-tag so called war-loading government is being kick around in Kenyan hotels with warlords-terrorists from president all the way down, in deep mistrust of each other, and yet so unpopular inside your country are you that your war-load-president wants to be installed by force, you think it is going to work or start another circle of violence and more blood bath? Those with some sense in your government have left you in exile and are back with their people.
Yet you and your war-load-president (Fagash) talk about Somaliland, defiantly you must be fools, and the laughing band for all in the horn region and beyond to amuse with.
I assure you that Somaliland will regain eventually its rightful sit in the U.N, A.U, etc, while you and your war-loading president will still be down that road of pretence, deluded ways and stupidity.
Without any help or assistance from the international community, Somaliland has achieved all that it stands for today through its own sheer will, determination, pride, and resolve never to revert to what it was like before under any cost, its independence and sovereignty are not for negotiation. It is here to stay. I therefore urge, as a somalilander, the international community who are for freedom, peace and democracy to recognize this country, and allow us to work with our neighbors for the peace and stability of the horn of Africa region and the world as a whole.
Yes, like any fully democratic country we have squabbles between the opposition parties and the government, this is healthy for the national development, for all to be on their toes, to win its people support and provide quality governance. When it comes to the fundamental interest of the nation all are united strongly.
We are aware that some of the most important international community have acknowledged Somaliland's legal reality and are pushing for its recognition; this is a most welcome move. This will pacify the horn of Africa region as a whole and will accelerate Somalia's peace and reconciliation process; we will show those who are genuinely interested in peaceful and brotherly co-existence how a home-grown magic transformation to a peaceful state is done. We want a peaceful neighborhood.
Somaliland well-comes one of Africa's most well known statesman and former president of Zambia Mr. Kenneth Kaunda to visit Somaliland, yes your visit Mr. Kaunda will defiantly shade light on the facts here in Somaliland, thank you very much.
We are looking forward to our rightful seat in the African union as an independent country contributing to the positive development of this part of the world.
To foe and friends of Somaliland: - Our olive branch for peace (Which we cherish so much) will drop only in self-defense if our national survival and sovereignty is threatened (God forbid) and we are ready to sacrifice whatever we have for this, it is an obligation, no question about it.
Thank you and may you see the light.
Cumar Badmaax.
The Indian Ocean Newsletter, May 28, 2005, SECTION: APPOINTMENTS & MISSIONS/URL: www.IndianOceanNewsletter.com
The President of this self-proclaimed independent state...
Africa News, May 27, 2005/BYLINE: The East African Standard
Somalia; Ethiopia in Talks Over Use of Somali Port
Ethiopia wants to use the port in northwestern Somalia to move goods and fuel through Somaliland.
"The visit of the Ethiopian delegation is connected with the agreed usage of Berbera port by the Ethiopian businessmen for transit of goods and fuel to Ethiopia," Somaliland Public Works Minister Said Sulub told a news conference.
Somaliland, a former British protectorate, broke away from Somalia in 1991 and has been a relatively stable enclave, which held its first multiparty election in 2003.
It is not recognised internationally.
President Dahir Rayale Kahin of Somaliland signed an agreement with Ethiopia on August 2003 to legalise trade between the countries, establishing customs posts along their border and agreeing to cooperate in improving the roads linking the countries.
Ethiopian Revenues Minister Getachew Belay led the delegation, which is expected to finalise a port agreement by Saturday and assess the condition of the road network linking Berbera and Ethiopia.
Trade between the two countries is mostly limited to the stimulant leaf qat, fruit and vegetables exported by Ethiopia and foodstuffs and other commodities exported by Somaliland.
Outside Somaliland, the rest of Somalia has had no central authority since the ousting of former President Siad Barre in 1991 and has been devastated by warlords and their militias.
A transitional federal government was formed last year in neighbouring Kenya, but has yet to return home. (Additional reporting by Guled Mohamed in Nairobi). Reuters
U.S. SHOULD RECOGNIZE, REWARD SOMALILAND'S SUCCESS;
Since the withdrawal of U.S. military forces from Somalia in 1994 after the deaths of 18 soldiers, the prevailing American sentiment has been that nothing was to be done about Somalia's self- destruction. While southern Somalia is still in ruins and controlled by feuding warlords, Somaliland, the northern area, which declared its independence in 1991, has achieved significant progress toward peace and stability. Somaliland has rebuilt itself and its capital of Hargeysa from scratch. It has emerging democratic institutions, an ill-equipped but functioning police force and a free-market economy, and it operates under the rule of law.
But, so far, no country in the world has recognized Somaliland. And if the United States continues to ignore the positive development that is taking place in Somaliland, this strategically located real estate could become a haven for terrorists.
Somaliland was a British protectorate. When it gained its independence in 1960, it was an independent nation for five days before joining Italian Somaliland to form the Republic of Somalia.
But, neither the people nor the legislature of Somaliland ever ratified the act of union. For 21 years, the brutal former military regime of Somalia carried out a policy of misrule and genocide against northern Somalis.
The Somaliland people rebelled and, on May 18, 1991, affirmed their independence under the leadership of the Somali National Movement.
The 3.5 million people of Somaliland demonstrated that they do not require massive aid and a bloated United Nations bureaucracy to establish an independent state.
On April 14, 2003, a historic milestone was reached, when the people went to the polls for the first time and elected their leader in a closely contested election. The people of Somaliland set up a two-chamber legislative body and plan to hold elections for it on Sept. 15, a course that will give Somaliland a more impressive democracy than most African and Middle Eastern countries, which enjoy U.S. diplomatic relations.
Why do the State Department and the highly politicized United Nations and its proxies in the region -- the African Union and the Arab League (which, by the way, do not promote American values) -- continue to follow a policy of forcing Somaliland into a union with a Somalia that does not exist?
Giving Somaliland the recognition it deserves would make the region more stable and would send a strong message to Africa that the United States is rewarding success and not failure.
Investors willing to develop Somaliland's mining and oil resources are unwilling to do so when the country's legal status is in limbo.
In the post 9/11 world, it is in America's interest to involve Somalilanders -- who fought alongside the Allies during World War II -- in eliminating the terrorist threat in the Horn of Africa.
It is time for President Bush and Congress to support the fledging democracy in Somaliland and to recognize and accept it as an independent and sovereign nation, which stands for the same great values on which my adopted nation was founded.
ALI MOHAMED, Chairman, Committee for the Recognition of Somaliland, Westerville
Source: Food Security Assessment Unit (FSAU) Date: 31 May 2005
Monthly Nutrition Update for Somalia - May 2005
OVERVIEWAn overall improvement in the nutrition situation in Northern Somalia and Hiran Region is related to the ongoing interventions and the recent improvement in food security.
Humanitarian inaccessibility due to insecurity in Gedo continues to affect the population wellbeing.
Security related displacement in Bakool Region has had a negative impact on the population's nutrition status.
GALCAYO: Reduced TFC admissions as interventions continue
Following a dramatic increase in admissions in the final quarter of 2004, the trend of admissions of severely malnourished children into the MSF Holland managed Galcayo TFC has continued to decline from 70 in January to 33 in April (see graph). The declining number of admissions is mainly attributed to humanitarian response in terms of food, non food items and cash assistance and partially to the food security improvement after the 2004/05 deyr season (improved access to milk and milk products) and recent gu rains that further improved water availability. The cash transfer projects managed by Horn Relief and Oxfam GB in Togdheer and Sanaag have also helped to offset debts and in food purchase. Among current admissions, inadequate dietary intake and presence of disease are the risk factors associated with severe malnutrition.
MSF Holland also manages a supplementary feeding programme targeting moderately malnourished children (70% W/H<80%), a take home ration of rice, maize and oil to the family with malnourished children (support by WFP) and an outpatient clinic. Beneficiaries come from areas faced with humanitarian emergency or livelihood crises (FSAU 2005 Post Deyr Analysis).
Analysis of data indicates that for the 77 TFC admissions for March -- April 2005, the majority originated from Galcayo district (36%), Zone 5 of Ethiopia (27%) and Galgadud (14%). Others came from Nugal (9%), Jerriban (4%), Buhodle (3%), Toghdeer (3%), Goldogob (3%) and Bossasso (1%). The situation in these areas of origin is discussed below.
1. Galcayo: Most of the cases are from internally displaced families faced with food insecurity and disease (diarrhoea and ARI). Sanitation in Galcayo town is poor and hasdeteriorated in the wet season, leading to contamination of some water points and a resulting increase in cases of diarrhoea and acute malnutrition.
2. Zone 5 of Ethiopia: A slight improvement in the access to milk and milk products following increased kidding and calving has contributed to some improvement in the nutrition situation.
Unfortunately, access to health services by the pastoral communities is still limited, leading to high disease incidences (mainly diarrhoea and ARI) and acute malnutrition. This situation continues to be aggravated by the constant stressful food security situation in Zone 5 region.
3. Galgadud: The basic causes of malnutrition in Galgadud are related to civil insecurity. Since critical levels of malnutrition were recorded late last year (rapid assessments and nutrition survey1), interventions have been limited by poor access.
4. Nugal, Toghdeer, Buhodle and Jerriban: Humanitarian assistance since February 2005 has increased access of the population to food and non-food items, improving dietary intake. Livestock recovery has increased access to milk and milk products with an associated improvement in nutritional status.
The situation analysis of the areas of origin of TFC beneficiaries indicates that an integrated approach which includes peace building and conflict resolution, household food insecurity and primary health care is crucial.
SOOL / LOWER NUGAAL: Improvement in nutrition situation
The nutrition situation in both Sool Plateau and Lower Nugaal Valley is gradually improving. Health facilities in the area (e.g. Huddun MCH) indicate declining malnutrition levels among children screened monthly. No notable increase in common diseases has been observed. The improvement in nutritional status is mainly attributed to the recovery in the overall food security and continued humanitarian support. Since April 2005, kidding of shoats begun and is above normal. This has increased milk and ghee availability at household level, adding further to the diversity and quality of the diet.
Since February 2005, several agencies have undertaken humanitarian interventions in Sool Plateau and Lower Nugaal Valley consisting of free food distributions and food for work (WFP), cash distribution (Horn Relief), cash for work (Horn Relief, CARE and NPA), health and nutrition interventions (UNICEF) and distribution of non food items e.g. blankets, plastic sheets and water containers (UNICEF and UNHCR). Social support networks and interventions from local NGOs continue to make a significant positive contribution.
FSAU, UNICEF and MOHL in collaboration with partners in Northwest Somalia plan to undertake a nutrition survey in June 2005 covering Taleex and Huddun Districts, Sool Region.
TOGDHEER REGION: Low levels of malnutrition
Since December 2004, information from MCH screening, interventions and the overall food security situation suggests that the nutrition situation in Toghdeer region remains within the range considered typical of that area in recent years (under 10% GAM). This is attributed to social support and humanitarian assistance in parts of Toghdeer that recently encountered an acute livelihood crisis or an `alert' situation. WFP has been providing a general ration in targeted villages; UNICEF and SCF have been distributing supplementary foods, and OXFAM and Novib through Havayoco and Candlelight support cash transfer activities.
The onset of the Gu rains in April 2005 has improved water availability and pasture regeneration. Increased calving and kidding has improved milk availability. The heavy rains however caused flooding that led to displacements, destruction of property, dilapidation of infrastructure and increased vulnerability to many households. The area has also experienced high incidences of diarrhoeal diseases and ARI. Measles cases are still reported among the returnees/IDPs in the resettlement sites.
Source: United Nations Human Settlements Program (UN-HABITAT) Date: 25 May 2005
Progress on good governance in Somaliland
Hargeisa, 25 May 2005 - The Ministry of Interior has said that the level of conflict within city councils has decreased as they move towards improving services and infrastructure in their districts following a recent urban forum.UN-HABITAT organized the first Somaliland Urban Forum 24-28 April drawing over 80 participants from seven key municipalities and representatives from various ministries, local NGOs and international organizations to discuss urban development and urban governance issues.
The event built on the achievements of UN-HABITAT's Good Local Governance and Leadership training programme funded by the European Union, and a UNDP-funded programme for support to priority areas in the urban sector. The occasion also marked the launch of Somaliland component the new EU/UNDP-funded Urban Development Programme (2005 - 2008).
The Ministry of Interior said that the level of conflicts within councils had decreased and that their focus was much more on improving services and infrastructure. In Sheikh, the authorities planted 1,800 trees, protected the main water source against flooding and started the rehabilitation of the main hospital with contributions from the local community rather than external support.
In Burao, neighbourhood committees were set up, with an assured representation of 30 per cent women, to facilitate the mobilization of the community. The committees have since already improved the garbage collection in town. In Hargeisa, over 800 vendors are voluntarily opening up streets blocked for over 14 years. In Erigavo, the garbage collection system was upgraded with assistance of the private sector and the community, also without external support. In Gebiley, the municipality joined hands with a women's group to rebuild the main hospital from scratch. Project funds were used to reconstruct the perimeter wall. The private sector and the central government committed themselves to build a number of outpatient rooms as a first step. In Boroma, informal vendors blocking the main street for a decade agreed to relocate to other areas so that traffic flow could be eased. In Berbera, the main playground was rehabilitated with important contributions of the community.
The achievements were judged by a jury, which included the Ministry of Interior. The first prize of the Somaliland Good Governance Award went to Sheikh, the smallest of the towns. Hargeisa, the capital was awarded the second prize, and Erigavo received the third prize.
At a strategic planning workshop 25-27 April, municipal officers and decision makers agreed on the importance of urban planning and design. The UN-HABITAT team is basing its approach on the lessons learned from the "Localising Agenda 21" Programme, documented in UN-HABITAT's recent publication "Urban Trialogues". The key issues defined will help to prioritise actions undertaken in the new Urban Development Programme.
UN-HABITAT was previously criticized by the authorities for not giving enough publicity to their activities, and is drafting a new media strategy. As a first step, the agency started live media debates during the forum. Land disputes, taxation, the resettlement of internally displaced people, the role of the media in local governance and the performance of the councils in general were among the topics aired.
Source: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Date: 27 May 2005
Phasing out operations in eastern Ethiopia: Somali refugees to return home
This is a summary of what was said by UNHCR spokesperson Ron Redmond - to whom quoted text may be attributed - at the press briefing, on 27 May 2005, at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.UNHCR is also moving one step closer to phasing out its operations in eastern Ethiopia, with the last convoy from Aisha camp scheduled to leave tomorrow (Saturday 28 May), for north-western Somalia (the self-declared Republic of Somaliland). With this 213th convoy carrying 325 refugees, UNHCR will have helped more than 240,000 Somali refugees in Ethiopia return home after many years in exile. The Somalilanders in Aisha fled civil war in the 1980s and the overthrow of the Siad Barre regime in 1991.
The remaining 42 refugees in Aisha camp, who are from other parts of Somalia where it is not safe to return, are being transferred to Kebribeyah camp, also in eastern Ethiopia, where they will join 10,324 refugees from central and southern Somalia. With progress on installing a transitional Somali government, many of these refugees hope to return in the future.
After a journey of several hours, the convoy tomorrow will cross the border, and then from the town of Harirad, just inside the Somali border, the refugees will travel back to their home villages. They get a transportation allowance from UNHCR. To help them establish their new lives, UNHCR will also distribute plastic sheeting, blankets, jerry cans, kerosene stoves and a nine-month food supply to the refugees.
UNHCR has been present in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, since 1993 to assist the reintegration process. However, given the high levels of poverty, absence of bilateral development aid and very limited funding to UN agencies and NGOs operating there, glaring gaps remain to be addressed to make voluntary return truly sustainable and to ensure that returnees can enjoy their socio-economic rights.
Aisha Camp, which opened in November 1989 and at its peak in 1991 hosted 26,694 refugees, is to be closed within the next couple of months. This milestone brings us one step closer to phasing out our operation in eastern Ethiopia, an area which 15 years ago was the largest refugee-hosting area in the world. Before it formally closes Aisha and hands the land back to Ethiopian authorities, UNHCR plans to spend $50,000 in rehabilitation activities, including replanting trees and cleaning up the environment. In July 2004, UNHCR closed Hartisheik camp - once the world's largest refugee camp - which hosted more than 250,000 Somali refugees in the late 1980s.
In addition to some 240,000 refugees UNHCR has assisted home, hundreds of thousands of refugees have returned spontaneously to Somaliland, bringing the total number of returnees in Somaliland to some 700,000.
Source: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) Date: 26 May 2005
Don't forget us, say Ethiopians as last Somali convoy heads home
DEGAGO, Ethiopia, May 26 (UNHCR) - Musse Abdi Jilal, a toothless village elder who claims to be 97 years old, remembers only too well what it was like in this desolate area before the UN refugee agency set up operations here to protect and care for Somali refugees."If we were ever sick, the closest place to get medical care was Aisha, 35 kilometres away," he says. "A donkey was the only way to get there, and it took one or two days to get to the doctor." Sometimes sick people died on the way.
Since 1989, when UNHCR opened the camp it called Aisha - in the place the locals call Degago in eastern Ethiopia - its health clinic has been serving the nomads who had lived in the area for centuries, as well as the thousands of Somali refugees they welcomed at the end of the 1980s. Musse was treated there as well.
"A couple of years ago I had an ear infection," he recalls, stroking his beard, henna-ed to a bright orange. "A doctor examined me and gave me medicine. I was happy because I got better. Not only me, but all the people from behind the hills," he adds with a sweep of his hands, "they got treated here too."
With the last convoy of Somalis set to leave Aisha camp on Saturday (May 28) to return home to Somaliland (north-western Somalia), the camp is to be closed by the end of June. The few dozen remaining Somalis - who cannot yet go home to unsafe central and southern Somalia - will be transferred to nearby Kebribeyah camp, where they will join 10,324 others. Kebribeyah is the last of nine camps set up 16 years ago to shelter Somalis who fled civil war and the overthrow of the Siad Barre regime.
Closure of Aisha camp "is a real milestone, very historic," says Fernando Protti, UNHCR's Deputy Representative in charge of operations in Ethiopia. "It's a great success that we have managed to help more than 600,000 Somalis go home, which is always what refugees prefer. Now, with the establishment of the transitional government for Somalia, there are hopes that the remaining few thousand can go home as well in the next few years."
But for the local community, closure of Aisha camp is no cause for celebration. "Now the refugees are going," Musse complains. "They were assisting us. Now I wonder, what are we going to do?"
Life in Degago has always been tough. The very name is a reference to the harsh winds that whip the desert soil into huge funnels - Degago means "cuts the ear" in the local dialect. The ethnic Somali people who live here were traditionally nomads, but were hit hard by repeated droughts in the 1980s.
"This camp has been a big benefit," says another community elder, Farah Darar, about 70, who adds that even his "grand-grandfathers" lived in this region. "Our livestock died in the drought," he says. "If they (the refugees and UNHCR) had not been around, we would not have lived. We became one family. We were eating the same food and living together. We were also working to earn money from the camp."
Unlike some places in the world where residents are antagonistic to refugees, the ethnic Somalis of remote eastern Ethiopia have been hospitable, in part because of clanship ties, and in part because of the benefits UNHCR and its partners brought to a region long neglected by the national government. (As one old man puts it, "the Ethiopian government? We had almost forgotten that we are its citizens.")
"I find Aisha a special community," says Protti. "It was the refugees who put them on the map. Before the refugees arrived, almost nobody knew about their existence. The local population is perfectly aware that cash has been coming to the area because of the refugees."
So it's only natural that they are asking UNHCR for help as the services they have depended on - boreholes, health clinics and schools - close down.
Local residents are distressed at the number of trees cut down by the refugees for houses and firewood, and UNHCR has allocated $50,000 for improvement of the environment around the camp, including reforestation.
Whenever it leaves any former refugee area, UNHCR also tries to encourage development agencies to move in, but Protti admits this is a long-term project.
In one of its most unusual projects anywhere in the world, UNHCR built special dams, reservoirs and 21 km of pipeline to supply water to Kebribeyah camp and local residents in the surrounding community. The refugee agency has been frustrated in its efforts to turn this multi-million-dollar Jarar Valley water infrastructure over to the Ethiopia's Somali Regional Government.
"We are disturbed by the government's inability to take over this infrastructure," says Protti. "Significant resources risk being abandoned because of the government's incapacity to take over. Many local people will suffer and it will not be our fault."
Degago resident Musse doesn't know details of projects like the Jarar Valley, but he understands UNHCR's departure only too well. Watching the refugees pack up for one of the last convoys to Somaliland, he turns to a UNHCR official and says with deep feeling: "This is my message - don't forget us."
By Kitty McKinsey In Aisha camp
Source: somaliland.org, 26 May 2005
We Need KULMIYE As An Opposition Party
I have always criticised KULMIYE party for failing to take the incumbent Udub led government in Somaliland to task. I thought this was due to the party leaders' romantic attachment to the days of the armed struggle against the toppled military dictatorship in Somalia. I now realise that the debilitating weakness of KULMIYE did not stem solely from mujahidist aura; there are other reasons namely the continued mudslinging from UDUB supporters who, based on their writings, show that there is no need for an opposition party. Nothing is more damaging collective amnesia.
In a country that is putting in place budding democratic institutions the role of an opposition party is vital. Anyone serious about the emergence of s Somaliland polity can not write off KULMIYE despite the party's shortcomings. KULMIYE had not had the opportunity to become the governing party but it has, to some extent, shown its concerns about the human rights violations by the Udub led government that has metamorphosed into a cabal of heartless rulers who appeal to the base instincts (read tribalism) of our people. Although president Riyale is regarded as a failed leader, I am of the opinion that he has ever been allowed to be as pragmatic and law abiding as he could be.
Mr Mohamud Tani article in Awdalnews has reignited the debate about the role of Somaliland intellectuals in effecting a change. ( The KULMIYE Radical Groups http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=5484 ) His characterisation of KULMIYE as a party that will gather electoral defeat the same as the old NUF leads one to pose some relevant questions: Are our intellectuals serious about nation building? Why are they promoting one party rule rather than making suggestions to the opposition parties to become more effective?
Mr Tani has a right to support any party. It is not clear why he derides KULMIYE for its call to impeach the president. His defence implies that the president has not done some thing wrong and deserves to let go scot free! An Opposition party has legal obligation to give an incumbent a hard time if the government bends the rules. The alleged violence against a member of the Somaliland parliament, and KULMIYE's press release on UDUB's strategy to throw the country in a tribal civil war show how time-honoured clan allegiances kick in to undermine all that has been achieved.
An Emphasis on principles rather than on personalities and clan ties is what we need.
It is suicidal to write off KULMIYE party. We badly need an opposition party, no matter how weak it is. Governments should be judged on its accomplishments.
It is an opposition party that can play a larger role in helping the populace to make informed decisions about which party deserves your vote. KULMIYE should keep giving the incumbent government a hard time otherwise we will be back in the lap of brutal dictatorship, and we will sing for one party. Noolow, noolow.. Does this ring a bell?
Ahmed Keyse Ali London,
BBC Monitoring International Reports, May 26, 2005/Source: Jamhuuriya, Hargeysa, in Somali 26 May 05 c BBC Monitoring
ETHIOPIAN GOVERNMENT DELEGATION ON FOUR-DAY VISIT TO SOMALILAND
The Ethiopian delegation are to assess the road linking the coastal town of Berbera to Ethiopia's Jijiga region that will be used by Ethiopia to deliver commodities that arrive at the port.
The Ethiopian delegation led by the finance minister, who is also accompanied by the [state] minister of infrastructure development, Mr Haile Asegide, will visit Berbera port during their visit in Somaliland to assess the services at the port and will also hold talks with the port officials so that an agreement between the two countries on usage of the port could be implemented. [Passage omitted]
http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ May 25 2005
The Kulmiye Radical Groups
When Kulmiye party lost the presidential contest of April 2003, the radical groups within the party acted in different ways and styles, though from every angle you want to look at it, all was strange and bizarre.I heard incidents of suicide, self-torching and self-inflicted wounds by some Kulmiye supporters. Istill believe that this news was too much into the area of tall tales; yet one thing is not a fallacy:That a dozen of them ran all the way to Imbigatti, and plunged themselves head first into the hell and the whirlwind of the Somalia politics.
Another radical group who survived the run-away-to Mogadisho syndrome are what I call the rock-throwers. From time to time they tend to organize a rock throwing political demonstration against the government. Simply because the people in Somaliland, whether they like the Government or not, are not keen on confrontations and street rioting, the sort of support that they usually gather is not more than few children at any time. Yet the rock throwers are a group that could not be easily discouraged. Some even pay money to import special rocks from the South Somalia. You know how South merchants can swindle people. They tell the fanatic guys: We will sell you three of the rocks that hit Afweine the day he was chased for good. As far as I am concerned these stories are a little into the areas of creative and imaginative world of anecdotes, yet one other thing is not a fallacy: Certain Kulmiye groups made the act of rioting and demonstrating the central pillar of their opposition manifesto and programme.
The other radical group is what I call the Murderous Writers. For one thing they master the language they write in, however their views are single minded. To them everything associated with the Government of the day is bad. Everything against it is good. I never saw that sort of logic even in a three-year-old child. To them if the President visits London to make a speech at the British parliament, to them it is the DOOMSDAY. If our esteemed Foreign Minster visits the State Department and gets interviewed at BBC 4, to them it is a tsunami earthquake. I am waiting what the Murderous Writers will write the day Somaliland gets its recognition, which will be pretty soon. I honestly wonder!! The other radical group are those I call the Impatient Group. They use legal methods. They are always within their own rights. Yet all they want is a short cut to power. They want to avoid all elections. (Difficult to blame them on that: Kulmiye lost two elections) Look at the call for the Impeachment and removal process for the president, his vice-president and his cabinet, at a time that the parliament election is just round the corner. These guys are too impatient to concentrate on winning the parliamentary elections and kicking the Government out after that, if they choose so. May be, or may be not, who knows. It looks like they have got a phobia about elections. Are they afraid of the fate of the NUF party of 1959 election in Somaliland. The NUF got only one seat out of thirty-three. Keep in mind that composition of the present Kulmiye party is the same composition of yesterday's NUF party. No one should blame them if they know that the strength would be just the same. I would only say: Face the reality and try your best.
Finally I have to state here that according to my assessment, the radical groups within Kulmiye is just a minority. Most of the kulmiye party members and supporters are dignified and sensible people, and most of them have got the best interests of the nation at heart.Democracy forever!!
Somaliland.org, 25 May 2005
Jirde Is The Villain
The Speaker (Qeybe) with the powers vested in him can alone call for a session and so does the President. Is there any doubt who is the villain here ? Qeybe is right and Jirde is dead wrong. To put it more accurately Qeybe is the victim and Jirde and his clique are the villains. It has been reported that President Rayaale intimated that if he is deposed he would employ every means and tactic to plunge SL into chaos (civil war) in a meeting Riyaale hastily convened for the Sool & Sanaag Parliamentarians few weeks ago to shore up support for the upcoming showdown of his impeachment. This off the cuff remark is consistent with the message he conveyed in his speech on 18 May 2005 in which he bluntly stated his removal would divide SL along the tribal lines. This deleterious but deliberate incitement is part of a wider well orchestrated campaign designed in part to part fear with the innocent, in part to portray Riyaale as the victim and in part to discredit Qeybe and intimidate Harte group to dissuade them from taking active role on SL politics. But the concocted plan of intimidation designed to contravene the process of impeachment is backfiring and Jirde is emerging as the new bully on the block but the silver lining is Somalilanders are determined to throw the tick that made them anemic by sucking their blood. To give you the opportunity to reach your own conclusion who is the villain and who is the victim, here are the House rules on the issues of opening and closing, the duration of the ordinary sessions, and whether the speaker has the authority or not. You be the judge and if you come up with any
thing that contradicts the legal basis, I would like to know. The House Rules
According to the House Rules, it is the Speaker or the deputies in his absence who has the power to open or close any meeting (Kalfadhi). However, the rules do not address the issue of how to end and begin (Kalfadhi). On matters that the rules don't address the members rely on custom and practice which is evident to be that the ending of sessions put to the members for approval and the fact that the end of this extra-ordinary session was broadcasted over Radio UDUB and not announced at the end of the session itself makes it that more unusual. If what the House secretary, who seems to be more powerful than his boss (Qeybe), and Jirde are saying is true, why they failed to consult with the members as usual rather than forcing them to take an unwanted recess. After all the recession is supposed to be for the benefit and welfare of the members but more importantly why would Jirde stand in the way of the members to hold a session in which apparently the majority of the members have demanded.
As to the duration of the ordinary session, the Constitution is clear. Article 46(1) stipulates there will be 3 sessions which will last 28 weeks in total and which will be separated by recesses of no less than 4 weeks and no more than 8 weeks. That is clear. It is also clear on the Constitution that one-third of the House (27 members) can request in writing for a session and there is no other pre-condition what so ever. Again, the only condition is that they make their request in writing. To repeat it, an emergency situation is not pre-condition to make such request. More importantly, there is nothing on the Constitution or the Rules that give any power to the Speaker or his deputies to turn down such a request at all. If this House is a democratic institution, the evidence shows the speaker HAS to convene a session as requested by the majority of the members. One more point, one has to remember that it was the members who initiated and approved the extra-ordinary session that started in January and it is only reasonable that members should have a say when and how it closes. This evidence and practice again debunks the assertion that the members have no say, which Jirde dishonestly is disseminating
Can the Speaker make the call?
It is important to remember the House has only one speaker, not two nor three. It is also equally important to remember the deputies conduct the House matters only in the absence of the speaker or as he delegates to them. That makes it obvious that the Speaker and his deputies are not a committee of equal powers; that would have been a disaster. This fallacy that the Deputy-Speaker has the same power as the Speaker which Jirde has concocted is parallel to the analogy of the Vice-President claiming that he has the same power as the President. If you entertain that Jirde and Qeybe have equal powers, then Rayaale and Ahmed Yassin have equal powers. That is ridiculous, isn't it. The House Rules normally refer to the "shirgudoon" just to indicate that the Speaker and the two Deputies have the same powers in the absence of the Speaker. Who has the final say is more evident in Article 10(d) which states unequivocally that the Resolutions of the House and other official documents shall be signed by the Speaker and in his absence by the Deputies. No one would deny that the Speaker has to consult with his deputies but for the same token no one would deny that the House has only one speaker who makes the decisions. The buck stops with Qeybe and he has no power to deny the request of the members. That is the law.
Playing the tribal Card
Rayaale is also dead wrong. His removal would neither split nor would it portend ill for SL. The people of Awdal have accepted the unity of SL without conditions well before Rayaale took office and whether Rayaale is impeached or not Awdal would be a reckoning force in SL. Plus Awadalians understand that they are worse off today than they were when Rayaale was inaugurated and that impeachment is part of the democratic process and the earlier democratic administration is installed the better SL would be. As to the recognition, throwing out corrupt repressive regime in a constitutional manner is more conducive to the speedier political recognition.
Creating an atmosphere of bigotry
Whether it was the unlawful search of the home of the deputy speaker of the Gurti or whether it was the assault of Ali Barre or whether it was the heckling and the jostling of the Speaker of the House and the other parliamentarians from Sool and Sanag this pattern of intimidation is nothing but the swang song - the last gasp. And whether one came from far East or from far West or in between no one should be intimidated or discriminated against on the basis of region. And certainly the Harte knows that they belong to SL and no one could intimidate them anywhere.
Conclusion
According to the Constitution and the House Rules, it is the Speaker and not his deputy (Jirde) who is solely entrusted and elected to conduct the affairs of the House to the best of his ability. Therefore, Jirde's calculus to challenge Qeybe is ill-advised, too ambitious and premature. This pattern of consistent intimidation spiked by few hired guns would soon come to end and the perpetrators would have their day in Court.
In the end, I find it encouraging and inspiring to see that the civil society and the human rights organizations such as The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland (CJPS) have strongly condemned the tactics of intimidation, the bigotry and the lawlessness perpetrated in the name of SL. Such independent voice was long over due and it supports my contention that SL has the resolve and the backbone to wither the removal of one man from office.
And one more fact about the issue who can call for a session: The Speaker (Qeybe) with the powers vested in him can alone call for a session and so does the President. Is there any doubt who is the villain here?
Somaliland.org, 24 May 2005
"NOT IN OUR NAME" The Coalition For Justice And Peace In Somaliland
The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland (CJPS) condemns, without reservations, recent attempts to use-and misuse-history, to serve narrow political interests. Whether it is the intention or not, the predictable result will be to create conflict, suspicion and animosity among the clans and people of Somaliland, to the detriment of all concerned.
The issue has come to the fore because of clashes between the Chair and Vice-Chair of the parliament, disagreements that have become increasingly bitter and vocal. The feud, which has serious implications for the parliamentary elections due in September, has involved the closure of the parliament, which has been challenged by some parliamentarians. Whatever the nature of the problem, it calls for calm, sober and inclusive political discussions aimed at resolving the immediate difficulties, as well as creating the conditions for on-going peaceful dialogue. Instead, some government supporters, both in the parliament and outside, have resorted to intimidation of their opponents on clan lines, invoking past conflict to justify their actions. Specifically, members of parliament have been warned as Darood about the political risks of challenging the political structures in Somaliland. What is worrying is the failure of the police to take action. As a collective of institutions and individuals working and living in Somaliland, we reject, without any ambiguity, the misuse of clan identity for political ends, in whatever form or shape.
Somaliland itself was very nearly destroyed in the 1980s by a relentless campaign of killings, torture, imprisonment and impoverishment organized by the regime of the late Mohamed Siad Barre, using clans against one another in an effort to mobilize support for its destructive policies. What took place in Somalia in the 70s and 80s was a well-planned series of organized campaigns directed at different clans. It was planned, orchestrated and implemented by a government machinery to achieve its political goals. To this end, neighbours, friends, colleagues and even relatives were pitted against each other, eventually leading to the disintegration of Somalia as a State and to wars that have killed thousands, displaced millions and which have brought about untold suffering.
History tells us that politics of the lowest common denominator, which in the Somali context means whipping up clan sentiments, can only lead to conflict and create mistrust that may take generations to defuse. Prevention, rather than cure, is the wiser course, and the reason why we are today making this appeal to all Somalilanders, irrespective of politics or clans, asking them to take a stand against the attempts to awaken the demon of clannism which has destroyed us in the past, and threatens our future.
The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland brings together organizations and individuals that share a common interest in promoting justice, peace, human rights, the culture of dialogue and the establishment of democratic institutions in Somaliland.
Guardian Unlimited, April 28, 2005
Welcome to nowhere
If you struggle to find Transnistria or Somaliland in an atlas, there's a reason: they don't officially exist. But can you holiday there? Gwyn Topham reports. For many travellers, a place might as well not exist if it isn't listed in the local Lonely Planet. But there is another level of non-existence: a whole swath of regions, conflict areas and breakaway states, off the political map, unrecognised by the international community, where people stubbornly continue to live. These are the sort of places Simon Reeve has chosen to visit.
Welcome to Transnistria, a self-proclaimed state in a Soviet time-warp on the edge of Moldova; to Somaliland, struggling for independence and international recognition, where a doctor doubles as the foreign minister; to Nagorno-Karabakh, whose borders are lined with Armenian snipers as Azeri refugees vow to reclaim their land.
These destinations feature in the latest series of the BBC's Holidays in the Danger Zone, programmes described as "current-affairs travelogues" where gunmen and poverty are recurring themes. They may not be high on many tourist itineraries, but Reeve says many of these places can - perhaps should - be visited.
It should be stressed that, having been to Mogadishu en route to Somaliland - "You're either fine or you're killed" - Reeve may not have the same conception of a dodgy place as the rest of us. He is also the veteran of trips through central Asia for a previous series, Meet the Stans, and has paddled through Borneo looking for Al-Qaida training camps while researching his book on Bin Laden, The New Jackals - published in 1998 and which came to belated international attention after September 11.
Reeve, who started his career in the postroom at the Sunday Times and never got on a plane until he was 19, says: "I love the fact that I've been able to go to the last remaining outposts of the Soviet empire, the Stalinist empire, remaining on earth, in Transnistria. And Somaliland was quite inspirational ... what the locals have achieved there is extraordinary."
He watched Michael Palin when he was younger, "like everyone else", and now clearly fancies a shot at his job. "Wouldn't it be fantastic?" he sighs, staring dreamily into the distance.
Perhaps he could already replicate the Palin effect by opening new areas to travellers. "I love the idea that in 10 years Somaliland may have international recognition, and people can go and see its fantastic beaches. An acre wide, sand between your toes. I can see that happening one day, yeah."
Reeve's tourist guide to places that don't exist
Somaliland
"There are decent hotels, and not just by my standard of sleeping in a shithole. They'll arrange a guide and transportation for you. Number-one attraction is the people - I know that sounds corny, but they are inspirational. That aside, there's the rock paintings, the finest Neolithic paintings in the whole of Africa. They've only recently been discovered by a French archaeologist and no tourists go there to see them. So for people who are lucky enough to go, you're seeing a totally untouristy sight. You're driving through the African bush and you get to a village, and you go and see these paintings that are thousands and thousands of years old, and you just look at them in wonder.
"Even on the way to them you'll see pre-Islamic burial sites, and you just realise you're travelling through an ancient land which we really know nothing about now. The views are fantastic, and you've got the sea: coral, mangrove, paradise islands just off the coast."
ú Fly with Daallo airlines from Kenya or Djibouti.
From http://somalilandcenter.com/ May 21-2005.
Did we sacrifice so much to live under? The sway of brutes in our own city!
Before I go any further, I must admit, I am a son of Hargeisa, and a descendant of the original builders of this beautiful capital city of our country. I grew up in Hargeisa and knew better days when the residents were sober, sane, civilized, forward looking, neighborly and decent. The bushmen that currently dominate the city were able then to only visit occasionally and were allowed to live there only if connected to the owners of the city through marriage or other ways. Ismail Yare and countless many of his kind are good examples of those that entered the city this way and benefited from such connections and sponsorship.
Things have obviously changed to the worse in many respects for the residents and original settlers of this beautiful city and for us all. Nomadic tribesmen whose outlooks are primitive, bizarre and uncivilized presently swarm the City. Encouraged by Ismail Yare and others with similar outlooks, these morons from the bush who have as yet to imbibe and benefit from civilized manners have taken over all the private and public land mark buildings and turned them into shacks unfit for human habitations. These criminally inclined brutes shout in the streets, bad mouth the original residents of the city, threaten everybody, forcefully occupy any open space and expropriate public and privately owned properties without blinking an eye.
The saddest thing in this situation is, once your property is occupied by these brutes, you have no options but to either bribe them or move them by force of a counter militia of your own. There is no law, nor a court system worth to mention or any other viable alternative but to meet brute force with force. This makes our situation ripe for a catastrophic civil war as these brutes control the police forces with Mohamed Shiil acting as the headman and Ismail Yare in the powerful position of the Minister of Interior. In fact, as the writer of the "Hidden militia" has aptly put it, these acts of robbery are well rehearsed and preplanned and the outcome of the ensuing conflict pre-determined. The present situation is indeed dangerous and quite frankly we are inching towards a civil war as nobody would and can tolerate the current state of affairs where brutes hold sway and institutions of government are unable or unwilling to protect the law-abiding citizen.
Another interesting fact is that Ismail Yare (so-called Interior Minister) is a pioneer in these enterprises of robbery and uses his position of power very well for this fraudulent purposes. He controls and has illegally expropriated ten big government villas for himself and controls several other properties under assumed names. Mohamed Shiil, his uncle, has expropriated Hargeisa's water reservoir dam where he has built his own house and currently lives. He (Mr. Shiil) continues to specialize in land speculation and has sold thousands of plots of land belonging to Somalilanders in the Diaspora and other citizens. Under the circumstances, what is manifestly clear now is that no private property or person is safe in Hargeisa today and it is only a matter of time before the property owning citizens of this city rise up in self defense with all undesirable consequences this may entail.
The present situation cries for collective action and serious intervention from Riyale and his governing clique. Failure to stop these gangsters and investigate their criminal activities including the lucrative business of smuggling illegal Sri Lankan immigrants through our ports would invite national disaster. Riyale must know that these criminal elements cannot continue to thrive at the expense of our people. If he fails to remove them, the people of Somaliland through mass action will move him.
Ali Ibrahim, London, UK
From http://somaliland.org/ 20 May, 2005
THE FINAL INSULT
The widows whose husbands lost life and limb while engaged in de-mining activities in Somaliland has yet again been treated with utter contempt and condescension after Rayale rejected their case for compensatory awards.
The victims who were mainly rehabilitated former Somali National Movement (SNM) combatants began to work the Danish de-mining company shortly after the country was liberated where an estimated 1.4 million mines were planted in every nook and cranny of the country.
The victims were mainly the sole breadwinners of their respective households. As a result of these tragic deaths, the surviving members of the victims' families were left in the lurch in the hour of their need.
Apart from the distraught and the long-standing grief they have suffered over the loss of their loved ones, the families and their children had to fend for themselves over the years. During these lean years, these orphaned children have had no one other than their widowed mothers to put bread and butter on the table, no one to help them pay through school, and no one to help them pay their rents if at all they had or still have roofs over their heads. Many of them are still desperately making ends meet.
After a long and agonizing period, the families of the victims organised themselves and filed a civil suit against the company. Eventually, the case was brought before a court of law in Somaliland, which in the end ruled in favour of the victim's families and ordered the company to pay some sort of financial compensation to the families. The company agreed straight away to the court's ruling and decided to pay settlement to each of the families concerned.
To add an insult to injury, the settlement agreed was not immediately given to the victims' families and the case dragged on for so long. However, when finally the victims' families were about to receive their settlements, president Rayale intervened. The final insult however came when the president rejected that any compensatory awards be given to the orphans and widows of the victims for no apparent reason inspite of the fact that a court of law ruled otherwise.
It is inexplicable how a presidential decree can countermand a court's ruling although nowadays most of us seem to be accustomed to any degree or scale of the president's wrongdoings.
Up until now it is not clear whether Rayale struck a secret pact with the company to channel the agreed settlement through a designated bank account or whether he had simply forfeited the whole settlement to let the company off the hook. It is most likely that the former rather than the latter is the real truth.
These widows and orphans have been treated with derision bordering on cruelty throughout their battle for justice. It is a disgraceful state of affairs that even now they cannot be given the meagre money to which they are entitled.
What is so bizarre about this sad and telling saga is that Rayale who draws an annual salary of half a million dollar in the world's most poverty-stricken country is prepared to stoop so low as to snatch a piece of bread from the jaws of the orphans. It is this ruthlessness, which is not of the normal kind, and other similar transgressions of human rights that earned this president more medals of dishonour. It is neither Islamic nor a humane way to treat the most downtrodden of the society in this despicable manner.
Many orphans whose fathers paid their precious blood in liberating Somaliland remain scarred to this day. I wonder if there is a grain of humanity left in Rayale to feel any remorse? I wonder if his conscience can live with this sort of evil deeds? When I consider what this president stands for he becomes a target of my rage, a rage whose intensity frightens me, but which I couldn't help feeling.
The credibility of Rayale government has been shot to pieces. He is now a damaged product that has reached its sell-by-date.
Now we must not rest until the day when Somaliland will be independent again from the clutches of Rayale and his henchmen and when the people will be free again to live in dignity in the land of their birth.
From Somaliland Net, May 20 2005
Former Zambian president visits Somaliland
Reporters asked Dr Kaunda the aim of his visit and he replied that he wants to learn more on Somaliland and added that he will also hold talks with the president of the republic of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin.
Dr Kenneth Kaunda was also welcomed at the airport by ministers including that of internal affairs, information, finance, foreign affairs state minister and other government officials.
From http://www.awdalnews.com/ May 20, 2005
Somaliland opposition leader denies President's accusations against his Party
In a statement to the local press carried by Jamhuuriya Paper, Kulmiye Chairman Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, said that the President's accusation was an insult to his party and to the nation as a whole.
"It was unbecoming of the the President to portray us as people trying to handover Somaliland to the enemy... it was in appropriate," he said.
In his national address on the country's 14th sovereignty restoration anniversary on 18th May and in an apparent reference to Kulmiye Party, Kahin said "These days we have seen one of the main opposition parties trying to buy some members of the Parliament by offering each of them US$1500 to impeach me," he said, " I want to ask you (the nation) do you deserve your President whom you have elected in broad daylight to be overthrown by individuals who have been bought with US$1500? Don't you think people who think like this are insulting our nation and damaging our statehood."?
Scoffing at the President's accusation, Silanyo described it as "pure lies", saying " If we have that kind of money we would have spent it on a number of pending issues for our party...I want to make it clear that we have nothing to do with that money."
On Horyal Radio, Silanyo said that the government denied license to the radio to be opened in Hargeisa, Burao and Erigavo. He denied that Radio Horyal belonged to his party, but said it was beneficial to Somaliland.
Recently Hargeisa police raided the headquarters of Kulmiye party under the pretext of looking for an illegal and clandestine radio station they thought was operating from the party's headquarters. The story since then appeared to be unfounded and the incident constituted an embarrassment for the government. It became obvious that Radio Horyaal, which is sympathetic to the Kulmiye party, operates from its base in Europe.Referring to this issue, President Kahin said it was wrong to raid the Kulmiye headquarters and that he ordered the police forces not to repeat such action in future and to respect the sanctity of opposition parties head offices.
He, however, urged the Kulmiye party to close the radio station, asserting that opening an illegal radio station will lead every clan to open its own radio station which he said would be similar to the situation in Mogadishu where every clan owns a radio station.
c 2005 Awdalnews Network
Source: Haatuf.net, The Republican (Weekly News paper in English) May 17 2005
Somaliland celebrated its 14th anniversary
Thousands of Hargeisa residents took part in a rally held at The Freedom Garden -a garden where the country's independence was celebrated in 1960 - to listen to the president's speech on this national day.
"A political party has been negotiating to bribe $1,500 to members of the House of Representatives in return for impeaching the president. This is not what the people who have elected their president democratically really deserve. Only 3 years have remained for my term to expire. You can compete legally and democratically if you want to lead this nation and want the presidency. What you are doing is nothing else but a Coup D'etat, by which you can not realize your goal."
He added saying that what the opposition party is doing is only disheartening the friends who support Somaliland, the people and the democratization process.
"In your deed you are supporting and helping the enemy who wants to destroy Somaliland. And you are creating the impression that Somaliland is not different from the rest of Somalia. I urge you to avoid creating disunity among the people and creating chaos in the country. Avoid diverting the people and the government from holding the parliamentary elections and the development of the country and be ready to take part in the elections democratically and forget your wishful thinking of coming to power by any other means except democratically," he said.
The president in his speech appealed to the people to be vigilant against those who want to destroy the country from within, and promised to protect the country from foreign enemies.
Speaking about the country's intellectuals in the DIASPORRA he said, "We call on you and want you to be ready to take part in a national conference, that will be held inside the country to make plan in all fields for this government and future governments .We plan to invite about one hundred in the different fields."
The president for the first time spoke about the violation of the Headquarters of the opposition KULMIYE Party on April the 4th by the police. He said, "I told the police commander that such an action should never be repeated, In the future, party headquarters should be respected and not violated even if they commit crimes and only legal procedures should be followed".
On opening and owning private radio stations Mr. Kahin said, "Allowing private Radio stations will be a prelude to having the problems that exist in Mogadishu, where every clan owns its own radio stations. We do not want such chaotic media in this country. We promise that all parties will have equal time in the state owned radio. We call on KULMIYE Party to close its radio. (KUlmiye denies having its own radio, but the government says it belong to it. It is a short-wave radio called Horyal, which is situated in Europe.)"
"Our security forces have no ranks. We were trying to do this for sometime. We hope that we will begin the ranks, with those who graduated from Military academies. We will establish our own academy soon. Priority will be given to SNM fighters, who have liberated the country.." he said.
Internal and external (UCID)....
According to the release, individuals who have met the enemies of Somaliland are striving hard, at a time when signs of recognition are appearing, to dishonour the House of Representatives, which served well.
"Member of the House of Representatives should preserve their prestige at this late period of their term and that political enlargement should not replace the consideration the people deserve," the party wrote in its press release.
The Opposition UCID party reminded members of the House of Representative to give priority to national interest and avoid everything that might disrupt or have negative consequences on holding the parliamentary election.
On the issue of Sool, the spokesman stated that members of the party met some of the traditional leaders and advised them:
- To prepare the agenda of the Conference in advance
- That Somaliland's Sovereignty is nonnegotiable.
- That Somaliland security forces should not be removed from their frontline posts.
- That the traditional leaders of Sool declare that they are Somalilanders.
- That the traditional should keep in mind, that there groups abroad who are against solving the problems, which are political and not communal because of Puntland's transgression.
The Justice and Welfare party concluded its release by reminding the political parties, parliament, NEC and people that internal and external enemies of Somaliland have united to undermine our existence and the parliamentary elections and as such urged them to form a joint front.
Former Zambian ...
The president, who gave an honorary dinner to Mr. Kaunda last night, thanked the former President for accepting his invitation to see the real situation of Somaliland, or order to assist many new leaders of the history of this country, which they are not aware of.
President Rayale brief the honourable guest of what this country achieved, its armed struggle to reclaim its independence, the reconciliation process, disarmament and the reconstruction of the country by the people and the government without any tangible external support.
The president also briefed Mr. Kaunda of the multi-party system and the parliamentary election scheduled for mid September.
Former Zambian president who arrived here on a 3-day visit on Thursday afternoon told the press on his arrival that his visit is to make himself knowledgeable with the situation in Somaliland.
Minister of information, Mr. Abdillahi Mohamed Du'ale told the press that Mr. Kaunda has been officially invited by the president.
Vice-president Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, gave dinner Thursday night to the former president and his entourage at Maansoor Hotel.
President Rayale and Mr. Kaunde are expected to have formal meeting at the presidency today.
From http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ 19 May 2005
Somaliland Interior minister Denies Amnesty International report
He said; "About a 100 of the minority Gaboye group had taken part in a violent demonstration by burning tires and throwing stones and causing damage to some business stores and a telephone company in the center of the town."
"The president has given order not to arrest of the demonstrators and the police have followed the order. None of the demonstrators is under detention," he added.
Speaking about the death of Khadar Osman Dhabar he said; "A group of drunkards attacked police patrol on the night of 13/05/05 and tried to take their guns. According to police report, the dead man was one of them and one of the patrol police shot him to save his weapon. Mr. Dhabar was immediately taken to the hospital, where he later died. The policeman in detained and the case is under investigation".
From http://www.qarannews.com/ May 19 2005
The Washington Metropolitan Community has raised $12,750.00 for the University of Burao
Certificates of appreciation were awarded to local businesses that have generously contributed to the effort, among them Dahabshil Inc., Jerusalem Restaurant and Mohamud Haji Hassan of Long and Foster Realtors. Door prizes were awarded to those in attendance ranging from phone cards to winning one of the coveted three books on sale. Their respective authors kindly donated fifty per cent of the funds raised from the sale of these books: Mr. Farah M. Mohamed (Xasuus Qor), Mr. Jama Musse Jama (A Note On My Teacher's Group), and Mr. Mohamed Bashe H.Hassan (Hadrawi's Hal Ka Haleel).
A slide show highlighting different aspects of the University and a historical perspective of the educational roots of the country was shown and presented by Raqiya H. Duale (a committee member), and the Chairman Mr. Mohamed Hassan concluded the event by thanking those present and all who contributed to this worthy project.
This was truly the most successful fundraising event for the Washington Community!
The total amount raised by the Washington Metropolitan Community is $12,750.00.
Because of an urgent need and a direct request from the University on March 1st 2005, $4,550.00 was forwarded to the University for the purchase of computer lab equipments. The remaining $8,200.00 was transferred to the University on May 9th 2005.
Special thanks go to all the members of the committee who worked tirelessly to bring this effort to a resounding successful conclusion.
Raqiya H Duale
Mohamed Hassan
Sahra Abdillahi
Farah M. Mohamed
Maryan Carab
Mahdi Gabose
Abdirahman Hassan Khalif
Rashid Garuf
Ahmed Mahdi
Ahmed Aden
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL URGENT ACTION APPEAL/ PUBLIC -AI Index: AFR 52/003/2005/UA 127/05/ -18 May 2005=
Prisoners of conscience/ Fear of torture/ Incommunicado detention/ Possible extrajudicial execution
Killed: Khadar Osman Dhabar (m), late 20s, married with 3 children
Following a peaceful protest up to a hundred demonstrators from the Gaboye minority group are held incommunicado without charge, either in Hargeisa central prison in the capital of Somaliland or in unauthorised and secret police Criminal Investigation Department (CID) detention centres where they are at risk of torture. They had been protesting at the shooting of Khadar Osman Dhabar by a police officer.
On 13 May, Khadar Osman Dhabar died in Hargeisa hospital of numerous bullet wounds after being shot on the night of 11 May in the street by a police officer. Details of the incident are still unclear but it seems that the shooting incident occurred when two police officers approached Khadar Osman Dhabar and his two friends in the Hawl Wadag area of Hargeisa. One of the police shot him, knowing the three were members of the discriminated Gaboye minority, against whom human rights abuses are frequently perpetrated with impunity.
Later on the 13 May, in an unprecedented and peaceful protest, a large crowd of Gaboye and sympathisers went to the central police station and president's office. They were calling for justice following Khadar Osman Dhabar's death and for their human rights to be respected. They were confronted by armed police who used live ammunition against the non-violent demonstrators, mostly shooting in the air and without causing any fatalities. However, they did beat and arrest several hundred demonstrators, including children and women. Many have now been released.
Other Gaboye were later arrested in police raids on Dami village on the outskirts of Hargeisa, where most live in harsh conditions. Many have fled or are in hiding, wanted by the police for alleged involvement in the demonstration, criticising the government and calling for protection of the human rights of the Gaboye minority. Amnesty International considers the detained demonstrators and others arrested later to be prisoners of conscience who are imprisoned on account of their peaceful opinions and defence of the human rights of the Gaboye minority.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Gaboye is the collective name in Somaliland for different occupational minority groups (Musa Dariyo, Tumal, Madiban and Yibir) who number some tens of thousands of people and suffer severe discrimination in this nomadic pastoralist-based society. They are also found in Somalia. They experience exclusion on account of their occupations as hairdressers, metal-workers and blacksmiths, leather-workers and shoemakers, herbalists and ritual specialists - services they traditionally perform for the "noble" Somali pastoralist clans. They are customarily not permitted to inter-marry with the pastoralist clans and thus have no clan protection in the form of vengeance or compensation for murder or other crimes. They equally have little or no protection in the state system of administration of justice, which is controlled by clan members, and in practice have little or no access to education or other economic and social rights. Although attitudes to minorities are improving, with two seats reserved for minorities in parliament, and several Somaliland human rights organizations working with minority associations to defend their rights, the minorities benefit little from the human rights guarantees in the Somaliland Constitution and laws. Cases of arbitrary detention, kidnapping, rape, torture and killing of Gaboye with impunity are still reported in Somaliland as well as Somalia. The self-declared Republic of Somaliland which is not internationally recognized, was established in 1991 after the overthrow of the Siad Barre government of Somalia. The north-western regions broke away to form Somaliland within the borders of the former British Somaliland Protectorate.
RECOMMENDED ACTION:
Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English or your own language:
- calling for an impartial inquiry into the killing of Khadar Osman Dhabar and for the police officer responsible to be brought to justice if the killing is found to be unlawful;
- appealing for the immediate and unconditional release of the detained Gaboye demonstrators and others arrested later, for guarantees of their safety and that they are not being subjected to torture or ill-treatment;
- appealing for the detainees to be allowed immediate contact with their families, legal representatives, medical doctors if needed, and representatives of humanitarian organizations;
- urging the government to establish an independent inquiry to investigate arbitrary violence and discrimination against the minorities, and ensure that members of minorities have access to justice and equal treatment before the law, in accordance with the UN Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities.
APPEALS TO: There is no postal service to Somaliland and fax messages may be difficult. Copies of letters can be sent to the only diplomatic missions (not recognised) in UK, USA and Italy asking for them to be forwarded. Where possible please send appeals by email.
President Dahir Riyaale Kahin, Fax: +252 213 8324 or +252 252 3848, Email: sl_victory@yahoo.com, Salutation: Dear President
Minister of the Interior, Mr Ismail Aden Osman, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or The Presidency (as above), Salutation: Dear Minister
Minister of Justice, Mr Ahmed Hassan Ali Assowe, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency (as above) Salutation: Dear Minister
Commander of the Somaliland Police, Mr Mohamed Egeh Elmi, c/o Ministry of Foreign Affairs or Presidency (as above) Salutation: Dear Commander
COPIES TO:
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Ms Edna Ismail Aden, Fax: +252 828 3271, Email: slforeign@hotmail.com, Salutation: Dear Minister
DIPLOMATIC MISSIONS:
UK: Mr Osman Ahmed Hassan, Representative of the Somaliland Government, Somaliland Mission, 102 Cavell Street, London E1 2JA, United Kingdom, Fax: +44 207 717 1718
USA: Mr Saad Sheikh Omar Nur, Representative of the Somaliland Government, Washington DC, USA, Fax: +1 301 231 5990
ITALY: Mr Muhiyadin Ahmed Abdi Gabose, Representative of the Somaliland Government, Corso Unione Sovietica 465, Torino, Italy.
PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY.
Check with the International Secretariat, or your section office, if sending appeals after 29 June 2005.
From http://www.qarannews.com/ May 18 2005
Somaliland making inroads into African political corridors and world media - President Kahin
In his address to the nation on Wednesday on the 14th anniversary of Somaliland's restoration of its sovereignty on 18th May 1991, Kahin said when he took the reins of power following the death of late President Mohammed Ibrahim Egal in 2002, he promised to the nation to focus on two issues: "to be more vigorous in explaining our issue to the world, particularly African countries which were mostly in the dark about our issue, and to speed up the democratization process and establish a multi-party system in our country."
He said that his government had succeeded in explaining the issue of Somaliland and the need for its recognition to African countries, particularly those in the East, North and South of the continent, as well as to Europe, America and Latin American states. On the democratization process, Kahin said that Somaliland's successful and peaceful holding of the municipal elections and Presidential elections had given a boost to the country's serious efforts to building a society based on democratic practices. "Our achievements have been recognized by respected international institutions such as the Royal Institute, the International Crisis Group, the South African Institute of International Affairs as well as by media organizations such as Al Jazeera, the Gulf Information Center, the Sub-Saharan Informer and the BBC," he said.
Building Military Capabilities
Kahin said that his government would soon start establishing a ranking system for the military and build military academies to train and develop the capability of the country's military, adding that the highest-ranking personnel of the former SNM fighters would form the core of the military command. He said that the first military college would be opened in Adadley, a former military camp east of Hargeisa, with former military officers working as instructors and trainers, while some officers will be sent for training to friendly countries. He didn't mention the countries he had in mind.
A Scathing Attack On the Main Opposition Party
President Kahin launched a scathing attack on the main opposition party Kulmiye, accusing the party's leadership of making desperate attempts to unseat him through unconstitutional ways such as bribing members of parliament.
"These days we have seen one of the main opposition parties trying to buy some members of the Parliament by offering each of them US$1500 to impeach me," he said, " I want to ask you (the nation) do you deserve your President whom you have elected in broad daylight to be overthrown by individuals who have been bought with US$1500? Don't you think people who think like this are insulting our nation and damaging our statehood."?
Kahin added that the Kulmiye party had started to incite impeachment against him after the visit of an African fact-finding mission to Somaliland and after he set a date for the parliamentary elections. "They say they want to impeach me for high treason. The question is: Is bringing an African Union delegation to our country to present our issue to the African nations a crime? or does setting a date for elections constitutes a crime and a constitutional breach?"
He said that someone had warned him during his recent visit to Addis Ababa that Somaliland should beware of its internal enemies." I couldn't believe that at the time but now I see it as a reality," he added. The Kulmiye party led by Ahmed Mohammed Silanyo, a long time Minister in the former Somali Military government and former Leader of the Somali National Movement, SNM, which fought against the dictatorship of Siyad Barre in the northern regions from early 19980s to the fall of Siyad Barre in 1991, lost the Presidential elections to Kahin in a razor blade majority of 80 voted in April 2003. Since then the Kulmiye party has become a thorn in the side of President Kahin and his government.
Recently Hargeisa police raided the headquarters of Kulmiye party under the pretext of looking for an illegal and clandestine radio station they thought was operating from the party's headquarters. The story since then appeared to be unfounded and the incident constituted an embarrassment for the government. It became obvious that Radio Horyaal, which is sympathetic to the Kulmiye party, operates from its base in Europe.
Referring to this issue, President Kahin said it was wrong to raid the Kulmiye headquarters and that he ordered the police forces not to repeat such action in future and to respect the sanctity of opposition parties head offices. He, however, urged the Kulmiye party to close the radio station, asserting that opening an illegal radio station will lead every clan to open its own radio station which he said would be similar to the situation in Mogadishu where every clan owns a radio station.
He said that all national parties would be given equal airtime on the national radio and television, reiterating at the same time that slander and personal vendettas would not be tolerated.
Kahin expressed his government's readiness to work with the opposition parties. While welcoming what he termed as "constructive criticism" from opposition parties, he warned against "blind and deaf opposition" which he said would do more harm the good to the country's young democracy.
On Terrorism and AIDs
President Kahin said that Somaliland would continue with its efforts in fighting terrorism as per the constitution of the country. He also reiterated his government's resolve to continue its relentless campaign against AIDs and other communicable diseases, adding that the government will soon reveal a national policy towards AIDs.
Encouraging Women and Youth To Enter Politics
The Somaliland President urged women and the youth to take a more active part in the country's politics. He said that his government would continue to encourage women and the youth to enter politics both in the municipal and national levels. He also affirmed that the government would work hard to generate employment for the youth and for the former SNM fighters.
Inviting Somaliland Intellectuals In the Diaspora
President Kahin said that soon after the parliamentary elections due to take place on 15th September 2005, he would extend an invitation to about 100 Somaliland academics and intellectuals to attend a forum in Hargeisa to discuss the role they could play in formulating a national strategy for economic development.
Awdalnews
Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio3/africaonyourstreet/shaheeraasante.shtml/ May 18 2005
Africa on your Street: Somaliland
Shaheera AsanteWhen I told my family, friends and anyone for that matter, I was going to Somaliland, the reaction was the same: 'Where? Shaheera, surely you mean Somalia.' - 'No, Somaliland.
This is Shaheera Asante, BBC Radio 3's presenter who recently visited and experienced Somaliland
When I told my family, friends and anyone for that matter, I was going to Somaliland, the reaction was the same: 'Where? Shaheera, surely you mean Somalia.' - 'No, Somaliland.'
In March this year, I travelled to Hargeisa, a dusty, busy and vibrant city - and Somaliland's capital. We were there to record a documentary for Radio 3, about this unknown and unrecognized African country and its connection to Wales - where there has been a Somali community for over 100 years.
Not forgetting my beloved, Africa on Your Street, I thought I'd check out the Somali music scene. Unlike other African countries, music was not blaring from every street corner. Due to it being an Islamic state, music is not banned but its presence is subdued. There is however, a lively scene of musicians, writers, poets and creative types made up of locals and expats who have returned from as far away as Australia to rebuild Somaliland.
Somaliland traditional Song and Dance Troupe
The music of Somaliland is hard to describe. It's a mixture of Arab, Indian and North African rhythms. Traditional sounds originate from the rural areas, where most of the country's population lived for hundreds of years.
Popular songs were created from personal poems and stories - accompanied by the music of the Arab Oud, with chanting and drumming. As the population grew and many migrated to the city and travelled abroad, western instruments such as the electric guitar were added. Today the sounds are both traditional and modern.
Popular music can be heard inside the dozens of CD music shops sprawled across the city. Otherwise, it's mostly heard at weddings and social gatherings rather than at gigs and concerts. Unlike the UK, in Somaliland women and men do not mix publicly, and alcohol is forbidden due to it being an Islamic state.
The traditional songs and music of Somaliland have survived through the years of turmoil and now as peace reigns throughout the country, it is kept alive by traditional singers like Ikram Jama, one of the country's most popular entertainers. Together with her Oud player Mohamed Miyir they gave my producer and I an excellent impromptu performance one hot afternoon.
Ikram was born in Hargeisa over 30 years ago (she wouldn't tell me her age), and has never left Somaliland. Bursting into song with her Oud player by her side, her voice echoed the collective spirit of Somaliland - a country desperate for international recognition but also a nation proud to have survived its past and rebuilding its future.
As a crowd gathered around us clapping and enjoying the moment, one onlooker told me, 'We grew up with music, it has always been part of our culture, and in Somaliland music reflects the damage of the country and helps things to heal.'
I will certainly go back to Somaliland. I had a wonderful time there and I'd like to say a big MAHAD SANID! to all my fab new friends in Hargeisa; you know who you are!
Background on Somaliland
Somaliland, or the Somaliland Protectorate as it used to be known, was under British rule from 1884, until its independence on June 26th, 1960. A week later it joined the former Italian Somalia to form a Somalia Republic. The intention was to form a unified country, with all Somalis joined.
Unfortunately, as with many other African countries that have been affected by colonialism and lets face it, social and political interference from an outside source - tension and injustice prevailed.
The north, where Somaliland is situated, felt betrayed and ignored by the South due to the fact that most of the resources, access to jobs, healthcare and a decent education were concentrated in the Italian-ruled South.
Following civil unrest in the late 1980s, Somalia's leader, Said Barre led military operations against his own people, literally, sending planes off from Hargeisa airport (Somaliland's capital) to bomb the very same city.
With the collapse of the Somali republic, the people of Somaliland held a congress and in 1991 broke away for good from Somali and formed the Republic of Somaliland.
Today, 14 years after it declared independence, Somaliland is a country of true African endurance, it has an elected president, a multi-party democracy, and works towards a life of peace and prosperity. However, having come so far as a people, Somaliland has not yet received recognition as an independent nation by the international community. Recognition is key to retaining the relative peace and stability of the country.
BBC.Radio3/Africaon Your Street
http://www.awdalnews.com/ May 19, 2005
Ms. Edna A. Ismail, Somaliland's Minister Of Foreign Affairs Was Welcomed At The State Depart.
For immediate release:
Ms. Edna Adan Ismail, Somaliland's Minister of Foreign Affairs was welcomed at the State Department in Washington, DC by senior US Officials this morning. During her meeting with the US diplomats, relations between Somaliland and the US were reviewed and areas for future cooperation were explored.
The two sides expressed keen interest in furthering cooperation in the areas of political/diplomatic, security and economic development. Of particular importance was the two sides' identical view on the importance of safeguarding peace and stability in the region and fighting international terrorism.
Minister Ismail assured the US side on Somaliland's commitment to the acceleration and timely completion of its ongoing democratization process. The Minister was accompanied by Dr. Saad Sh. Osman Noor, Somaliland's Representative in the US.
http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ 18 May 2005
"My husband refused to operate his third eye", said Dahabo
are honest and have no boundary. I was trying to quote this fantastic story to my colleague readers but could not.Fortunately, last week while I was filing some of my old news papers of Jumhuuriya/Haatuf/Repuplican and the Somaliland times I found the article again.In this article the reporter narrated a short interview which he had with un old woman called Dahabo who had an eye operation at Borama general hospital last year.
"I am all fine , and can see well, thank you, 'she responded .Do you have any suggestions to say? again the reporter asked. "Oh yes, I have very much longed to meet a good reporter /writer whom I can inform some of my burning issues which I do keep here `she put her right hand on the heart''. "Go ahead please" interrupted the report thank you, I feel very exhausted and frustrating I can't decide which issue to select, but to make a long story short- I would be very happy if my husband (Who is one of our high official authorities in Somaliland) accepts an operation of his 3rd Eye ? What , his third eye can you please elaborate what all this mean' We do have naturally2 eyes. by the third eye .I mean an eye which my husband can see well on the public sector the old woman concluded,''
It is particularly pleasing that our local news reporters/writers can now write articles of appreciation what our local doctors are doing, and I wish to thank the reporter of Berbera Mohamed Biid for this vital part of the task. I also thank the old woman who had indirectly showed the community how fair and smooth Borama eye screening ends Every year, and this of course helped us to see beyond.
To highlight some of the important steps we do during the eye screening:-
1 . Announcement the eye camp is advertised at radio hargeisa and is publicized all the Local news papers.
2. Other advertised written papers are put on the private transportation vehicles going through Somaliland regions and the neighboring countries.
When the patient come for eye screening, they usually pass 3 stations.
The 2th station is where patient vision is checked ,At this station a standard test of different sizes of letter E and facing different directions is used ,and the patient indicates with his own hand the direction of E 3..the 3rdients station Is the examination with eye doctor .Here full examination of the eye is done .Among the screened patients there is a criteria of selection .Those who have vision of less than 6 steps are put in the operation register, while those with better vision are advised to show up on the next visit.
Strangely enough it is found that some patients who had a good vision try to cheat the health staff when checking vission but are repelled by the eye doctor during the examination. I also understand that the majority of the patients have one major fear ,and that is the fear to become blind .There are also many patients who hesitate and are not sure if such a simple instrument loupe and the ophthalmoscope which I use are of significant important in diagnosing an eye problem. Of course there is much sophisticated instrument which can often obscure the fundamental(basic)unchanging facts and the principle of a certain disease .I have to note also that a constant observation of the normal eye will easily lead to a rapid identification of abnormality. I find by experience that I can help people in this way and I feel happy because most if the people do encourage me to go ahead with this system. Thank you again for enlightening us on this issue .Your article has made us realize that work is indeed very precious and encouraged us to lead a meaningful life May Allah help those who help themselves.
Dr.Abdi Elmi Obsiiye, Borama General Hospital
http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ 18 May 2005
The First President ever elected democratically in Somaliland
Dear Mohamed your words seemed improper to us until you uncover their meaning they are unclear to us, don't ignore the customary way.
The words that you rejected yesterday, I can discuss them with you again, but I cant give upon them; I am here for a good reason, don't assume some thing bad.
First of all Somaliland has decided unilaterally in 1991 to wend its commitment to its union with Somalia.
After two years of s land administration Somaliland became under rule with Borama chart on by clan-based government, which was established in the national conference of Borama in 1993. Four years in time the government really and merically succeeded to settle the whole country and brought every thing into total peace with a well functioning governmental system.
Then in 1997 another national conference was held in Hargeisa - the capital of Somaliland and elected new government.
One of the most important tasks of that government was to prepare and organize national Constitution of Somaliland during Mohamed H. Ibrahim Egals time in power.
In 2000 the constitution totally changed clan based system into multi party system with more than three parts, political parties were established and took part the election then three of them have won.
Constitutionally these three parties (UDUB, KULMIYE and UCID) were recognized national political parties.
Second President Riyale - the democratically elected President of Somaliland has made available every thing possible through out the country including- The councilor election as well as presidential election of Somaliland, he also made possible to convey Britain Parliament the independence of Somaliland.
Riyale also encouraged Somaliland free market at the same time international communities to invest this country, finally president Riyale welcomed the Under secretary of African Union and his delegations to his country to persuade that S/land fulfilled all conditions and requirements needed by government such as Unified population, well defined territory and government system, president Riyale also insists that we deserve recognition.
May I say, President Riyale is non negotiable president of S/land
May I say to you Mr. Mohamed Riyale was born under lucky star and have very good fortune.
Finally the independent but internationally unrecognized state of S/land is due to hold parliamentary election and this should be the most important thing that President Riyale make it possible and the most important phase of S/land democratization process marked the change from a clan based system to free political parties.
Its less meaning to remind the people Siyad bare, his rules and some thing in the past which doesn't exist currently, come down and talk about the reality we Somaliland have reached our goal, and that is it, we only need recognition.
We know well we understand come follow us
People have emancipated them selves from these rags and heavy clothes you wear
Follow us on this path
Shall I give you a signal?
And show you the way
Shall I show you the benefit it will have?
I wish to say to the S/land community where ever they are we get tired we need no more propaganda we need rest, we must understand the differences between us and celebrate the sameness, Equality, respect, compassion and kindness must guide our action. Only then we will all be able to peacefully and lovingly live the life we each choose
Mohamed Sh. Farah Elmi (Suldaan22@hotmail.com) Third batch graduate of Amoud University Borama
From http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ May 18 2005
Silence Of The Intelligentsia Is Intellectual Suicide
In 1946, there was an uprising in Damascus against the French colonialists. The riots were put down ferociously. Many people were killed in the streets, many homes destroyed and thousands of people were put in prison. As a response to these events, Ahmad Shawki Bey, the famous Egyptian poet, who was known as the "Prince of the Poets", wrote a poem condemning these atrocities and extolling the sacrifices of the people of Damascus while also encouraging them to do more. I hereby translate some of the lines that are relevant to the situation of our country and the deafening silence of our intelligentsia:
And all free men owe to their countries
Good deeds that must be repaid and a debt that is overdue
And "red freedom" has a gate
That must be knocked with a blood-soaked hand
Nothing builds kingdoms like the victims (of war)
For in the dead there is life for many generations
And in the prisoners of war there is sacrifice and freedom
My aim in translating these lines is not to advocate violence, but to rouse the silent intelligentsia of Somaliland from their deep slumber and to urge them to pay attention to what is going on in their country and to write something about it. This is because our country is passing through testing times when the government in power does not pay any attention to the wishes of the people or to the constitution and laws of the land. It has intentionally cut off parts of the country from the rest and is opposed to the basic desire of the people of Somaliland to govern themselves, i.e. to win independent statehood, although they pay lip service to it. One recent report that has been in the electronic press should awaken the conscience of every Somalilander who cares deeply about his/her country. I am referring to the report written by Rakia Omaar about the conditions of the Central Prison in Hargeisa, where the prisoners wallow in their excrement. Rakia wrote, "the prisoners have to dig pits in the very rooms where they sleep and then take out the waste in buckets. On the days when they are taking out the waste, the stink is so terrible that no one has the appetite to eat." Elsewhere she wrote, "but the very worse thing is the store-rooms which are used to house 96 prisoners to a room .. these rooms can accommodate at most 30 per room"!.
Just think of this and leave every thing else. Are those ruling our country not human? Do they have no feelings of pity or sympathy for their countrymen? How much does it cost to build a few latrines for these unfortunate inmates? A few thousand dollars, I suppose? Is this too much to pay in order to provide a small amount of comfort in these comfortless surroundings. And yet the Minister of the Interior, who is in charge of the prisons, has built for himself an extension of his government-provided residence, which cost $ 150 000. The Vice-President, on the other hand, has acquired a brand new building that cost $ 350 000! How can you describe these men? Is this what we wanted when we sacrificed nearly 75 000 people?
These and other horror stories abound. The most recent breach of the law and the constitution is the closure of the parliament when parliament wanted to debate a motion of impeachment of the President. When the MPs decided that this closure of the parliament was against its internal regulations and assembled in front of the building to reopen it, they were prevented from doing so by a whole contingent of police barring access to the building. Is this the democracy we have been told we will enjoy?
Despite all these momentous events our intelligentsia is adamantly silent. And yet there is no shortage of men and women who belong to this group of people either among Somalilanders in the country or in the diaspora (to use the currently fashionable term). To take as an example my own classmates of 25 students who completed their studies at Sheikh Secondary School in1967, 17 or 68% went on to higher education and of this latter group 11 or 64% obtained postgraduate qualifications at least two of whom have Ph.Ds according to my knowledge. Unfortunately two of the 17 have died. One was a newly-qualified doctor and the other a specialist in chemistry. But the others are still alive and kicking. Yet, I have not noticed any of these former classmates contributing to the debate raging in the electronic press or other media about the events taking place in our country. Our lot that left Sheikh in 1967 had another stream of 25 students. I am not sure how many of this group went on to higher education, but definitely many did so and we are fortunate that one of them is the prolific Ali Haji Mohamed Gulaid, who has done much to enlighten us about what is going on in the country. Welldone, Ali! Keep up the good work.
Throughout the late 1960's, 1970's and part of the1980's our schools were producing students and many of the school leavers were going on to higher education. Yet their contribution is meagre compared to their numbers, which may well be in the range of 1 500-2 000 including those who arrived in Europe and North America as school-age children and completed their university education there.
Silence when one's country is being raped is a shameful deed. It is behaviour unbecoming of a decent man or woman and is tantamount to collusion because it gives license to dictators and power-hungry criminals. Prophet Muhammad (may the peace and blessing of God be upon him) said, "Should one of you see something abhorrent, he should change it with his own hands (i.e. by force). If he cannot, then he should change it through speaking out loud against it and if he cannot do that, he should dislike it in his own heart and that is the least valid act concomitant with the faith". If some members of the intelligentsia do not like what the Rayaale clique is doing to our country, they should not just hate it in their own hearts (which is the least valid act), but they should speak out and register their anger and abhorrence of the clique's misdeeds.
By the way, the chemistry specialist I referred to above was none other than Mohamed Sheikh Abdullahi Horri whose recent death caused a vacancy in the electoral commission, the filling of which caused much controversy in the country. Rayaale finally settled that controversy in an unlawful manner with the connivance of UCID's leader. Like Rayaale, Mohamed hailed from Borama. But, unlike Rayaale, Mohamed was a decent man and a good friend of mine. May Allah rest his soul in peace.
Source: http://somalilandcenter.com/ May 17 2005.
CRIME AND PUNISHMENT VERSUS TRUTH AND RECONCILIATION AND THE MORAL DELIMMA IN BETWEEN
" If the issue of peace and reconciliation was not sufficiently and satisfactorily addressed at the Burao Convention of April 27th, 1991-May 5th, 1991; if the deliberations of The Grand Conference of the Somaliland Clan Communities in Borama of January 23rd, 1993 to April 24th, 1993 side-stepped the matter inadvertently or otherwise; and if the proceedings of the Hargeisa Conference of February 1997 to May 1997 neglected this important subject , then it is natural to tackle the issue on the basis of its merit. The struggle of the Somali National Movement was more than a dark chapter in our history. Those who have the records and the documentation of the atrocities of the Somali National Movement in Awdal or elsewhere should present such evidence to the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission and SNM should present their side of the story. There is no culture of criminality involved here; there are no canonized saints under protection; the law should always be on the side of the victim."
For the millions of human beings who survived the savagery of the collapsed Somali state, the commemoration of the anniversaries of the formation of the Somali National Movement symbolizethe re-enactment of the tragic events of the ten year armed struggle. The living take solace in theirnew found sense of liberty and freedom-the freedom to express our views and convictions withoutof fear reprisals; and the liberty to take sides on any national issue.
For the tens of thousands who dwell in the unmarked mass graves that dot the physical landscape, the celebrations constitute the magnitude of appreciation of the ultimate sacrifices made during the struggle. The mere uttering of the three letter acronym is not intended to set off an electric shockwave or a volcanic tremor through the spinal chord of any individual. These commemorations will become part of our national heritage. This chapter cannot be eradicated from our collective memories any time soon and posterity will ponder on and assign the chapter its rightful place in history.
In the near future, a series of National Monuments housing the eternal flame of liberty and freedom will be erected in every major city in the country. We owe it to the Somali National Movement. And For the record, the stated objectives and the mission of the movement were not directed against any specific community in present day Somaliland. The end product of the struggle gave us a nation called the Republic of Somaliland where all citizens are equal regardless of their positions during the liberation war.
Having said that, the debate around the achievements and the shortcomings of the Somali National Movement should be centered on the apparent contradictions between the tenets of our religious believes, the cultural traditions of our society on the one hand, and the prevailing political climate at the time of the birth of the organization on the other hand. Basing our arguments solely confined to only one of these three critical elements may not yield the desired rigorous evaluation of the whole era.
From the dawn of time and throughout the history of mankind, from the time of the revelation of the first Devine law to Adam down to the Commandments of Talmud, Tablets of Torah, the Gospel of Jesus Christ, and the teachings of the Holy Qur'an of prophet Mohamed, without distinction or reservation, the Devine Revelations dwelled on the issue of life in no uncertain terms. There is a unanimous common thread among all these messages and revelations to the succeeding prophets: the upholding of the sanctity of the human blood and the dire consequences associated with the intentional and willful shedding of that sacred blood. Taking the life of one single human being is equated to wiping out the human race. The admonitions against the actual commitment of this wanton crime should be sufficient enough deterrent than to dwell on the subject of the associated punishment.
However, the sadistic human instinct of slaughtering each other is perhaps an inherent trait passed on to us by our ancestors. The ritual started with the offspring [ Abel and Cain] of Prophet Adam (peace be upon him) and the impulsive tendencies of this characteristic have become part of our genetic blue print. The human species is probably the unfitest creation among the animal kingdom in terms of savagery in behaviour and barbarity in action.
That does not mean that crime should not be challenged or tolerated and there is no exception whether the crime is committed by an individual or a state. This intelligent bipedal creature is endowed with a large organ at the top of his body- the centre of his thought processes, at least to distinguish between what is inherently unacceptable and what is not.
Our primordial customary laws, a derivative of our own cultural environment, and to some extent the jurisprudence of Islamic law, at least have centuries old mechanism as far as reconciliation and conflict resolution are concerned. Since time immemorial, the traditional leadership of our society has proven to be the most appropriate and effective venue to adjudicate in the aftermath of clashes where lost of life is involved. The impartiality of their decisions is the most vital element in the actual reconciliation and the healing process itself provided the parties in conflict are bargaining in good faith.
But the customary laws of our culture and the Devine Laws of our Religion do have some serious and irreconcilable contradictions:
For example, some of the verses of the scriptures of our religion state that: if two factions go on war [slaughtering each other], then it is incumbent on the rest of the society to intercede and mediate between their Muslim brothers; and if one faction rejects to negotiate peacefully, then the rest should join forces against the unwilling faction till it heeds the will of God.
The narrations from the tradition [Hadith] equally point to the same conclusion: He who witness evil [injustice], should change it through his actions [deeds]; if not possible, then change it through his voice; and if that is not possible, then one should migrate the environment, and that is the weakest of all moral convictions. In either case, silence is a sign of condoning and that is exactly where the contradictions in the morality of our society begins and the chauvinistic clan card comes in and the rules are bent to suit any situation. Silently watching the unfolding of any human tragedy is the most abhorrent human behavior; that itself amounts to the most grotesque human rights violation.
As a society, perhaps we have collectively failed to transcend across the fault lines and the fissures of the tribal divide to forge any sense of common identity. Left alone to symbolize a social security identification card, the clan nomenclature should function properly in accordance with the teachings of the Holy Qura'n.
The ethical and moral convictions of the Somali society as a whole should be scrutinized against these two simple examples. Where does our moral and ethical value overlap and reinforce our religious convictions? And where does the two diverge?
In modern times, we may take an entirely different approach such as a National Fact Finding Commission. The mission and the objectives of the commission is to collect, record and document the war crimes of the Somali State against the Somali National Movement and it is base supporters and the crimes and atrocities perpetrated by the Somali National Movement against the non-SNM communities of Somaliland. Through this process we will empty all hidden skeletons in our closets to the satisfaction of all concerned.
If there is a genuine and a pressing national desire to remedy all injustices of the past; if the issue is of paramount importance in our current national debate; and if the intended out come is to alleviate all and any lingering, unaddressed grievances of yester year, then the mechanisms of the old tradition or the modern can be exploited. Either way, our infant democracy does have the modalities of dealing with and rectifying the legitimate grievances of any community in the country.
The National consensus at the time of the formation and the subsequent uprising of the Somali National Movement was one based on the following: "MA QABIIL BAA QARAN RIDI KARA? CAN A CLAN TOPPLE A NATION-STATE?"
This rhetorical question was the sole deciding factor that limited the base support of the Somali National Movement to the Isaaq community. Having seen the magnitude of the lukewarm reception and lack of enthusiasm among the non-Issaq communities, the Somali National movement has no other alternative but to go it alone. In retrospect, it was a blessing in disguise and a good political experience that raised the awareness of the community. The unwavering material and moral support of the grass roots solidified and galvanized the resolve of the fighting forces of the Somali National Movement. Ten years after the creation of the movement, the question and its connotations were shattered and the dynamics of the invincibility of the Somali National Army was put to rest. The hit and run operations of an out-gunned and out-numbered organization destroyed the moral of the Somali army by disrupting its supply and communications lines. At the day of reckoning, the Somali army was defanged and emasculated and the United Somali Congress administered the final fatal blow.
Contrary to the claims and the invective, vitriolic venom of some ill-informed individuals, neither the military strategy nor the political vision nor the quality and the credibility of the leadership of the organization have contributed to the reluctance of sister communities to participate. There is no single shred of any significant evidence to that effect. That puts the baseless assertions that the Somali National Movement was an Isaaq exclusive entity that discriminated against or barred the inclusion of other communities to its final resting place. The political climate at the time does not corroborate such theories at all. The movement would have appreciated the involvement of their fellow citizens and perhaps the struggle would have taken less time. The truth of the matter is: Somaliweyn have decided otherwise, and we have to live with the conscience and the morality of that reality. That was indeed the saddest and the darkest chapter of our contemporary history.
The base of operation of the Somali National Movement has no significant bearing on the organization's lack of support from other Somali communities and the proponents of that line of logic are out of touch with the reality of the times. The declared national policy of divide, conquer and, rule backed by the war machine of the Somali army and the extensive state security apparatus put a damper on any prospective collaboration with the SNM. The fear and intimidation factor played a major factor in that regard. It was that simple. The organization and its leadership rose up and faced the inevitable. The debate would not have been any different by any stretch of the imagination. If not, the conclusion will still be: We told you So? That is: if the struggle was localized.
To highlight the issue of the quality of the leadership, the political wing of the organization consisted of seasoned and veteran politicians, diplomats, lawyers, administrators, and technocrats of all profession. The quality and the caliber of their credentials were impeccably beyond reproach and in fact, was the envy of their compatriots on the opposite side of the conflict. With no other alternative but to deal with the military regime on its own terms, this group took up the challenge to save their community from an assured annihilation.
While at the same time, the military wing of the movement was equally endowed with a pool of talented and battle hardened army officers who achieved their ranks the old fashioned way: they earned it through proven leadership on and off the battle field. Unlike the bush men and the nomads who were drafted and ram charged through the back doors, these officers went through the proper schooling channels.
The careers of some of the military officers spanned over three decades-the veterans of the failed Somaliland Scouts coup of December 10th, 1961. While others have proven their mettle through the Somali/Ethiopian wars of 1964 and 1977/1978- Among them the rank officers who broke through the impenetrable defenses of Godey and Kara Marda Pas. While their contemporaries were undermining the war effort of 1977/1978, these officers rose and sized up to the occasion. They fulfilled their national obligation without reservation while their comrades were engaged in decimating the ranks of Somali National Army through bogus claims of desertion and dereliction of duty.
The collective leadership does have more than a robust clear vision and a stated mission. For those who entrusted their faith in the three letter acronym, the organization's achievements pale in contrast to that of the National Liberation Front of Algeria, the Simon Bolivar of South America, the Viet Cong , or that of the Eritrean Liberation Front. Without resorting to an epic crusade of aspersion and distortion of historical facts, any atrocities, human rights violation, or as some might contend, even out right genocide, on the part of the Somali National Movement is subject to the same degree of scrutiny. At the end of the liberation war, the SNM and the Isaaq community at large had suffered huge losses in terms of human life exceeding hundred thousand and billions of dollars worth of property looted, pilfered, and deliberately destroyed.
The mothers, the husbands, the fathers, and the offspring of the deceased need an explanation of the slaughter of their loved ones and so does every other human being subjected to unwarranted injustice. The search for truth has no statute of limitations.
Out of the above mentioned question, for better or for worse, the unanimous conclusion was back then and still is today, that the clan is no match against the state. The state may have the military muscle, the financial wherewithal, and the diplomatic advantage to organize and assemble such formidable resources to intimidate and stifle the voices of dissent from within. The history of uprising against oppression has proven otherwise. The states' inability to fend off the opposition is inherently due to its failure to mobilize and spur the support of the masses.
However, the sheer willpower and the unwavering resolve of the masses of the opposition should not be underestimated. The story of David and Goliath at the banks of the River Jordan comes to mind.The strength of one's believes and the deep convictions in his cause are no match for any brute force.In other words: it is justice against the forces of darkness; and justices always prevail and persevereagainst all odds and in the face of all insurmountable obstacles.
The preceding rhetorical question and the declared state policy of divide, conquer, and rule has reinforced the reluctance of other communities forever.
The following examples illustrate the prevailing political and military strategy of the Somali government at the time. The punitive measures outlined here are the brain child of the Grand-Viceroy of what was then Northern Regions. The author is Major-general Mohamed Said Hersi "Morgan", the son-in-law of the late Somali dictator.
"A: It has been demonstrated to us that, unless Qurmis[SNM] and its supporters are subjected to a campaign of obliteration, there will come a time when they will raise their heads again. But, today, we possess the right remedy for the virus in the [body of the] Somali State. It consists of: Balancing the well-to-do to eliminate the concentration of wealth [in the hands of the SNM supporters].
1. The reconstruction of the Local Council in such a way as to balance its present membership which is exclusively from a particular people; as well as the dilution of the school population with an infusion of children from the Refugee Camps in the vicinity of Hargeisa.
2. Rendering uninhabitable the territory between the army and the enemy, which can be done by destroying the water tanks and the villages lying across the territory used by them for infiltration.
3. Removing from the membership of the armed forces and the civil service all those who are open to suspicion of aiding the enemy -- especially those holding sensitive posts." Playing the card of division and discord among the various communities of the region, the Viceroy elaborates the additional measures needed to reinforce the government's tight grip on the situation:
iv)-"Since it has become evident that the Isaaq were, by act and intent, with the SNM; and since we could not see them giving up the line they have pursued so deceptively for some time; and in order to forestall them; we arranged for the other inhabitants of the North continuous meetings and a mobilization campaign designed to rouse them to action and to raise their level of awareness. This wasintended to strengthen their unity and to surround Somali unity with a defensive wall.Among those inhabitants are:the Awdal people, the various sections of Western Somalis, the Las Qorey people, and the Daami people, etc. There is no doubt that the unity of these people will restore the balance of the scales which are now tipped in favour of the Isaaq. If they attack their tasks energetically, their unity will also undoubtedly humble those who arrogantly maintain that they own the North when the reality is otherwise."
The governor's musings in the following segment is indicative of the scotched earth policy of the state on the one hand, while at the same time alluding to the denial of any culpability. The tragedies associated with the loss of human life is no better than the litter of broken glass: "C-Up to now we have been walking on ground deliberately strewn with broken glass in an attempt to reduce the momentum of [our] efforts. It is essential to sweep away the broken glasswithout leaving a single piece behind. There is a Somali proverb: "Oh hyena, you cannot dragaway hides without making a sound.
v)-We are still engaged in identifying the positions of those people who maintain current accountsat banks in the North West and Togdheer Regions. The accounts of those recognised asQurmis supporters will continue to be frozen; the rest will be unfrozen in the near future."
The Maharaja was not short of brilliant and creative ideas. Here, the military governor, expounds on the prescriptive medicine. This is, in a nutshell, the stated national policy of a paranoid and unstable government that lost its ability to stem the tide of discontent in the country:
"We see the economic strangulation of the people who work for the enemy as serving a useful purpose. However, it is absolutely essential that this should be accompanied by the strengthening of the economic positions of non-Northerners, with a view to raising the level of their capabilities and their interests in these Regions. This will enable them to put under pressure those who have grown fat on the opportunities offered by the Government banks, but have revolted against the State, having persuaded themselves to use their acquired capabilities against the State and it Revolutionary Government.
Undoubtedly, those successive steps, taken to cripple Qurmis, will instill anxiety in those in Mogadishu who are related to it. We hope that these will not be listened to or heeded so that the impetus of the war being waged against it would not drop.
An investigation into the action of Qurmis against the Burao base revealed that a lieutenant and five sakaris (all police) and some civilians had been behind it. It was implemented by the Habar Je'lo Qurmis. When the inquiry is completed, the culprits will be court-martialled.
Comrade President, in order to implement the above-mentioned matters, we need to:
(a)- purge the Somali Police Force, the Security Force, and the Hangash Force, the members of all of which are largely recruited locally; this can be done by finding a force to dilute them and by transferring the present members; and
(b)- replace the present members of the Custodial Corps, who -- having assumed the
distinctive character of being exclusively from the North -- cannot be entrusted with the
task of guarding the prisons, with a force composed of other Somalis.
1- We also need the power of the Commercial Bank to give loans and to determine who shall receive them to be transferred to us, so that the past mistakes relating to the economic strengthening of the anti-State people may be rectified and those worthy of it be given a chance."
2- Although no single community in Somaliland have benefited from the pork-belly politics of the defunct Somali state, yet the lure of the financial reward was the deciding factor in the humiliating surrender of the Somali Salvation Democratic Front of Abdillahi Yussuf Ahmed. The following is a classic example of how the stick and carrot policy of the government worked to deal with the opposition. The US$1 Billion was the sum total of the European hand outs earmarked to Somalia in the form of development aid. The magnitude of nepotism is apparent:
"Between 1981 and 1990 Italy alone spent more than $1 billion to sponsor 114 projects in Somalia. According to Wolfgang Achtner, an Italian journalist, "With few exceptions, (such as vaccination programs carried out by NGOs [nongovernmental organizations]), the Italian ventures were absurd and wasteful." He wrote: Approximately $250 million was spent on the Garoe- Bosaso road that stretches 450 kilometers across barren desert, crossed only by nomads on foot."
For the most part, the international development aid perpetuated the life span of an otherwise repressive regime that unleashed its anger on its own citizens. This is the testimony of another Italian with first hand knowledge of how the Somali government squandered the donations of the international community:
"Piero Ugolini, an agronomist who worked for the technical unit of the Italian Embassy in Mogadishu from 1986 to 1990, revealed that a majority of Italian cooperative projects were carried out without considering their effects on the local population. [The] Italian aid program was used to exploit the pastoral populations and to support a regime that did nothing to promote internal development and was responsible for the death of many of its people," Ugolini said."
In conclusion:
The armed struggle of the Somali National Movement was directed only against a morally bankrupt regime bent on human destruction. A regime that has denied its citizens the basic in alienable rights of life and liberty in person; a regime that has failed to accord its citizens the basic fundamental rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights- such as the freedoms of expression without state censure, freedom of movement, freedom of assembly, and freedom of membership in political, social, and cultural associations without fear of retribution from the state or its myriad security apparatus.
Contrary to the deviant, circuitous logic, and the often acrobatic shenanigans and the unsubstantiated innuendos of latter day arm chair politicians of the twenty-first century, the stated mission and the objectives of the creation of the Somali National Movement never condoned the targeting any specific community in present day Somaliland or beyond on the basis of clan affiliation. The armed struggle of SNM was directed against the Somali government and not against any particular community at any time. And in that aspect, the organization had succeeded. First and foremost, the armed uprising of the Somali National Movement gave us a new nation called Somaliland where all citizens have a vested interest without discriminating against any group regardless of their position during the war of liberation.
Those who have the records and the documentation of the atrocities of the Somali National Movement in Awdal or elsewhere should present such evidence to the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission and SNM should present their side of the story. There is no culture of criminality involved; there are no canonized saints under protection; the law should be always on the side of the victim.
As I mentioned in the preceding paragraphs, if the issue of peace and reconciliation was not sufficiently and satisfactorily addressed at the Burao Convention of April 27th, 1991-May 5th, 1991; if the deliberations of The Grand Conference of the Somaliland Clan Communities in Borama 23rd, January, 1993- 24th, April 1993, side stepped the matter inadvertently or otherwise; and if the proceedings of the Hargeisa Conference of February 1997 to May 1997 neglected this important subject, then it is natural to tackle the issue on the basis of its merit. The struggle of the Somali National Movement was more than a dark chapter in our history. Those who have the records and the documentation of the atrocities of the Somali National Movement in Awdal or elsewhere should present such evidence to the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission and SNM should present their side of the story. There is no culture of criminality involved here; there are no canonized saints under protection; the law should always be on the side of the victim.
Thank you God bless Somaliland and its people,
Ahmed Ali Ibrahim [Sabeyse]
Source: Hadhwanaagnews.com, May-19-2005
The 14th Annual Celebration of Somaliland's Independence Held in Minnesota was Success.
Those who had envisaged a colorful night of amazing speeches, fascinating people and an unbeatable atmosphere were not to be disappointed with this year's Annual Celebration, with a sensational party being enjoyed.
First, Ms. Edna was welcomed to the floor and since there were some non-Somali speaking guests in the crowd, has chosen to deliver her emotional, yet precise speech in English. She reported the progress Somaliland has made over the years and reminded the crowd the need to be vigilant, continue support the efforts to rebuild their country, and to create grass roots organizations that coordinate the road to recognition.
Edna talked in detail about the meaning of freedom and aspirations to become a member of the international community. She mentioned the positive reaction she has gotten from the countless places and countries she has visited. When She was explaining how communities around the world are now warming up to the cause of Somaliland, Edna said, "..Somaliland enjoys many friends in Africa and Europe who are very sympathetic to our cause and no one will not be able to stop us reach our goal and our determination to secure our place in communities would move mountains". ".Our persistent had paid off and we will never give up until the day we get what we deserve." She added.
When Edna showed her three Somaliland passports attached to each other to the audiences and told them that she travels with Somaliland passport with US, European and African visa on the passports, the crowd went uproar with chants and screams. Anyone near the celebration hole would feel the pride and joy that being displayed.
Edna concluded her speech by thanking the community for inviting her to the event and asked them to work together, to depend on each other, respect their differences and remember their country they left behind.
Other prominent Somaliland Minnesotans have also spoken at the gathering. Professor Ibrahim Ayeh delivered a historic speech that explained the road to freedom and vision of the future. Prof. Ayeh has emphasized what made Somaliland unique; it is strength and diversity, reconciliation process and the prosperity ahead. He asked people to enjoy their success and reject back words, tribalism and focus positive result that had able them to be were they are today.
This year's event was organized partly by new energetic committee with the help of other community leaders. It was mostly coordinated among others by Farah Ali Nur, Hasan Yonis, Mohamed Allabari, Yusuf I. Jirde and Abdirashid Bihi.
Somaliland Community in Minnesota is thanking for all of those that made this year's event successful, enjoyable and peaceful and May God Bless Somaliland.
Magan Ibrahim, Minnesota,USA. Hadhwanaagnews.com
From http://www.haatuf.net/ Somaliland Times/ ISSUE 846, May 13, 2005
Editorial: Somaliland's Diplomatic Progress and the President's Speech
President Dahir Rayale Kahin came to the May 18th celebration knowing full well that the diplomatic winds are now in Somaliland's favor, which put him in a strong position from which to address a host of questions. His performance was robust and engaging. He worked his audience and they responded. The only sour note was some of the harsh language the President used against the opposition. As the President of Somaliland, he should have been more restrained. Parliament should also know that it's not just the president, but many Somalilanders are fed up with their antics. Members of parliament should be busy preparing for elections instead of trying to blackmail the president with the threat of impeachment.
Source: http://www.so.undp.org/
Qualified Expatriate Somali Technical Support (QUESTS)
The Somali QUESTS Initiative, modeled after the UNDP global initiative Transfer of Knowledge Through Expatriate Nationals (TOKTEN), which encourages expatriate nationals to volunteer their expertise in the service of their homelands for short periods of time, proposes to bring the skills of Somali professionals in the Diaspora to Somalia on a short-term, voluntary basis. By doing so, UNDP Somalia will address three major needs: the reversal of brain drain, supporting lasting peace in Somalia and increased participation of the Somali Diaspora in the creation of a conducive environment for sustainable human development.
Priority Sectors
The major sectors to be assisted initially are those identified as priority needs by local authorities, Somali and international organisations. These include education and training institutions, such as institutions of higher learning, vocational schools and primary and secondary schools; and health facilities, such as hospitals, mother-child health centers (MCHs) and laboratories; and agriculture.
How it works
An eligible institution within Somalia identifies a need within their organization and an individual based in the Diaspora, who can fill this need. The institution will then approach UNDP Somalia with all relevant information as agreed upon during the eligibility process, and UNDP Somalia will, depending on funds available, contract with the institution (not the individual), support the travel and living expenses of the person.
ELIGIBILITY REQUIREMENTS FOR DIASPORA PROFESSIONAL VOLUNTEERS
Any overseas Somali, or ethnic Somali holding a foreign passport and fulfills the following criteria is eligible:
* Bachelor or higher degree;
* Minimum of three years of relevant working experience;
* At least 25 years of age (there is no upper age limit);
* Able to perform duties in Somali;
* Good working knowledge of English;
* Ability to network with relevant institutions in their domiciled country;
* Cross-cultural skills and an ability to adjust to difficult living conditions;
* Genuine interest and commitment to supporting the rebuilding of Somalia and a willingness to share skills and knowledge.
ELIGIBILITY REQUIREMENTS FOR INSTITUTIONS WISHING TO CONTRACT DIASPORA PROFESSIONAL VOLUNTEERS
Any institution located inside Somalia and fulfils the following criteria is eligible:
* Focused on the following sectoral areas: education, health, agriculture;
* Private, non-profit Somali or international organisation;
* Short to medium term activity requiring outside expertise.
For more information, please contact moe.hussein@undp.org, gina.elkoury@undp.org
From http://somalilandcenter.com/ Posted-May-14-2005.
Breaking Up The Bones Of Giraffe Against Each Other
1. The Current Situation of Somaliland
Many Somalilanders, whether in the country or expatriates, are puzzled why, under the watch of President Dahir Riyale Kahin, the provincial administration of Puntland succeeded easily in invading the capital of Sool Region, Las-anod, on December 31, 2003 and occupying it still including Eastern Sanaag, why Togdheer and Sanaag Regions are pushed away from the country`s administration, and why every aspect of governance and statehood of Somaliland is deteriorating continuously. As well known, in every country the president is solely responsible for the failures and successes of his term as he decides on all matters. The current discouraging political, social, and economic problems taking place in Somaliland Republic since president Riyale took office in the mid of 2002 could not be blamed for simple blunders of mal-administration because they reach the level of undercutting Somaliland independence and recognition. Such troubling events never take place silently under any circumstances and even under any dictator or weak president who is worried about the welfare of his people and the unity of his country.
These Disturbing Events Include:
- Compromising national and territorial integrity while pushing important regions away from the country`s administration both possibly undermining Somaliland sovereignty and diplomatic recognition.
- Shelving the constitution of the country and replacing its fledgling democratic institutions and multi-party system with dictatorship eliminating checks and balances, appointing many low quality cabinet ministers and government officials selected on the basis of loyalty, favorism, and nepotism many of whom are pro- Somalia unionists while expelling officials committed to Somaliland cause or critical to Riyaale`s subversive policies.
rippling national economy with widespread, massive corruption of public funds without transparency and ccountability thus weakening national development and defense.
- Reluctance to meet and discuss with respected, prominent traditional and political leaders to discuss the problems of the country but resorting, instead, to divisive tactics of divide and rule using monetary bribes that could spark inter-clan civil strife.
- Dishonoring the heroic struggle of SNM (1982-1990), demonizing its veterans and denying martyrs` widows and orphans of basic recognition and rights for benefits.
- Creating unnecessary security crisis to shake the peace of the country, murdering innocent citizens and foreign aid workers.
- Committing human rights abuses by detaining citizens with illegal emergency laws and holding them indefinitely in prisons with appalling conditions without charges or due process as the vice- president of Somaliland, Mr. Ahmed Yussuf Yasin, admitted finally on May 9, 2005.
- Creating an atmosphere of fear and intimidation, threatening opposition leaders, cracking down freedom of press, speech, assembly, peaceful demonstrations, and stifling political debates.
- Delaying or interfering elections to favor the outcome for the regime.
Seeing these huge discouraging developments in Somaliland in the short period, the answer of the puzzle maybe found in the nature of president Riyale`s leadership which is under heavy cloud of suspicion. The abandonment of his national obligations may apparently be linked to anti-Somaliland movement in the administration as his actions are inclined toward destabilizing the country even though many countries are willing to recognize it. His growing dictatorship does not seem to be obsession for power but an apparent secret plot to hold onto the power of the country until the pillars of Somaliland independent state are widely damaged to create conditions conducive to the revival of the de facto union with Somalia. For that motive too, it is why president Riyale sticks with the controversial cabinet ministers of his administration and his other cronies rejecting calls to fire them.
Worst of these cohorts are:
- Ismail Aden Omer, minister of interior affairs,
- Hussein Ali Duale (Awil) minister of finance,
- Abdullahi Mohamed Duale, minister of information (For subversive propaganda),
- Ahmed Ali Adami, Chairman of the National Election Commission,
- Mohamed Egeh, Commander of National Police Force.
Even the brutal dictator, General Siad Barre, used to fire public figures that caused public outcry whose actions were detrimental to his power.
2. Reasons why President Riyale May Undermine Somaliland Independence
One may ask, what does compel president Riyale to undercut Somaliland cause? Why is he unthankful to theSomaliland peoples` generosity that honored him with the presidency knowing that he was one of the officers of Siad`s notorious secret service who fought hard the liberation movement, SNM, and its supporters? As the style of Riyale`s leadership apparently indicates, his ostensible dissatisfaction with Somaliland independence seems to be much greater than his want for the presidency because, as many believe, he sees Isaqs, the dominant clan of the country, through it and may have the conviction that his tribe can not challenge them in the long run for political power believing in baseless traditional animosity. For that reason, he may see the importance of restoring the old de facto union with Somalia to have political alliance with minority clans in Somalia to rival against major clans for power. With this kind of belief, he sees his presidency as something accidental discrediting Somaliland citizens` decision who , regardless of clan affiliation, elected him to the presidency sending the message that clan affiliation may not be an important factor, as in his case, in democratic elections.
Another reason he may be more committed to the old union than Somaliland is because he may want to be seen as a savior (Hero) who failed secessionists` attempts to divide Somalia for political advantage dismissing that Somaliland people inherited power-sharing denial, neglect, oppression, repressions, and atrocities during the thirty-year long of the disastrous union (1960-1990) with Somalia. What ever president Riyale`s motives are, his actions contradicts the goodwill of the successful pan-Somaliland reconciliation conference in which all clans jointly declared the re-roclamation of Somaliland independence on May 18, 1991, and the following national referendum held on May 31, 2001 where 97% of the people voted to have their own state, independent of Somalia. He seems disregarding how his presidency clearly reflects the selfless power-sharing in Somaliland where all citizens are equal to the highest office of the land.
Besides attributing Somaliland to Isaqs, Mr. Riyale`s apparent disloyalty to Somaliland cause might have been greatly influenced by a book named "The Awdal Phenomenon" written by the Isaq hater, Bashir Goth, the same writer of SNM in the Balance and kinsman of president Riyale, who in 1989, taking advantage immorally of the height of the atrocities and the plotted elimination against Isaqs, described the victims (Isaqs) of those tragic years in Somaliland history as "the troublesome child of Somalia" in that book possibly to rejoice their grief and suffering. Goth`s demonizing of Isaqs, especially on Pages 46, 47, 48, and 49 of his weird "Awdal Phenomenon" might have allegedly contributed to genocidal acts and other human rights abuses against Isaqs in the years 1989 and 1990 conveying the message that it was OK to massacre them for being the troublesome child of Somalia, and that could have been the whole motive of writing the book.
Bashir Goth tried to rewrite falsely the historical facts of Somaliland in particular and Somalis in general with the bunch of hatred-based lies in the book. The fact that Isaq people were the pioneers of Somaliland 1960 independence, the forerunners of 1960 reunification with the South (Somalia), the liberators who brought down the ruthless dictatorship of Siad Barre, and the leading force of pan-Somaliland reconciliation conference of 1991 refutes Goth`s hatred-based claims completely and proves that they are people of good will, of freedom, of forgiveness, and of peace-loving. Bashir Goth, who limps with self-inflicted wounds of hatred and envy toward Isaqs is strongly demanded to explain why he wrote such outrageous book at the pinnacle of the atrocities against them. (This book is posted on Somalilandcenter.com).
3. Possible Ways To Bring Somaliland Down
Although few countries drag their feet against Somaliland independence, president Riyale, as many allege, runs the country mainly on the regular advice of groups that are opposed to Somaliland cause. Mr. Ismail Omer Gheelle, president of Djabouti and the archenemy of Somaliland independence, is at the forefront of these groups in different places, some in Riyale`s administration, others in Somalia`s new transitional government, and individuals in both camps. It is believed that these inter-connected groups and individuals, who are all unionists (Pro-Somalia elements), have one advice to Mr. Riyale in common: "Stick to the power, reject any clean elections to replace you, do not step down, cripple Somaliland Statehood in all aspects of governance and development, and gradually create a situation that could lead to civil strife within Isaqs whose confrontation is seen, for being the dominant clan of Somaliland, to trigger the end of Somaliland Republic and the restoration of the de facto union with Somalia." Isaqborn loyal collaborators, promoted to permanent high positions and ranks as the four cited above, are mostly used to play the most important role in this apparent anti-Somaliland plot who, distributing huge sums of bribes from public funds, are daily engaged in activities weakening the unity of the people and inciting them against each other. The crippling of the country is working well as the above-mentioned disturbing events indicate and the divisive tactics for gradual civil strife has already began when the main office of Kulmiye Political Party in the national capital, Hargeisa, was attacked and burglarized by the minister of interior and national police commander on April 4, 2005 acting on the orders of president Riyale. The predictions are that when the functions of Somaliland State are almost weakened in all aspects and the major Isaq clans engage in civil strife against each other, the potential power to defend Somaliland Republic will wither then the state collapses and its people are willing to reunite with Somalia again.
This collusive conspiracy apparently plotted by president Riyale and his counted loyalists in the parliament, cabinet ministers, UDUB Party, commanders etc might be based on the philosophy: BREAKING UP THE BONES OF GIRAFFE AGAINST EACH OTHER (an African mentality to rule to ruin). Here the Giraffe represents the Isaq people, the majority people of Somaliland whose infighting would definitely cost the destruction of Somaliland independence sooner.
4. Why There Is a Slim Chance of Holding Clean Parliamentary Elections in September 2005.
As president Riyale and his loyal companions are apparently behind the anti-Somaliland cause plots, there is a slim chance to take the country in the right direction or hold fraud-free parliamentary elections in September 2005. Unless they cancel or postpone the parliamentary elections without plausible excuses, they are determined to interfere the results to suit the outcome for the regime for the following two reasons:
a). Any fraud-free election would compromise their ultimate motives and would be contrary to the goals of their apparent anti-Somaliland plots to undermine and fail Somaliland independence.
B) President Riyale and his clique members know well that if clean parliamentary elections are held in September 2005 and the people elect a parliament where well above the majority have serious concerns about his leadership and the wrong direction the country is taking, they would hold them accountable and would immediately impeach president Riyale to throw all out of the office and charge them with treason and the other crimes, mostly human rights abuses, committed under their leadership. For these two reasons, they have to mobilize the resources of the country in their hands to disrupt or interfere the parliamentary elections with their loyal forces, biased election commission chairman, huge public funds, and public transport to keep the power in their hands.
Another dangerous game could be played by Riyale`s government before the day of the election to defeat the powerful challenges and democratic forces in the process. In this game, the ruling clique may create conditions to impose STATE OF EMERGENCY to interfere election results. In this measure, they may detain some of the opposition party leaders, fire or detain any other Somalilanders seen campaigning hard against the regime or posing threat to their power. These conspiracy victims could be accused falsely of undermining national security and subverting the government "of the people" to justify their repressive acts. They may also expel human rights organizations from the country to preempt any reports of human rights abuses in the process of the election. The reason why president Riyale rejected the two National Election Commission members for Kulmiye Party and the Senate is to steal the results of the parliamentary elections. Such preemptive steps could allow Mr. Riyale to spend massive monetary bribes cheated from public funds to have elected loyal parliament that blocks future impeachment process as Abdilqadir Ismail Jirde did recently. The leaders of the house of representatives are easily manipulated by president Riyale and may not be able to face off the president on important issues.
Even president Riyale is unwilling to welcome the people of Sool and Eastern Sanaag to the fold of Somaliland where they share history, government, and borders and is reluctant to hold elections in their places to offset parliamentary seats gained by the opposition parties. The peace conference announced recently by the government to be held for Sool Region at Sheik maybe show to mislead the public opinion without bearing fruits.
Considering the current shocking situation in the country, the president, many members of the cabinet, parliament, and UDUB party have undoubtedly broken their oath of office taken in the name of God, betrayed their nation, and broke their promise to the Somaliland people by failing to serve honestly and falling short of the responsibility entrusted with them. Somaliland people are barely recovering from the atrocities and destructions inflicted upon them in the 1980s and do not need another ruthlessness that tears the nation apart again to revive the old wounds and painful memories. Siad Barre and his blind loyalists harvested the bitter fruits of the poison plants that their wrongful mentality was growing for 21 years (1969-1990). General Siad Barre, the leader, deceased disgracefully in foreign land, (Nigeria), some were laid sorrowfully on the streets of Mogadishu, and many others are painfully groaning and agonizing now with serious, chronic diseases around the world caused by injustices and atrocities committed against the innocent as a worldly punishment from God.
Those who defend Mr. Riyale surely they either support his subversive policies or are sold out elements who are double-faced characters in the society. Where is the country fully in the hand of the government? Is not 2/3 of the country missing either of neglect or of occupation that could undermine Somaliland diplomatic recognition? Is not this enough evidence for impeachable treason? Where are the constitution, the democratic institutions, the respect for human rights, the transparency and accountability of public funds, the fraud-free elections etc? Are not these enough evidence for impeachable high crimes? The groups who attack the critics of president Riyale should know that the country and the people are above personal and tribal interests. It was big mistake to elect Mr. Riyale president for five years immediately after the death of president Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal without testing him for one year just to know if he were eligible for the presidency. It was missed golden opportunity.
President Riyale`s political gamble of breaking up the bones of giraffe against each other is turning the tide against him and his loyal companions, so it would be wise for Mr. Riyale to step down peacefully without hesitation for the interest of all. He should know that when people lose trust and confidence in their leadership and turn against the incumbent no army or weapons mobilized could protect him from angry, explosive masses who yearn for political change and who are determined to overrun reactionary forces. Forces and weapons used for personal shield failed to protect the powerful dictatorship of Siad Barre that ran away in daylight on January 26, 1991 or many, many others in this world. It is impossible that president Riyale and his loyal cronies can subdue the Somaliland people or smash their hard-won self-determination and iron will. The nation can no longer be misled with smokescreen and hypocritical speeches while anti-Somaliland activities are forged behind the scenes. Current prospects indicate that winds of change and hope are blowing all over Somaliland, peoples` victory is closing in and new dawn is breaking soon on all horizons to reaffirm the dreams of all Somalilanders again. The people`s future governments will work hard to eradicate poverty which is the mother of all corrupt governments and tribalism as well as the need that forces tribes to support dictators and demagogues for help.
Another looming war against Somaliland Republic may be in the making. The clan-oriented and totalitarian colonel, Abdullahi Yussuf Ahmed, who was elected president of Somalia on October 10, 2004, has embarked since on relentless campaign to amass arms, forces, and money (Foreign and tribal) to invade and seize Mogadishu and then possibly wage war against Somaliland. He will try to restore the de facto union with force or, if that fails, to annex other important regions from Somaliland Republic for agressive, tribal ambitions with the amassed weapons.
The likelihood of this scenario to happen is real under the leadership of president Dahir Riyale who has already created conditions that could influence another timely aggression. Somaliland Republic needs a political change for new leadership to reverse the current direction the country is taking, re-establish the national unity and territorial integrity embracing all clans of the country fairly, and prepare for future threats and wars of aggression.
Written by: Ibrahim Hassan Gagale, Email: Ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com, Date: May 14, 2005
Soure: http://www.unicef.org/somalia/health_100.html/ c UNICEF Somalia/Photos by Pirozzi
Somalia: Health
Mother and healthy baby. UNICEF in its Health programme seeks to strengthen childcare services, provide safe motherhood and ensure children are immunized.
Infant, child and maternal mortality rates in Somalia are among the highest in the world. Diarrhoeal disease-related dehydration, respiratory infections and malaria are the main killers of infants and young children, together accounting for more than half of all child deaths. Cholera is endemic in Somalia, with outbreaks occurring annually from December to June. The major underlying causes of diarrhoea are the lack of access to safe water and poor food and domestic hygiene. In the 2000 multiple indicator cluster survey, it was found that almost 24 per cent of children under five years of age had diarrhoea in the two weeks preceding the survey.
Though data is lacking, Somalia remains among countries with the highest incidence of tuberculosis in the world. Overcrowded camps and lack of treatment facilities, unsystematic and poor quality drugs and high rates of malnutrition keep tuberculosis as one of the main killer diseases in the country.
Diarrhoeal disease-related dehydration, respiratory infections and malaria are the main killers of infants and young children in Somalia, together accounting for more than half of all child deaths.
Neonatal tetanus and other birth-related problems contribute significantly to infant mortality, while measles and its complications result in widespread illness and numerous child deaths when outbreaks occur. Susceptibility to measles is compounded by poor nutritional status, and transmission is rapid in crowded living conditions such as congested urban/peri-urban areas and camps for displaced people. Immunization coverage is not yet sufficient to prevent measles outbreaks.
Reproductive health is a major problem in Somalia, with a maternal mortality rate of 1,600 per 100,000 placing Somali women among the most high-risk groups in the world. Haemorrhage, prolonged and obstructed labour, infections and eclampsia (toxemia that may occur in late pregnancy) are the major causes of death at childbirth. Anaemia and female genital mutilation (infibulation) have a direct impact on, and aggravate these conditions. Poor antenatal, delivery and postnatal care, with an almost complete lack of emergency obstetric referral care for birth complications, further contribute to these high rates of mortality and disability.
ACTION
These Somali girls photographed in 2003 have reason to smile: no polio cases were reported in 2003, some six years after UNICEF and WHO launched a campaign to eradicate polio. If the trend holds, Somalia could be certified polio free in the next few years
The UNICEF Health Programme in Somalia is comprised of three projects:
* Strengthening childcare services,
* Safe motherhood, and
* Child immunization.
Access, utilization and the quality of essential health services are enhanced in each through support to an increasing number of facilities offering a minimum package of care.
Providing basic health care services is complemented by supporting the development of institutional capacities, including training health care personnel, supporting policy development and continued health sector reform. In the future, cost-sharing approaches will be expanded, while ensuring that safety nets for the most vulnerable groups continue to exist.
Insecurity and poor access makes Somalia one of the most challenging countries in the world in which humanitarian agencies operate. Immunization campaigns must employ innovative methods to reach population groups that are sometimes volatile and often hard to reach. Highly mobile nomadic groups increase the logistic complications.
The Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) through routine immunization and polio National Immunization Days (NIDS), aims to protect a progressively larger group of children against vaccine-preventable diseases. Polio eradication efforts will continue at an expanded level to ensure the eradication of the virus from Somalia.
UNICEF continues to provide supplies such as basic drugs, insecticide-treated nets to prevent malaria, vaccines and medical equipment, while ensuring timely and effective response during emergencies. Special emphasis is placed on safe motherhood practices, support to ante-natal care, home delivery assistance and emergency obstetric care.
The school health project will be expanded in conjunction with the education programme. Information dissemination and health education continues through community health workers, traditional birth attendants and media channels.
In all interventions, UNICEF works closely with its Somalia Aid Coordination Body health sector partners, local authorities, the private sector and community-based organizations.
IMPACT
Happy woman and children. Though the maternal mortality rates in Somalia are among the highest in the world, UNICEF through its health programme seeks to ensure a brighter future for mothers and children like these in the picture taken in 2001.
UNICEF Somalia has embarked on a five year programme covering the period 2004 to 2008. Key results of the health programme during the 2001 to 2003 UNICEF country programme for Somalia included the following:
1. Providing essential drugs and medical equipment to health centres.
2. Training medical staff in supervision and monitoring.
3. Preventing and controlling outbreaks of malaria, measles, meningitis and cholera through immunization and related awareness campaigns, training health staff, and providing vaccines and cold chain supplies.
4. Reducing the number of reported cases of wild polio virus from eight in 2001, to zero as of October 2003. This was achieved through polio eradication efforts in collaboration with the World Health Organization (WHO), National Immunization Days (NIDS) and associated activities.
5. Improving the availability and use of essential supplies, particularly clean delivery kits, for safe home delivery and obstetric care.
6. Improving the capacity of local authorities to manage health care systems, through training, assisting in the development of health sector policies and establishing standards.
Health services and sector reform
Immunization day at the health centre in the village of Hunshaley, in Northern Somalia in 1997.
Efforts to support Somalia's health system continue. Partnership agreements with local authorities and non-governmental organizations are the primary way health services are supported. Drugs and medical supplies for the primary health care sector throughout the country are procured and delivered. Some 400 health facilities including hospitals, maternal and child health centres and health posts receive essential drugs and basic medical equipment through UNICEF and its partners. Improvements have been made in the number of facilities being supervised and in the quality of services rendered.
Health sector reform
After six years of operation, the health reform process is making progress. In the Northwest area, a health policy and five-year strategic health plan are being applied throughout with a national professional health council providing oversight.
UNICEF assistance for decentralizing health management structures has included supporting regional workshops focused on improving the staff management and coordination skills.
Cost recovery to bring funds back into the health sector has been introduced in 39 out of 48 maternal and child health centres in the region, with the remainder following shortly. The funds generated will mostly be used for infrastructure maintenance and staff incentives.
The reform process in the Northeast area has been negatively affected by the internal constitutional crisis and when these activities will be resumed depends largely on achieving peace and stability in the region.
Immunization
A woman holds her baby and the child's immunization card as they wait in line during an immunization session at the Nageye Maternal and Child Health Centre in the Karani District of Mogadishu in 1996.
Immunization coverage, despite being generally low for all antigens (any substance used to provoke an immune response in the human body) is reaching an increased number of children and mothers through the Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI). A targeted 'acceleration' approach in highly-populated areas is being used to reach more people.
Routine immunization for all antigens is continuing in health centres, with special consideration being given to polio National Immunization Days (NIDs). In 2003, EPI acceleration efforts have included more urban centres to further raise immunization coverage.
A campaign to eradicate polio
Gains have been made in Somalia during the years since 1997 when UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO) launched the `National Immunization Days' campaign concept to eradicate polio, but work must continue to ensure success.
There has been a steady drop in polio cases since 2000, when an outbreak of 46 cases was reported. By 2002, circulation of the virus had reduced so that only three cases in and around Mogadishu were reported. No wild virus cases have been reported so far in 2004.
Disease control
A baby receives a dose of vitamin A during a visit by a UNICEF-assisted mobile medical unit to the Yaqshid District of Mogadishu in 1996.
Cholera is endemic in Somalia. Outbreaks occur annually from December to June (corresponding to the dry season) and are linked to the contamination of water sources. Outbreaks tend to concentrate in urban areas, in the densely populated camps for internally displaced persons (IDP), and are further exacerbated by the combination of malnutrition and prevalent communicable diseases.
UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local authorities respond by collaborating in regional cholera task forces. Cholera supplies and chlorine tablets to purify water are made available by UNICEF to all health centres treating cholera patients.
In 2003, UNICEF distributed chlorine, sachets of Oral Rehydration Salt (ORS) used to combat dehydration caused by diarrhoea, cholera kits and other medical supplies, while WHO supplied ringer lactate (a solution that is given intravenously to treat severely dehydratated patients). Cholera task forces responded to several outbreaks between January and June, primarily in Mogadishu, Bossaso and Kismayo. Organizations worked together to improve case management, raise awareness and ensure that water sources were chlorinated.
Cholera is not the only problem brought about by flooding. Since the 1997-98 floods, there has been an increase in malaria cases accompanied by chloroquine resistance. To combat the disease, UNICEF distributes insecticide-treated mosquito nets (ITNs) and malaria kits to maternal child health centres (MCHs) during the rainy season. Some 80,000 insecticide-treated mosquito nets have been distributed to communities to date. National and international NGOs work with UNICEF to make ITNs available.
Reproductive health and safe motherhood
A girl stands beside a long queue of women waiting to be attended to outside the UNICEF-assisted maternal and child health clinic in the village of Rabdure in 2000.
The maternal mortality rate (MMR) in Somalia, among the highest in the world, dismally reflects how years of conflict have resulted in virtually all basic facilities - such as referral hospitals, maternal and child health (MCH) facilities and services - being damaged or totally destroyed.
Two workshops were held in 2002 to review this chronic situation and to provide recommendations for follow-up. Improvements focusing on safe motherhood included action to support home deliveries and enhance obstetric care through health facilities. Priority was given to developing curricula for midwives, and subsequent training was carried out with the World Health Organization (WHO).
Clean delivery kits include items to help ensure sanitary and safe conditions for a woman in labour and those assisting with the birth. The kits frequently contain a plastic sheet, soap, a two-sided clean razor blade, cord ties, and even pictorial instructions on how to deliver a child.
Following the successful design and pre-testing of the clean delivery kits in 2003, some 26,000 kits have been distributed to 99 maternal and child health facilities that offer antenatal care throughout Somalia.
The clean delivery kits are sold at subsidized prices and the revenue generated from the kits is helping health centres support staff and rehabilitate facilities.
Source: United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) Date: 30 Apr 2005
UNICEF Somalia Monthly Review - April 2005
Heavy rains hit Hargeisa the capital of Somaliland on 24 April 2005 washing away a bridge and damaging buildings. A total of 170 households required immediate help. UNICEF distributed blankets, plastic sheeting and jerry cans. WFP distributed food.
Unusually heavy rains over southeastern Ethiopia and northern Somalia led to localized flooding in Northwest Somalia ('Somaliland'), in particular Hargeisa the capital and Burao towns with some casualties reported. Of possibly greater concern was the increased risk of serious flooding in Southern Somalia where a number of villages in Middle Shabelle region were affected. Somalia was last affected by a major flood in 1997 in which thousands died, mostly in the South.
In Hargeisa, Burao and a number of rural villages of Northwest Somalia, UNICEF's Hargeisa office assisted over 4,500 people affected by torrential rains and flash flooding on 26 and 27 April that destroyed homes, contaminated water sources and disrupted already insufficient essential services. By some accounts these were the heaviest rains witnessed in a half century. Heavy rains were also reported in Sool and Sanaag regions where populations were reeling from the effects of a three to four-year drought. While the rain will bring longer-term recovery, it has made conditions extremely difficult for communities rendered near destitute due to the loss of livestock and other assets. In some of these areas, UNICEF-supported health and nutrition mobile outreach activities were disrupted.
In addition to the provision of relief and shelter assistance, UNICEF Hargeisa provided support to prevent malaria and cholera outbreaks, with water chlorination and the supply of medical kits supported by social mobilization activities. The response in the Somaliland has been closely coordinated with UN/NGO partners and area authorities.
In Southern Somalia, UNICEF's Jowhar office supported flood preparedness activities based on increasing Shabelle river levels and continuing reports received from humanitarian agencies in Ethiopia of heavy rains and high river levels. UNICEF provided sandbags to support strengthening of river embankments and supported overall monitoring efforts by boat.
Political developments
In 'Somaliland', the opposition Kulmiye Party proposed that President Dahir Rayale Kahin be impeached. Twelve of the party MPs called for investigation into a raid at the Kulmiye Party headquarters in Hargeisa.
The prime minister of Somalia's transitional government, Ali Mohammed Ghedi visited Mogadishu on 29 April. An explosion went off while he was addressing a rally on May 3, killing 15 people and injuring 50.
Key faction leaders in Mogadishu Mohamed Qanyare Afrah, Muse Suudi Yalahow and Osman Ali Hassan 'Atto' announced that they would soon unite their militia and take them out of Mogadishu to six former military camps at Hiilweyne near Balad town, Lafole and Arbiska near Afgoi town and Dhanaane on the coast between Mogadishu and Merka.
Crime case: Hearing of a case against 10 people accused of killing four humanitarian workers, wounding one and committing other acts between 2002 and 2004 started. During the hearing, the court heard evidence on the killing of two British teachers at Sheikh Secondary school in October 2003.
Security developments
Mrs Mariam Mohamed Hassan - health project coordinator of International Aid Services in Mogadishu was shot dead on 18 April 2005 by gunmen who also wounded a Kenyan who was with her. On 12 April 2005, fighting erupted in Galkayo town between rival clans. During the fighting, five persons were killed and 13 wounded. On 9 April 2005, two UN staff were evacuated from Ceel Deer town due to security concerns while on 10 April 2005, international UN Staff were evacuated from Jowhar, the location of the main UNICEF office in Central/Southern Somalia. The office was re-opened on 14 April 2005.
Health
Special events: UNICEF in collaboration with the Somaliland administration, local and international organizations marked Africa Malaria Day on 25 March. During the celebrations in Hargeisa, capital of Somaliland, some 200 insecticide treated mosquito nets were distributed.
Training: UNICEF held an Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) planning workshop in Garowe, Northeast Somalia ('Puntland') for 19 participants from the local administration and the Somali Red Crescent Society (SRCS). UNICEF trained vaccinators to be involved in upcoming immunization. Supplementary feeding was initiated in Bossaso IDP camps. It was integrated with immunization and hygiene and sanitation education.
Nutrition.
In Somaliland, UNICEF responded to drought in Awdal region, supplying food and distributing vitamin A and iron-cum-folic acid supplements to children and women. In Puntland, UNICEF in collaboration with a local NGO, Association for Integration and Development (AID) screened children and women in IDP camps in Bossaso so as to plan for the provision of supplementary feeding initiatives, immunization of infants and pregnant women and treatment of illnesses.
A consultative meeting was held and attended by representatives of the local administration, women's groups, health workers and teachers in Wagade and Golweyne districts. UNICEF printed 250 copies of a manual on supplementary feeding programmes and started distribution in Benadir and Lower Shabelle regions through partners.
Water and Envrionmental Sanitation.
Projects: Following an agreement with the Puntland administration, UNICEF distributed supplies and equipment for the development of rural water schemes in various locations. Drilling of Dhahar borewell started during the month.
Education update.
School support: UNICEF in collaboration with WFP identified 10 schools for establishment of school feeding support in Somaliland. The programme is part of a broader strategy to increase enrolment and promote active learning in primary schools through providing for the nutritional needs of pupils in schools.
Programme launch: The Education Section launched the Integrated Primary Education Programme in Somaliland and Puntland. The programme funded by the European Commission aims to contribute towards strengthening participation and learning levels in basic education, particularly for girls and children from marginalized communities in formal and non-formal primary schools. During the launch in Somaliland, the minister for education said the administration aimed to enrol an additional 35,000 pupils that year. According to the Minister, 2005 is the year of education in Somaliland.
Construction of Hafun Primary School started during the reporting period. Hafun was the worst-affected location by the tsunami that hit Northeast Somalia on December 26, 2004.
A child-to-child household census was held in Gardo town. The Gardo education officer, 120 students, 32 teachers and teacher-mentors undertook the survey and covered three-quarters of the town enumerating some 1,570 of the school children. Similar surveys were held in Bossaso and Garowe towns during which scores of children were registered for school against the next academic session.
UN and local administration staff attended the laying of the foundation stone by the President of Puntland, Mohamud Muse Hirsi "Adde". The President announced a massive drive to build more schools in Puntland. This was the first time since the conclusion of Somalia's peace talks in 2004, that a leader of such level in Puntland (a semi-autonomous region of Somalia) has openly committed the administration to the goals of 'education for all' and to gender parity in access, retention and completion in basic education. He announced that the government will provide incentives to 200 teachers and will support school construction activities.
UNICEF visited schools in Bossaso, Gardo and Garowe in Puntland which organize non-formal education (NFE) in the afternoons and evenings and requested them to identify primary school age children who attend these the classes so that separate teaching arrangements can be made for them.
UNICEF-supported non-formal education initiatives in Somalia focus on helping young people who missed out on opportunities to attend formal education have a second chance to acquire basic skills of reading, writing and numeracy. The curriculum also has a component that teaches such skills as relating to one another, reproductive health, peace, conflict management and protection of the environment.
HIV/AIDS
Workshop: A six-day workshop to develop HIV/AIDS clinical management guidelines for Somalia was held in Hargeisa. Participants were 20 health workers from Somaliland. The workshop was a joint initiative between UNDP, UNICEF and WHO. In Bossaso, Puntland, UNICEF distributed information materials for
HIV/AIDS awareness to Lag Community School near Bossaso.
HIV testing: UNICEF is establishing voluntary counselling services in Jowhar hospital while InterSOS NGO is providing blood screening services. It is also developing guidelines for assessing the capacity of health facilities to provide HIV/AIDS related services.
Youth
A 10 day mentors training was held in Hargeisa from 20 April to 1 May where eight youth mentors were trained. The training equipped the mentors with skills to enable them provide on-site technical support to Somaliland youth groups and also enhanced the local partner, Somaliland National Youth Organization's (SONYO) understanding of leadership and organizational development and Youth Peer Education and mentoring activities.
Communication for development..
Youth broadcasting: A three-day meeting was organized in Hargeisa for 32 youth representatives from Hargeisa, Burao and Borama for evaluation of the youth broadcasting initiative. The meeting was facilitated by a BBC consultant. The youth broadcasting initiative is a UNICEF project that has empowered members of youth groups in audio and video programme production skills. The output of their work is shared with broadcasting stations and video parlours. The youth produce programmes that focus on areas that include health, education, sanitation, HIV/AIDS and nutrition. UNICEF provides information to help them include the right messages when dealing with issues touching on UNICEF's mandate.
UNICEF staff participated in a five-day workshop on editing video films on hygiene and environmental sanitation held at Horn-Afrik radio and television in Mogadishu from 9 to 13 April 2005. A total of 25 participants took part.
Progress review: A review of the Youth Broadcasting Initiative was held in Merca from April 19 to April 24. Nine youth groups who contribute content to FM stations participated. One of the concerns to come out of the workshop was the high production cost.
Child Protection
Community mobilization training for child protection advocates was held in Bossaso for 22 participants from different locations in Somalia. Three agreements with local NGOs will ensure UNICEF support to community mobilization for child protection. The development of a booklet for Somali religious leaders on Islam and child protection has been finalized.
A partnership with the Ugandan-based NGO TPO (Transcultural Psychosocial Organization) has been established to provide further capacity building and support to Somali partners in the field of community-based psychosocial care and support for vulnerable children and their families.
UNICEF is in the process of finalizing a partnership agreements with NOVIB Somalia (NOVIB is also known as Oxfam Netherlands) in the field of capacity building and monitoring and reporting in the field of child protection, as well as with the Senegal-based NGO Tostan on FGM abandonment through community mobilization and empowerment.
SOMALIA: Worries over soil contamination in Ayaha valley
A strong smell hungs over the villages dotted across the valley.
Farah Abdilahi Abrar, Somaliland's director of disaster preparedness, told IRIN that the contamination had posed "real dangers" to the people living there. He declined to give details, referring the matter instead to the Ministry of Agriculture, which he said was responsible for overseeing efforts to contain the problem.
Noor Ahmed Ibrahim, director-general of the Somaliland Ministry of Agriculture, told IRIN: "Most of the measures proposed [to minimize the risk] are yet to be implemented."
An official at the land department in Hargeysa municipality, who requested anonymity, told IRIN that efforts to relocate the residents were hindered by inadequate land around the municipality and the refusal by the people living in the area to move far away.
STORED CHEMICALS
The chemicals, mainly pesticides, had been stored by the Desert Locust Control Organisation (DLCO). The regional body is also involved in controlling migratory pests such as grain-eating birds, the army worm and the tsetse fly in East Africa and the Horn of Africa.
"Our station was overrun during the [the late Siyad] Barre war [of 1991]," Peter Odiyo, the director of DLCO, told IRIN from his organisation's headquarters in Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.
"Hargeysa was our main operational base," Odiyo added. "But it was vandalised by people who did not care about pollution. The [Ayaha] valley may have been affected."
A disposal team, Odiyo added, was currently taking stock of whatever may still be there and preparing to dispose it of.
"The valley was not the only site," Odiyo told IRIN. "There were also other sites."
Another DLCO officer, Nicholas Wambugu, told IRIN that records obtained from the valley alone on 30 October 1989, showed that 14,200 litres of different chemicals - including fenitrothion, malathion, diazionon and durban - were in the DLCO stores. The chemicals were stored in 200 litre metallic drums, he added.
"People took them away in the chaos," Wambugu told IRIN. "Three of our watchmen who tried to stay got shot."
Ibrahim told IRIN that during heavy bombardment of Hargeysa by Barre's forces from 1989 to 1990, some of the drums got hit and chemicals were spilled. The forces were trying to dislodge the rebel Somali National Movement (SNM), which had entered Hargeysa.
The war ended in late 1991, after Barre fled Mogadishu and the SNM took control of Hargeysa. According to Ibrahim, local residents later opened some of the containers, poured the chemicals away and started using the empty drums for water storage and in construction work.
"The dangers have escalated," Ibrahim said. "There are cases of deformities reported in children born around the contaminated areas [suspected to be linked to the contamination], and [suspicious] deaths, including two of my ministry watchmen guarding the DLCO compound. They used containers from the compound to store drinking water."
CONTAMINATION
The experts, who were hired from the Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service by the UN Development Programme in 2003 to assess the level of contamination in the area, warned that the valley was contaminated.
Their report, dated 13 July 2003, states that soil samples taken around the DLCO compound showed the presence of 92.72 percent lindane, 89 percent hetachlor, 90.69 percent aldrin, 92.58 percent alpha-endosulfan, 70 percent DDE, 70.19 percent endrin, 89.21 percent dieldrin and 90.23 percent beta-endosulfan.
"Some chemical drums are suspected to be buried inside the main compound, and they could still contain some active chemicals," the experts said. "This is a high chemical contaminated area which should be free of human and domestic animal activities."
The 2003 report stated that the "nearest living quarters are just 14-20 metres from the perimeter wall." It warned: "Due to lack of land in the city and huge number of returnees, residential houses around the ex-DLCO compound are increasing at an alarming rate."
"The high concentration of organochlorine pesticides detected in the soil samples indicates high contamination of the entire Ayaha valley," the report added. "The contamination can be classified as an example of a catastrophe of mass proportion."
The experts warned that organochlorine pesticides were persistent chemicals which could last in the environment for a long time.
"During rainy seasons, the chemicals after being washed downstream into the municipality of Hargeysa will pose a big danger to the town's residents and those living in the valley who often use the streams to fetch drinking water," the report noted.
According to the experts, it was necessary to ascertain whether deformities among children and high rate of miscarriage experienced in the valley could have resulted from the high chemical concentration in and around the ex-DLCO compound.
They recommended that families living in Ayaha valley be relocated to a safer area. They also advised that no returnees or other residents be allowed to settle there, that the contaminated area be fenced off and that soil believed to contain the pesticides be removed.
TASK FORCE
UN agencies and NGOs discussed the report and recommended that a joint task force be set up with the government to implement measures proposed by the consultants.
A letter from UNDP said the experts had showed the "extent of this contamination" and "confirms our worst fears".
On the basis of these findings, the task force was set up.
However since its creation in September 2004, the task force has only constructed a perimeter wall around the DLCO compound and started some mobilisation activities in the communities against dangers posed by contamination.
Ibrahim told IRIN that while he had urged Hargeysa municipal authorities not to construct a primary school next to the compound, a six-room school has been built.
LOCALS WORRY
Local residents told IRIN they were worried that the presence of the chemicals had affected their health.
Amina Warfa, a 42-year-old mother of two who has lived in the valley since her childhood, told IRIN that she had suffered two miscarriages in the past four years.
Abdi Saleban Hassan, headmaster of Ayaha Primary School, which is situated 50 metres away from the DLCO compound, told IRIN that the aid agencies had stopped a feeding programme at the school and parents now feared bringing their children to class.
A visit to the site over the weekend showed that ordinary people are oblivious to the dangers posed by the chemicals. Livestock grazed in the area, children were playing nearby.
"Some people still jump over the perimeter wall to steal the contaminated containers," Fatuma Diriye, a local resident, told IRIN
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/pn/ Posted by Yvette Lopez,
Somaliland Passport
The rest of the population can easily go to money exchange stalls in town and buy a Somalia Passport for $20 per piece, cheaper compared to Mogadishu price which is pegged at $35 each.
Today, many Somalilanders are either Somali, Djiboutian, Ethiopian, British or Canadian passport holders. It is not uncommon for people to have 2 sometimes even 3 passports in this unrecognized country, especially when Kenya and UAE banned Somalis from setting foot in their countries. As they say, people just got to do what they have to do to.
Asha has 2 passports, Ethiopian and Somali. "I always use my Somali passport everytime I can, I use my Ethiopian passport when I need to travel to countries where we are banned from entering. It is easier because you don't have to go through all those humiliating procedures and get those accusing looks. I hope someday, I can use a Somaliland passport that will truly represent my country and identity."
Somaliland to talk with leaders on disputed border
Authorities in Somaliland and the rival enclave of Puntland -- neither of which are internationally recognised -- both lay claim to disputed territory on their border where their security forces have fought occasional clashes.
Leaders in Somaliland, which broke away from the rest of Somalia in 1991 to escape chaos engulfing the country, are hoping to persuade members of the Dhulbahante community to accept their leadership, rather than side with Puntland.
"It's been decided to hold the long overdue conference on June 1," said Somaliland Information Minister Abdillahi Mohamed Du'aleh in a statement released late on Thursday in Somaliland's capital Hargeisa.
The Dhulbahante have not met the Somaliland government since 2002, when Somaliland President Dahir Rayale Kahin visited the eastern town of Las Anod, prompting forces from Puntland to move into the area. The two sides have since clashed sporadically.
Residents in Hargeisa say representatives of the Dhulbahante community may be tempted to reconcile with Somaliland's leaders partly to benefit from an influx of aid to Somaliland, which has been relatively stable compared to the rest of Somalia.
Dhulbahante grievances include their lack of representation in Somaliland's parliament. Elections are due in September.
The meeting will take place in the mountainous town of Sheikh, outside the Gulf of Aden port town of Berbera, and is expected to take several weeks.
From http://www.jamhuuriya.info/index.php/ May 12 2005
Is President Rayaale An elected president or Agreeable Dictatorship?
In this I have drawn my personal view over the last decay, may be I am certain it is too far from perfect, but perhaps, it offers some guidelines to assist thought against violence and dictatorship.
I am not competent a detailed analysis and prescription for our country. However, it is my hope this generic analysis may be useful to Somaliland people in, unfortunately we faced before a dictatorial rule, and so we are familiar about it.
Since the collapse Siad Barre certainly has not erased in all other problems in our society: poverty, crime, corruption, bureaucratic inefficiency, and environmental destruction, which are often legacy of brutal regimes. However the down fall of Siad bare have minimally lifted of the suffering of the victims of oppression, and has opened the way for the rebuilding of the society with a greater political democracy, personal liberties and social justice.
Although we are free society, there is great risk, in the face of such rapid fundamental change (From transition to multiparty system), will move in the opposite direction and experience a new form of dictatorship, if you look carefully, our elected officials, how they are repeatedly seek to impose their will. Unfortunately, the past is still with us, the problem of bad governing is deep.
Frequently, unquestioning our authority figures has been long inculcated, in extreme cases, the social, political, economic, and freedom institution of the society - out side of state control - have been deliberately weakened, subordinated, or replaced new regimented institutions such as the Public order law used the state of ruling UDUB party to control the society to distort the democracy, Our population has often been atomized, unable to work together to achieve freedom, to confide on each other, or to do much of anything at their own initiative.
The public order law conflicts our constitution, Islamic Shari a, and international conversions relating to human rights, and is therefore null and void. If the country faces a situation of disorder which threats public order, peace, public confidence, economic etc, the president can use the emergency power by seeking the approval of the two houses of parliament, but we are the peace of horn of Africa, so that the government should stop using this law.
Further problem is, the government has been refused the political parties to talk Radio Hargeisa and public places like `Khayriya', at the same time SNM Mujahideen were stopped, to have their meeting.
The result is predictable: the population becomes weak, lacks of confidence and is incapable of resistance.
Although I did not object President Rayaale an elected president, I assume him a dictator if he and most of his group who were served for the past regime, which we called as `FAQASH', who always seek to impose a new refurbished model of the old one, do not stop and turn back the characteristics of Siad barre.
If Rayaale and his Party are to talk about Peace at all the time and condemn the SNM mujahideen opponents of peace, extremely clear thinking is needed because of the dangers involved. Not every one who uses the word "PEACE" wants peace with freedom and justice.
Mohamed said bare often called peace, by which he meant submission to his will. Because dictator's peace, is often no more than the peace of prison or of the grave,
Some of ministers in the country try to rule the people by tricks and not by righteous principles. Aren't they like their godfather Said bare? They are not aware their muddle-headedness.
As soon as the people enlightened, their tricks no longer work.
On the other hand, is also just possible that the political parties do not plan a comprehensive strategy to bring down this bad system, concentrating instead only on immediate issues, for another reason. Inside themselves, they do not really believe that they can be ended by their own efforts.
Now, Somaliland's transition to multiparty democracy is two thirds complete: local and presidential elections have already taken place, which parliamentary elections scheduled for September this year for time being Somaliland remains a de facto one party state, since the opposition parties are not represented at the national level.
Therefore holding parliamentary elections is very necessary, and then we can say Rayaale would be democratic elected president, but if and only if, election would be a free and fair, but if it would not be, then we are not practicing democracy, so we may in autocracy system, and Rayaale will be An Agreeable Dictatorship, let us hope the best.
Finally, my fellow citizens, let me closed this article, do not create autocracy on your own hands, but think deeply about your Voting ballot to get the right person at the right time.
Mohamed Dubbe. Hargeisa.
From http://www.jamhuuriya.info/index.php/ May 12 2005
The `Rendezvous' (of the SNM martyrs and the Mujahedeen) at `Isha Cobasha'
As the martyrs of SNM died for Somaliland, their living counterparts and brothers in arms happened to be strangers and out casts in the people and the land they liberated! They met each other at last! Although the martyrs are no more with us, however they are alive near their lord. They are alive and well and they met their comrades at `Isha Cobasha in `Haraf'.
In their meeting, they exchanged stories, strange ones! They discussed various issues. Some we may understand, some we may never understand! However to understand the un-understandable parties you have to be a real Mujahed or a martyr otherwise you will wonder and remain fearful as the present pack do!
At last the door is knocked! Who can do that other than the Mujahed? They knocked the door of salvation, forgiveness and thankfulness. The door of confession and repentance was knocked, by the right people, for the right reason. The reward of good must be good and not the opposite as they did and do now in Somaliland!
Now the Mujahedeen have connected with their lord, the most compassionate the most merciful. The redeemer and savior of the sinner, the ungrateful and the arrogant because of their individual and collective ignorance, which blinds them!
In this godly act on the part of the neglected and marginalized Mujahedeen, Somaliland will never be the same. The Somaliland of sin and sorrow, of human degradation in their captivity and treatment in their rights and freedoms when they are not captive! The war between the good and the evil will be over and the end belongs to the righteous. And when this comes there is no escape for the evildoers, the remnants of Siyad Bare, for the bye standers and for the cabals and clan traders! However they will not be dehumanized!
They knocked the door right, the door of mercy, repentance and forgiveness and Allah will answer them. (If so He wishes) Bravo for the young men and women of SNM whom Allah led them to understand where the problem lays; through feeding the needy, in reciting the Holy book, the Quran and in prayers in that `Rendezvous' place.
They addressed and presented their case to Allah, the merciful by seeking: a) forgiveness and salvation, to extend the many thanks and gratefulness to the Lord who gave them the power over Siyad Bare regime, when they were liberating our land. b) Seeking their rightful place and their full rights in the country they liberated. c) Seeking the rights of the orphans and the widows of the martyrs of this nation of Somaliland. d) Protecting their baby, our beloved baby-Somaliland from harm and mayhem from the local or foreign hands who ever they may happen to be!
SNM was a story of great sacrifice in blood and property
It was a great story of liberation and rebirth of a nation.
It was a story of great story of reconciliation, forgiveness, cooperation and reconstruction.
The authoritarian deeds had more human devastation and socio-economic consequences than authoritarian thought. The later breaded the former. In any case, destruction and human misery was the end result
The occupied power of the regime of Siyad Barri and its boundless neo-fascistic and clanistic behavior and conduct targeted against an ethnic group-Somalilanders, who has done nothing but sought their God given rights, freedoms and respect. However, that angered the arrogant clan driven entity and that inversely helped the pressure cooker to explode at last, thus SNM (Somali national movement) popularly known as the "S" was born. The movement was officially announced in April 6,1981 in London, England. Although a less publicized Military wing group called "Afraad" was in operation and militarily engaged with then Somali government driven and backed "Daaroud of the Absami sub-clans" The [original] Afraad group was formed and was operating in the western portions of Somaliland a year and so before the announcement of SNM in London. The group immediately became the cell of the military wing of SNM.
The movement soon organized itself in a people's fighting force through out the border with Ethiopia in the Houd and the Reserved Area. The main thrust and center of the movements motivation and conviction of a victory in their favour against the mightiest army in the block was that they were wronged to the extend that the government put a plan of extermination, eradication and then replacement with the favoured Darood clans in their home land-Somaliland!
The Barre regime expelled the Somaliland issaks from their homes in defiance of right! The people's movement believed that Allah was on their side, on the side of the oppressed, therefore clinched to what Allah said, "To those whom war is made, permission is given to fight back because they are wronged and verily Allah is most powerful for their aid" they are those who have been expelled from their homes in defiance of right- (Al haj.30-40)
SNM was independent and free from any foreign influence including the host country, Ethiopia. Strange as it seems to many, that was the truth! .
In the cities and towns a plan of mass murder and terror to kick out the Isaqs was executed and engaged by the army in an indiscriminate manner. This operation was solely run and executed by the notorious terrorist military unit known as the "Dabargoonta Isaqa" - annihilation of the Isaq clan! Others of non-Darood clans jumped on the wagon. The regime encouraged the collaborators by different means and methods e.g.: paying their elders cash and kind. New regions were rewarded for that reason and slices of Isaac lands were included in the newly formed regions to entice the collaborator's wishes further. "Buki and Sool" respectively were a down payment in their collaboration with the "Afwaini" regime in its war against Isaqs. Some smaller sub-clans with no down payments amounted to land acquisition jumped on the wagon of the devil too! In this sadistic endeavor of destroying people, it was everyone against one [Isaqas]!
"AF" and his clanistic regime's main objective was to wipe out the Isaqs, win the war, and then turn Hargeisa and other places like Tugwajali plateau and Arabsyo into an Ogadin and Absami settlements! However, that satanic project had failed, because of SNM!
"If Allah helps you, none can overcome you: If he forsakes you, who is there, after that, that can help you? In Allah, then let believers put their trust" (Al Omran #160). No question, Allah helped the SNM in their determination and resistance for their existence. They put their trust in him. Allah full of knowledge and wisdom had forsaken the injustice, the Afwainists. It was the wish of the Lord that the strongest and well-equipped army of "AF" was destroyed and defeated by little SNM! It was a symbol or example of determination of a people not to give up their God given rights to exist and prosper in their homeland with dignity. `Nor can goodness and evil be equal".
SNM defeated the Siyad Barre Military
In another front, what to do with the surrendered, defeated army and the communities who collaborated with the defeated army was in heated discussion in both the SNM - central committee and the community elders and religious leaders in SNM. It was a decisive moment for the victorious Isaqs to choose the right over the wrong, wisdom and passion over anger and revenge.
People were reminded how and why they defeated the strongest army in the region. Because, they were right and the occupied power was wrong. That they were wronged and "verily Allah is most powerful for their aid." Because they were expelled from their homes in defiance of the right, therefore they asked themselves this: "Are we to do to (defeated army and communities collaborated) them, what they have done to us?" "If so (we do) we would be devils and criminals, such as they were! Therefore, we the people and the (SNM) organization hereby forgive to those who killed, raped, robbed and brought mischievous to the land. Those, who were against us. Because we are stronger now, we must be humble. Arrogance is the devils vice Arrogance and vengeances were put to break. We must fulfill the covenant of Allah, which we have entered into it, and break not our oaths, after we have confirmed them. Indeed, in this way, we have made Allah our surety. He knows all that we do. Arrogance and vengeance must be overcome. We were victims; we must not create victims no matter of the past atrocities! We must remind ourselves the wisdom and courage of forgiveness, especially when one is in a favourable situation". SNM wisely made the decision and communities were called in to one fold again.
Allah said, "Those who approach you with hearts restraining them from fighting you or fighting their own people. If he is pleased he could have given them power over you, and they would have fought you. Therefore if they withdraw from you, but fight you not and instead send you guarantees of peace, then Allah hath opened no way for you to war against them. (Alnisa #90) And that SNM followed
The defeated army minus a lot of weapons and equipment were given an exit route towards south, where they came from after all. Some food and water were given. The reconciled communities who live in Somaliland took part in all the activities of national significance. So difficult, it may seem to some of the communities in question, they received a brotherly hand, not a bullet, forgiveness and cooperation, not a quagmire of blood and blunder. The Book of Allah was followed here. He said "Nor can goodness and evil be equal. Repel evil with what is better, then will he between whom and thee was hated become as it were thy friends and intimate. And no one will be granted such goodness except those who exercise patience and self-restraint - none but persons of the greatest good fortune." (Fossilat #34 and 35)
Enemies of yesterday became the partners of the day so soon a time that no one ever expected! People moved to the main target, the establishment of a government that invites Justice, Equality, and Human Dignity. One, which dispels what all the "Afwainists", stood for. Injustice.
Co-existence and cooperation, among all communities, in Somaliland took effect. A government of all communities for them and of them, Somaliland Republic was proclaimed in May 1991 in the city of Burao.
It is believed that we are not neither on the right track nor moving a head. In fact we moved in the wrong direction in so many times and the crowd running the show are adamant to be on their (wrong) way and no other way! When they are not doing that, they act on inertia. That is what upset the conscionable and the Mujahedeen. May God help Somaliland!
Ibrahim Mead, An SNM veteran, Ottawa, Canada, kingmead1@yahoo.ca
From http://somaliland.org/ 12 May, 2005
Is The Somaliland Parliament A Tea Shop Jointly Owned By Qaybeh And Jirdeh?
Nowadays it is the rule rather than the exception for Ahmed Mohamed Aden Qaybe, the Speaker of the Somaliland Parliament and Abduqadir Jirdeh, the Deputy Speaker, to put a padlock to the entry door of the parliament house like a tea shop run and managed by its proprietor whenever a motion that is deemed to put the government in peril is tabled by members of the parliament.
At the beginning of this year, Qaybe single-handedly suspended, in direct contravention of parliamentary rules, an MP that hails from the same constituency as him from the parliament. The MP who was a practising lawyer was accused by Qaybe of having exceedingly spent a lot of time in minding his own personal business rather than attending the parliamentary sessions on a regular basis. But Qaybe apparently forgot that he himself spent extended periods of time outside the country without attending a single parliamentary session. The suspension of the MP, which was illegal in every respect, was apparently triggered by a personal vendetta on the part of Qaybe rather than a need to upholding and enforcing the parliamentary rules. Following this unsavoury episode, a lot of MPs motioned a table to dethrone Qaybe himself from the chairmanship. When some of the members couldn't agree to settle their differences in a civilised manner and through a proper debate in the parliament, they agreed to settle it the hard way by wrestling two by two in front of the parliament in full view of the passers by. As a result, Abdulqadir Jirde who was standing nearby at the time was slightly bruised by the brawling legislators. The next day, using the fighting as a pretext, Qaybe put a padlock to the entry door of the parliament house to prevent the parliamentarians from debating the issue. It is not known whether sweeteners were used or not at that stage but what is known is that the motion was scuttled in the end and Qaybe survived the ordeal.
Three months later after that unpleasant incident, another episode of a similar nature is unfolding in Somaliland parliament.
In March 2005, about 48 parliamentarians right from across the political spectrum tabled a motion calling for the impeachment of president Rayale for a litany of crimes against the state including high treason. This sent shivers in the spine of government's darlings including Abdulqadir Jirde who, while enrolled on a postgraduate course at Bradford University, declared in an interview he had with Hadhwanaagnews.com that he was a bona fide member of UDUB.
Mr. Jirdeh who revealed his political allegiance in that interview was reported to have attempted to thwart the motion of impeachment tabled by the parliamentarians by stealthily pronouncing over Radio Hargeisa that the parliament would be closed for business for 45 days with effect from 9th May 2005. This out of the blue recess was not explicitly agreed in advance by members of the House. It was simply something decided by Jirde over the top of his head ostensibly to circle the wagons until the mandate of the lawmakers expires on 27th May when they will no longer have the mandate to debate any more issues.
Ludicrous as though it may sound, Jirdeh has even made an extra-ordinary attempt by putting himself in a harms way when he physically blocked the parliamentarians, who congregated in front of the parliament building, from accessing the parliament hall to debate the motion on the table.
It defies the conventional wisdom as to why Jirdeh would go that extra mile in order to give a lifeline to a treacherous president who is being accused of having sold Somaliland down the drain.
It is sad and lamentable that, while Jirdeh is prepared to become a human shield in order to save the skin of Rayale and his unscrupulous clique of usurpers, he wouldn't provide succour and support to, nor advocate for, his constituents who rejected the Electoral Law based on the 1960 formula. Where was he when the parliament was passing this infamous and grossly unjust Electoral Law whose community throughout much of Hargeisa rejected out of hand? Why would he not yank out the pamphlet on which the Electoral Law was written, tear it to shreds, and fling the pieces at Rayale's spoon face? Does he know that even if Rayale promised him the earth it won't get him anywhere? If any, Jirde would be better off to agitate for the rights of the thousands of fallen heroes whose blood dried in the dusty streets of Hargeisa and whose bones Rayale is mockingly sitting on them, unwilling to acknowledge the huge sacrifices made by these valiant men? Those are the souls that Jirde needs to defend with every ounce of his strength and every drop of his sweat and blood in order to secure the rights of the loved ones they left behind- the widows and orphans who are wallowing in misery, hopelessness and helplessness- rather than wasting his time in saving Rayale.
Jirdeh should know that his ruthless enforcement of the diktats of Rayale is so embittering and destroying an entire generation, the hope and future of a people, the salvation of our beloved country. We can no longer tolerate Rayale and his clique of traitors' vindictiveness, their sadism, their persecution, and their injustices.
We want this notorious regime finished off once and for all- democratically of course.
Few would doubt that Jirdeh is an intelligent, sharp-witted, gifted lawmaker that can hold his ground against anyone. However, he should use his remarkable intelligence and skills to promote justice, equality of opportunities for all Somaliland communities rather than obstructing the democratic process intended to impeach Rayale.
The parliament should not be closed or open like a teashop at the behest of Rayale.
It is high time for the legislators to roll their sleeves and gave Rayale a bloody nose.
From http://somaliland.org/ 12 May, 2005
Dissatisfaction With The Somaliland Administration
What lies at the root of the ability of unbalanced, inequitable, and the corrupt successive Somaliland governments to prevail in the country is a cultural mindset of paternalism, tribalism, and collectivism which results in a lack of individual motivation and success for ordinary citizens, as well as their failure to identify and prevent and tribal impostors and immoral government officials that prey on them and call themselves civil servants. Incumbent presidents including president Riyale extend special favors to persuade a smaller set of social elites (parliamentarians) in order to promote various kinds of accommodation within the political class.
The shortcomings of the African multiparty system, includes weak opposition parties, intimidation of opposition supporters by incumbent governing party, and the absence of leadership turnover, such imperfectly democratic systems when unchecked, their leaders show marked tendencies and lapse into neopatrimonial habits. Political office holders are reminded that they owed their position to the president, who could and would take it away as he desires, as noted by Michael Bratton and Nicolas Van de Walle in their distinguished book Democratic Experiments in Africa.
Since his appointment and subsequent election as a president, Riyale's Administration ignored all realistic compromises and tolerated government officials who reverted to repressive measures of old (Faqash) authoritarian regime to prevent opposition parties to campaign and contest freely, enthusiastically in the coming elections.
A parliamentary democracy is one in which the people choose representatives at regular elections. Regrettably Somaliland parliament was hand picked and selected by tribal chieftains by unfair, unconstitutional and through ethnic lines. Those bestowed the honor to serve the country and represent the people consider themselves as the defenders of their tribal interest and relationships rather than safeguard the common interest of the citizens and public institutions. In true democracy elected representatives perform the following functions as legislators that includes the following:
£ The formation of the government. This is achieved by majority vote in the lower house, the House of Representatives.
£ The passage of legislation (the laws of the nation) by majority vote of the Parliament. In case of Somaliland, this requires the support of both the House of Representatives and the Elders (Guurti).
£ The scrutiny and monitoring of the executive government, The Executive Government is the arm of government supposedly responsible for the implementation of the laws passed by the Parliament and the public service The Public Service is the administrative arm of government. It consists of the government departments and other organisations and the public servants who work in them. A public servant is an employee of the government. And other authorities and institutions created by Parliament. Most importantly, this examination extends to monitoring of public expenditure (taxpayers') money.
It is quite clear that the current administration is blinded by the very fact that the executive branch is the only branch in the government that is popularly elected and constitutional; and has a mandate from the people. However, one should not overlook the closeness of the last presidential election and how the electorate divided their votes between KULMIYE and UDUB candidates.
The basic principle of the political systems of modern democracies be a parliamentary systems, or federal republics, such as the United States, is the doctrine of separation of powers. It refers to the separation of the Executive (the Ministry), the Legislature (the Parliament) and the Judiciary (the Courts), with none of the three branches of government able to exercise total power.
James Madison one of the founding fathers of the American Constitution described the idea in these terms: "Ambition must be made to counter ambition". The essence of the doctrine of separation of powers is thus based on the idea of checks and balances. John Adams the 2nd American president, said: "The judicial power ought to be distinct from both the legislature and the executive, and independent of both, so that it may be a check upon both, as both should be checks upon that".
Responsible Government is the term used to describe a political system where the executive government, the Cabinet and Ministry, is drawn from, and accountable to, the legislative branch. Yet, in structure, Somaliland government is quite distinct and different from the above-mentioned forms of government and resembles republican form of government, since the cabinet i.e. ministers and secretaries are drawn from the public and not from the parliament. But, the executive branch is accountable to the House of Representative as delineated in the constitution.
To highlight the illegality of the directive of Deputy Speaker of the House Mr. Abdulkadir I. Jirdeh. Somaliland constitution in Article 45: The Meetings of the House of Representatives, sub-section 2 states that: The quorum of the meetings of the House is the presence of over half of its total membership, excluding the seats that have been declared vacant. Furthermore in Article 46: Sessions and the Procedures of the House of Representatives, sub-section 1 plainly states that The House shall hold every year 3 (three) ordinary sessions which shall last 28 (twenty eight) weeks in total. The sessions shall be separated by a period of no less than 4 (four) weeks and no more than 8 (eight) weeks.
However, what requires special attention is Article 46: sub-section 2 that states and underscores ways in which extra ordinary sessions may be held, and clearly written in the constitution as follows:
An extra-ordinary session of the House of Representatives may be held:
a) on request of the President;
b) on convening by the Speaker of the House of Representatives; (or)
c) on request, in writing, of 1/3 (one third) of the members of the House.
There is no ambiguity from the rules of Sessions and Procedures of the House of Representative and there is no mention anywhere in the constitution that the Deputy Speaker has an authority of any kind what so ever to issue a directive asking members of House of Representatives to go on leave and release them from their duties. In view of that and according to house rules one can then drew the conclusion that the speaker acted illegally.
In coming days and weeks if 1/3 of representatives proposes in writing as required by article 46 sub-section 2 a formal request to convene for an extra ordinary session and elect to bring any bills or motions before the house, the honourable Deputy Speaker of the House Mr Abdulkadir I. Jirdeh in his capacity as presiding officer of the house must convene such session and allow members to vote on it. It will rather appear presidential if Mr. Kahin takes the high road; allow the process take its course and do not attempt to influence the process as President Mohamed I. Egal courageously did it when his administration narrowly escaped vote of no confidence and defeat.
On May 10,2005 an interview arranged by HornAfrik Website Mr. Jirdeh insisted and reiterated that he acted lawfully and the House of Representatives completed all its sessions and carried out their duties diligently and be worthy of a much anticipated retreat. If the deputy speaker is satisfied and pleased with the work done by the body he is a member of, at the same token Puntland is still occupies parts of Somaliland territories and the government has not yet formulated a strategy to counter any pressure or undue influence from the international community to reconsider Somaliland's decision to reclaim their sovereignty vis-.-vis the formation of government in Somalia, I believe it is disappointing and the existence of Somaliland as a sovereign state is in jeopardy.
Since Mr. Riyale Kahin become president three years ago, it become a practice for his administration; whenever concerned Somaliland citizens or opposition parties raise the question of government abandonment of the eastern regions of Sool and Sanaag and the issue of Puntland encroachment into eastern frontier of Somaliland with Somalia, to downplay the issues and send mixed signals. Sometimes, the first reaction of his administration is to mount a campaign of deceit and misinformation to defend the status quo in order to cover up it is abysmal failures in bringing back the people of Sanaag and Sool into Somaliland family. Lack of government response and slow engagement with the rug tag army of Puntland has emboldened Puntland Regional Administration to occupy Laascaanod, the regional capital of Sool and encouraged the Vice President of Puntland Regional Administration in a BBC interview to make a bold statement about the possibility of preparing contested local elections by his administration in Sool and Sanaag regions in the coming months.
From Awdalnews Network, 12 May 2005
Editorial - Arabs can no longer scare Somaliland with their Israeli bogeyman stories
One cannot read any report on Somaliland in the Arab media without such a bogeyman attached to it. In all the interviews the Arab media conducted with Somaliland officials from the day it restored its sovereignty on May 18, 1991 until now, it never failed to raise the phantom issue of Somaliland seeking to establish relations with Israel. Fictional stories are rife in the Arab media of Israeli diplomats, agricultural experts and clandestine Jewish hordes descending on the Somaliland soil with the aim of carving off this strategically located country from the Arab body and positioning themselves to keep a hawkish eye on Arab economic nerve centers.
The Arab media had kept Somaliland leaders, from Abdulrahman Ahmed Ali through Mohammed Ibrahim Egal to current President Dahir Riyale Kahin, on the defensive, always trying to ward off such outlandish, ludicrous and unfounded accusations.
Being privy to Arab hypocrisy and their hedging tactics to sidestep their obligations, Somaliland leaders never miss to hold a mirror up to the face of the Arabs and challenge them to call a spade a spade. It was the experienced statesman Mohammed I. Egal who challenged the Arabs to practice what they preached. In his first interview with the pan-Arab Al Jazeera satellite television, Egal reminded his interviewer that it was the Arabs and not Somaliland that had relations with Israel. He tacitly pointed out that Arabs should not throw stones when they lived in glass houses.
Many years after Egal's interview and at a time when the Arab psyche was undergoing a testing time and a Tsunami political change was lashing at Arab capitals it was unfortunate to see Al Jazeera posing the same question to democratically elected President Dahir Riyale Kahin of Somaliland in an interview aired this week. Kahin was swift to return the accusation where it was due. " There are many Arab countries", he said, "which have excellent relations with Israel why should Somaliland be different?" Though he made it clear that Somaliland had yet to establish diplomatic relations with Israel, he scoffed at the Arab mentality of using the name of Israel as a bogeyman to scare off other Muslim countries while they themselves have direct and indirect ties with the Jewish state. "When our interests dictate us to establish ties with Israel we will do it," he said. President Kahin wondered why the Arabs were worried about Somaliland's relations with anyone else when they had taken an undeclared collective position to thwart Somaliland's quest for nationhood.
Here one may remind the Arabs that it is not Israel that banned the import of Somaliland livestock, the backbone of this impoverished country's economy, to force it to relinquish its sovereignty, it is not Israel that campaigns against Somaliland's voice to be heard in Arab, African and European capitals and it is not Israel that lobbies against Somaliland's political recognition in the UN's corridors. Somalilanders know it is the Arabs and not Israel who commit all these crimes against their people. One may also like to point out one historical fact that the Arabs may not be aware of; it was Israel which was the first country to recognize Somaliland and voted for its UN membership when that Horn of African country gained its independence on June 16, 1960 while Egypt with all its anti-colonial and pan Arab slogans abstained from voting.
Arabs should know also that Somaliland is country, which has decided its fate by itself and established democratic institutions without any foreign pressure. It is therefore imperative for Somalilanders to decide with whom they should have or not have relations without any a foreign influence; or fear of concealed threats.
We say kudos to Somaliland President for saying the right words and showing the Arabs they can't preach what they can't practice.
From Awdalnews Network, 12 May 2005
The Dark Side of Borame Town and its Residents
Borame, the largest and most populous town in Awdal province has a dark side to its deceptive appearance and it is rather a place to be pitied than envied as it is plagued by a desperate disease that may cause serious societal problems if unchecked and remedied immediately. Despite its scenic location and good climate, there is a curse lurking around every bend of this small which may continue to haunt its residence till the Day of Judgement if not reversed soon. The residence of this town have long chosen evil over good and have deliberately transgressed the universal divine system of morals, ethics and laws and seem to be ripping the fruits of their colossal sins.
Nevertheless, if the residents of this town don't come to their senses and repent and seek forgiveness and refuge from their creator, The Almighty God and quickly begin a process to right the wrongs and pains they have caused to their innocent Isaaq brethren whom they have unnecessarily massacred en masse, tortured, robbed, and impoverished during the period they supported and fought along side the tyrannical military regime of Dictator Siyad Barre, every living man, woman and child living presently as well as every child born to them thereafter will carry forward a curse which may eventually corrupt their souls, wreck havoc in the fabric of their society and probably precipitate an affliction of an enormous calamity to themselves in the near future. Therefore, it is in their interest as a people to seek forgiveness and repent now for Allah is Al Ghafur, The All-Forgiving.
It is common knowledge that during the liberation war of Somaliland, Borame town became the centre of looted Isaaq properties from Hargeisa city, Gabiley, Arabsiyo, and other adjacent townships. In addition, there is no doubt that the residents of Borame took the lion share of the loot and benefited immensely from the illegal or "Haaram" Isaaq properties and wealth they stole from them. Worse still, these looted goods were openly sold in an open air markets in Borame streets and due to the magnitude of the loot, the town became the major distributing centre for Lowya Ado, Zeila, and the adjacent townships, where looted goods were also sold in the open streets. These illegal activities attracted the merchants of death in the region who came by the droves from as far as Dire Dawa, Harar, Jigjiga, and Djibouti to illegally benefit as well from the looted Isaaq properties and wealth.
I must admit though that whenever I see Borame even by a picture, I begin to wonder how much of illegal Isaaq properties and wealth are still in its buildings or wonder how many of those shimmering roofs, doors, and windows were among those looted from the beautiful residential and commercial buildings of Hargeisa and elsewhere or wonder what their Mullahs, Traditional Elders, politicians, and intellectuals think about all these evil deeds or wonder whether the fat men with big tummies and the beautiful ladies with huge bosoms were fattened by the looted Isaaq properties and wealth!!
However, the residents of Borame who are fond of calling themselves the so called "Awdalians" or "Awdalites" or "Intellectuals, a futile attempt to designate themselves as a distinct society and inhabitants of an autonomous region within Somaliland seem to be drowned by the evil of their deeds. It seems that the curse has slowly caught up with them as these residents seem to be permanently confused, dissatisfied, demoralized, suspicious of themselves as well as of others, and known to be still disloyal even though one of them occupies the presidency, the highest political seat in the land.
Apparently, the causes for their political and social turbulence have arisen from their lack of support of the good such as democracy, good governance and the rule of law, adherence to the constitution and the laws of the land, justice for all, progress, and development of the citizenry and the country in general and instead supporting the evil that emanates from their continued support of dictatorial systems and leaders particularly for their adamant support of Mr. Dahir Riyaale Kahin and his cohorts who are clearly presiding over an inept and corrupt system that systematically represses the citizenry, commits gross injustices at all segments of the society, grossly violates the human rights, constantly suppresses the freedoms of the press, forcefully suppresses the of freedom of speech, arbitrarily arrests and unlawfully detains the citizenry, perpetuates an endemic corruption, practices nepotism, and tirelessly works to retard all kinds of development thereby dampening the spirit of the citizenry and weakening the country politically, economically and socially to its avowed enemies.
As a result, it is obvious that there is a dark side to Borame Town and its residents and a curse may have slowly creped into their veins and already circulating in their blood and probably disturbing their emotions and mental wellbeing. Therefore, the appearance of Borame is truly deceptive and the town and its residence are better pitied than envied as they seem to have been plagued by a desperate disease that surely may require desperate remedies in order to avert the looming catastrophe in this World and in the Hereafter. For these reason, it is in the interest of the so called "Awdalians" or "Awdalites" or "Intellectuals" to seriously turn inward and do some soul searching in an honest and Islamic manner and to return some of the looted Isaaq properties and wealth, seek a forgiveness them, and to repent to Allah, the creator of this universe and all that is therein.
Farah Ali Jama, Ottawa, Canada. fjama022@uottawa.ca
Awdalnews Network, 12 May 2005
Press Statement: Human Rights Organizations Under Threat in Somaliland
Human Rights Organizations Under Threat :
The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland (CJPS) is concerned about the implications for human rights of statements made on 10 May by the Minister of the Interior, Ismail Adan Osman, during a conference to debate a proposed National Human Rights Commission. The comments, given prominent coverage by the local media yesterday, underline the government's intolerance of criticism, and its determination to control the flow of information that reaches the outside world. The Coalition shares the desire of the government and public in Somaliland to attract international interest and investment. But it believes that sweeping unpleasant facts under the carpet, rather than confronting reality and addressing problems, is detrimental to the interests of Somaliland. It also believes that the government's extreme sensitivity to alternative opinions and voices is in fact undermining Somaliland's nascent institutions, demoralising its people and jeopardising its future.
It is ironic, and instructive, that the comments by the Minister of the Interior were made during a presentation to a conference called to discuss the establishment of a National Human Rights Commission. The conference was organized by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). The Coalition was among a number of prominent and experienced human rights groups who were not invited to the conference, the others being Samotalis, the War Crimes Commission and African Rights. These organizations have, on a number of recent occasions, clashed with the government on its human rights record, a fact that should not have been allowed to stand in the way of their presence at a UNDP conference.
The Minister of the Interior told the conference what he expected of the proposed Commission, as reported by Jamhuuriya.
I would like so see included in the articles of the National Human Rights Commission clauses that restrain human rights activists based in Somaliland.
The newspaper went on to explain the Minister's grievances against unnamed human rights groups.
He accused certain members of human rights groups in Somaliland of disseminating false reports that are damaging to the dignity and statehood of Somaliland.
The case of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, the young girl who was detained for five months last year, and whose detention and accusations of rape against a number of police officers was documented and publicised by the Coalition, was highlighted in the Minister's speech.
There was a case which was used to weaken our economic development and [our quest] for recognition. It was intended to make the international community put an end to their support for us by making them perceive us as people who violate human rights and who are no better, if not worse, than the government we struggled against. [These human rights people] are doing this in order to trample upon the rights of all of us.
According to the article, the Minister is determined to vet human rights reports before they are allowed to reach an international audience.
The Minister warned human rights organizations by telling them that they should not disseminate reports without first submitting such reports to his Ministry.
The Coalition is particularly troubled by the tendency of the government to label critics as enemies of Somaliland. He asked the audience this question:
What is your own judgment when you see a citizen of Somaliland, be it a man or a woman, who submits a report critical of Somaliland to the British Ambassador to Ethiopia and the African Union delegation, both of whom paid a visit here recently?
The government newspaper, Maandeeq, also quoted the Minister as he expressed his opinion that human rights groups in Somaliland have a duty to keep the truth away from foreign visitors.
Every time that foreign visitors come to Somaliland, in order to learn more about our affairs, and where we stand regarding our independence, our achievements, and whether we are mature enough to be recognized [as an independent state], it so often happens that citizens, who claim to represent human rights, address their criticism and accusations of the government to the [foreign] delegations instead of submitting their concerns to the government.
I consider the person who acts in this manner to be someone who is opposed to our statehood and our search for independence.
Haatuf concentrated on the part of the Minister's speech where he took the human rights groups who had defended Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh to task.
It is important that we collectively safeguard [human] rights and at the same time avoid inventing what is not true. He took an example of the girl from Puntland who accused the Somaliland police of raping her.
Haatuf quoted the Minister as he explained how the case developed.
The Minister said they had requested the United Nations to send them a doctor who investigated the case and who confirmed to them that the girl had never been raped. But complaints continue, and foreign delegations who come to Somaliland still ask the Somaliland government about the case. Therefore, the Minister said: "it is essential to seek information from those who are concerned before making such information available."
We do not wish to comment here on the substance of the Zamzam case. We would merely point out that it was in fact inappropriate to condition her release on a medical examination that did not involve her consent or her mother's, in order to minimize "embarrassment" to Somaliland. The embarrassment lay in the manner in which she was arrested, detained, tried, sentenced and denied a wide range of human rights.
The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland is committed to protecting and improving human rights. We see dialogue and debate as important, and urge all the people of Somaliland, irrespective of their politics, to contribute to the search for constructive solutions to the myriad problems Somaliland faces. We recognize and salute the abilities, judgement and resilience of the people of Somaliland who can, and will, make up their own minds about the truth as they see it. We also believe in justice and fairness, and that includes our right to speak our minds, without fear or favour, on issues of national interest, to national, regional and international audiences. We hope that the government of Somaliland will, in time, come to see this endeavour as an exercise in the responsibilities of citizenship.
For additional information, please contact Ibrahim Jama Ali (415851) or Ibrahim Haji Musa at -sl_coalition@yahoo.com. The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland brings together organizations and individuals that share a common interest in promoting justice, peace, human rights, the culture of dialogue and the establishment of democratic institutions in Somaliland.
From http://somaliland.org/ - 11 May, 2005
Somaliland's Hidden Militia
Somliland prides itself for stability, nascent democracy and peaceful co-existence among the 2.5 million or so citizens who call it home. However, this relative stability may not last long if the current Minister of Interior continues his nefarious mission of intimidating opposition parties, enriching his relatives and close friends through nepotism and illegal scheme of land grabbing.
Most Somalilanders are unaware of the over representation of the Minister's sub-clan in Somaliland's police forces relative to their small size. Somaliland's Deputy Police Commissioner as well as several Heads of Departments of the Police Forces is a close relative of the Interior Minister. In collaboration with the Interior Minister, the Deputy Commissioner embarked on an open campaign to recruit close relatives to the security forces who now represent 45% of the total security forces. In addition, the Minister appoints close relatives to top positions in the sensitive intelligent services of the Police, the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). We are all familiar with the dangers inherent in this kind of arrangement when a closely-knit ruffians of the same group controls most of the security apparatus and nerve centers of government machinery.
The Minister of Interior formed a covert militia under the banner of Somaliland Security Forces to enhance his personal power, subvert the rule of law and avoid detection of his illegal activities including the smuggling of Thousands of Srilankan immigrants headed to Europe through our Airports. Imagine Somaliland becoming a transit point for all illegal immigrants of the world! Probably the worst is yet to unfold and unless stopped Ismail Yare and his kinsmen may turn Somaliland into a drug transit point. These dangerous and illegal enterprises are ongoing and serve two mutually exclusive purposes:
The first one is obviously a wealth accumulation process by the Minister and sub-clan empowerment at the expenses of other citizen. The Hundreds of illegal Srilankan immigrants on their way to Europe and who are now bidding time in countless rented villas in Hargeisa are charged US$5000.00 per head for smuggling them through Somaliland. It is also a fact that 90% of all public properties in Hargeisa are in the hands of the Minister's sub-clan. They are also infamous squatting private lands and creating civil unrest. It was the Minister's uncle who coined the phrase "ku qabso ku qadimaysida." Although, the land issue is prevalent through out the country due to the corrupt local governments and the absence of law enforcement of property rights, the cases in the Capital are alarmingly disturbing.
In the issue of land squatting, the Minister and the Deputy Police Commissioner organize thugs and provide them with forged documents as deeds for someone else's private land in the Capital's prime land area. They seize private land by erecting small shacks and initiate well-orchestrated confrontation with the lawful landowners of the property. The dangerous escalation of confrontation in the "Shacab" and Masalaha area of Hargeisa that has already claimed the lives of several young men and the never ending shoot-outs in our capital, are all prime examples of the challenge we face as a society.
Mostly, legal landowners resort to the courts to remedy these injustices but the courts have a dismal record when it comes to serving justice and resolving the matter. Consequently, it is now becoming clear that some landowners have lost faith in the judicial system and willing to resort to violence to dislodge the lawless squatters from their property. The sequences of events surrounding this business of grabbing the properties of others are usually well rehearsed. The police, the original plotters will arrive at the scene and arrest the rightful owners of the property for disturbing the peace and using deadly weapons while the thugs remain unchallenged leave alone punished. This is a reminder of Siyad Barre's dark days when Ismail Adan Osman (Interior Minister) was Captain in the "Hangash Army" while masquerading as "Geometer" in the Department of Public Works of Hargeisa and the local government. What I see is history repeating itself in front of our own eyes in Hargeisa today.
The Minister's appetite for land grabbing is getting larger by the day and now he is venturing out to other parts of the country issuing continuous threats of his intention to route out the entire Nooh Ismail tribe (the original settlers of the city) out of Hargeisa and dispossess them. The Minister and his sub-clan are benefiting from this ill-gotten power and criminal enterprise under the full protection of Somaliland Police under the command of Mohamed Shiil, the Deputy Commander serving as the head of the Hidden Militia. These criminal activities, abuse of public's trust and naked nepotism continuous unabated with dangers to our existence as a nation and civil anarchy looming large in the horizon.
The second purpose is beneficial to the current administration. Like many other autocratic regimes in the world, a loyal security force with no regard for the rule of law is a perfect instrument for oppressing citizens, intimidating opposition parties, harassing dissidents, and restricting the freedom of the press etc. The invasion and ransacking of Kulmiy's HQ is one of many examples of intimidation tactics of the Interior Minister. Another ugly incident was what befell the Chairman of UCID party. The Chairman was denied the right to address his constituents at a public gathering in Berbera under the direct order of the Minister of the Interior. This Minister trained under Siyad Barre's oppressive regime continuous to engage in character assassinations against those who dare to speak out by criticizing the failure of this administration. As a matter of fact, in one occasion, the Minister defamed an outstanding female citizen in public, in violation of all decency and the cultural norms and ethical conduct of Somalilanders.
President Riyaale is fully aware of the Minister's behavior and his illegal activities but fails to remove or censure this former comrade in arms during the tyranny of Siyad Barre. Many prominent citizens and victims of this rootless gangster have met the President on different occasions to address their grievances against the Minister and his unruly Militia but to no avail.
What is sad about this enterprise is that many decent and law-abiding citizens of our nation are now contemplating to organize themselves into armed vigilante groups to protect their private property and dignity. This indeed a worrisome moment and I am fearful this will eventually lead to armed confrontation and a catastrophic civil war. It is only our elders and Guurta who can avert this impending disaster!
In consideration of this dangerous cloud that is hanging over our head, I am urging the Somaliland Parliament, religious leaders, clan elders and other concerned citizens to immediately intervene in this crisis before things get out of control.
Guled Duale, Cardiff, UK
Source: Qarannews/ May 9 2005
Somaliland free to establish ties with Israel, says president
Looking very confident, he answered all the questions put to him by the Al-Jazeera reporters who called on him at the presidency recently very frankly. The president gave his answers in English which was then translated into Arabic. Below are the questions put to the president and his answers, which we have translated for you:
[Unnamed Al-Jazeera reporter] What has caused your ties with Arab countries to deteriorate?
[Kahin] The Arab countries are the ones responsible for the deterioration in the ties between us and it is them who have up to now not recognized our sovereignty which we presented to them several times. They are divided into two groups: some do not know all we underwent and what has caused us to separate from the rest of Somalia. Others are just ignoring the matter and are aware of the fundamental facts. Countries like Egypt, which is a great country and which is also at the forefront of Arab leadership, is aware of the fundamental facts but it is ignoring this, and I do not know what has caused that. Samir Husni from the Arab League visited me here and we discussed at length issues concerning our sovereignty, but he has not taken issues the way I told him. Other than that, we receive assistance from countries far away like the USA and Europe. So if they are opposed to our sovereignty, why don't they assist us, we are their brothers who are in need of their assistance and help.
[Reporter] Do you have any relations with Israel as it has been said?
[Kahin] Many Arab countries have ties with Israel and they have no problem with that. We have no relations with Israel currently but if we want to, no-one can stop us from having ties with Israel.
[Reporter] Ethiopia is the only country that has an embassy in Hargeysa. How are your relations?
[Kahin] We have good relations with Ethiopia and we want them to use the port of Berbera. We have envoys in so many other countries including Ethiopia, Djibouti, Yemen and so many others although only Ethiopia has offices here in Hargeysa.
[Reporter] Recently you said that you have arrested terrorist groups, who are they?
[Kahin] They are people who have recently carried out some terrorist acts in the country and some of them were from Mogadishu. They were arrested and their issue is before the law.
[Reporter] Is there an ONLF [Ogaden National Liberation Front] group that operates from your country and launches attacks on Ethiopia?
[Kahin] No there isn't. We have a cooperation agreement with Ethiopia on security and we shall fight anything that will cause insecurity.
Source: http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ 10 May 2005
A Final Short Note About SNM
In the early days of planning the struggle, the circumstance was that the government used divisive tribalism as a means of staying on power. It wasn't possible for all groups to give their allegiances to one organization. The dominant group of Somaliland took arms against its own government, after having seen the union with Somalia, under a dictatorship, wasn't working for Somaliland's purpose of the union.
Historically, in a war, many unrecoverable mistakes happen. It wasn't different with the SNM. It is why the reconciliation conference was held in Borame in the first place. Though free discussion of the people is permissible, after the dictatorship, revisiting the qualities of an organization that was, wouldn't do anyone any good. It would only open up old wounds. Since no group (if they are in their minds) would want to go back to the dark days, degrading SNM can be the topic of the fools. Instead, I think, it is much better to enjoy sharing its product, an independent Somaliland, which we do.
In a country every body- whether she/he had been pro or against the struggle- cannot be satisfied. A dissatisfied individual who says, "The country needs re-liberation" and who pretends to be speaking in the name of SNM should not be believed. Such an individual is merely pointing out his/her dissatisfaction. A Somali saying is "The meanest of all men is the one who believes everything said."
SNM was itself a democratic organization. It has always elected its leadership, had five different elected leaders during the liberation period (1982 -1991) and the liberation of Somaliland was by early 1991 complete. Somaliland has retreated from the ill-fated union by 18 May1991. SNM promised that it would transfer all powers to population with in two years- In this case, population means the pro and against liberation groups. It did so in 1993 in the famous reconciliation conference in Borame.
So, please don't be mean. Hold your head high!!!!!
God bless you!!!
By Eng. Omar Japan, Toronto, Canada, omar.japan@sympatico.ca
Somaliland Accuses US Of Violating Airspace
The self-declared republic of Somaliland accused US forces of violating its airspace yesterday, contradicting denials by US generals that American forces had been active on the Somali coast this week.
Authorities in Somaliland, an enclave in northwestern Somalia, said a US helicopter had made an unauthorized flight over the port town of Berbera on Wednesday and fishermen had reported brief visits by small groups of US troops on Tuesday.
The United States military has denied the reports, insisting that it has been active only in neighboring Djibouti, where it says it carried out live fire and landing exercises last week.
The defense minister of Somaliland, which is not internationally recognized, said the government would lodge a formal complaint with US forces in Djibouti, the hub of Washington's counterterrorism operations in the Horn of Africa. "The US has not informed the government of Somaliland, nor have they asked for permission to enter Somaliland airspace or territorial waters," Defense Minister Ismail Aden Boss told Reuters in Somaliland's capital of Hargeisa.
"Entering Somaliland territory with helicopters or boats without permission could be dangerous for them, for there are thousands of weapons, some of them heavy, in the hands of the public that have not been accounted for," he said.
Any visit by US forces to Somali territory could provoke anger in Somalia, where 18 US troops and about 300 Somalis were killed in a gunbattle when American forces raided a warlord's stronghold in the capital Mogadishu in 1993. Boss said he had received reports from fishermen that several small boats carrying US troops had landed at the coastal settlements of Maydh and Las Qorei on Tuesday, although he did not have personnel in the remote area to confirm them.
Locals said the soldiers showed them pictures of "terrorist" suspects they were looking for before leaving after a few hours.
US generals denied there had been any US military activity off the Somali coast this week, despite the reports from Somaliland officials, fishermen and journalists.
"The report is false. The Marines have not landed," Marine Corps Lt. Gen. James Conway, director of operations for the US military joint chiefs of staff, told reporters at a Pentagon briefing on Thursday.
Source: http://www.haatuf.net/ Somaliland Times, May 8 2005, ISSUE 834
Editorial: Somaliland's Information Policy
Another example is the visit by the AU's Vice-Chairman Mr. Patrick Mazimhaka. Here too, a golden opportunity to bring international media attention to Somaliland was missed. Again, not a single international media outlet wrote about or in anyway covered such a major story. The same thing also happened during the British delegation's visit. Clearly, there is a serious problem, and it is this: although Somaliland claims to be a sovereign state, its ministry of information is wittingly or unwittingly behaving as if Somaliland is merely a provincial administration with no mandate to pursue international links. The prevalent mentality in Somaliland's ministry of information seems to be: if something happens in Somaliland, the BBC would probably cover it, and that is enough. This attitude has cost Somaliland a lot. Somaliland cannot afford to keep missing so many opportunities to let the world know about its achievements. In order to raise its international profile, Somaliland should:
1- Stop its almost total reliance on the BBC, and establish links with other major international media outlets such as the New York Times, The Washington Post, the Financial Times, Der Spiegel, La Repubblica, Corriere della Sera, Le Monde, Le Figaro, al-Jazira, al-Arabia, ART, the Associated Press and Reuters to name just a few.
2- Since many of the news organizations that cover Africa are based in Nairobi, and since much of the news and commentaries about Somalia actually originate from Nairobi, Somaliland's ministry of information should establish links with the domestic as well as the international media in Nairobi. The opposition may try to exploit any activities by Somaliland's government in Nairobi as being part of negotiations with Somalia, but with the end of Mbagathi talks, Somalilanders will be less willing to believe such stories. Somaliland should make Nairobi one of the key arenas for its media campaign.
3- Arab Satellite televisions should be given a high priority. Many of these stations are privately owned, and are more willing to run stories that the government- owned media may not be willing to feature. Many of them also have headquarters in London where there is a strong Somaliland presence.
4- Somaliland's ministry of information should set up a media itinerary for Somaliland's delegations visiting foreign countries and foreign delegations visiting Somaliland. Creating publicity for Somaliland should be part of their mission. This, of course, does not apply to officials dealing with security matters.
5- The ministry of information should identify individuals from Somaliland's diaspora with media savvy and create a global network with representatives in Nairobi, Dubai, London, Bombay, and Washington D.C whose purpose is to inform the international public opinion about the peace and progress that Somaliland has made, how Somaliland may become another Somalia if the world keeps ignoring it and the dire consequences that could follow from such an awful scenario.
6- Somaliland's ministry of information should stop being passive. It should not just wait until someone contacts it, but should take initiative and reach out to the international media as well as to Somaliland's media in the diaspora. The status quo is simply unacceptable to a vast number of Somalilanders.
7- There should be greater coordination between Somaliland's ministry of information and foreign affairs to inform the world about the arrival of high level delegations to Somaliland and various initiatives taken by Somaliland.
Somaliland Community in Doha Hosted A Dinner For South African Delegates
The ANC delegation briefed the Somalilanders on the African Union's scheduled fact-finding visit to Somaliland and the AU's recent focus on the African diaspora.
The ANC delegation was invited by the Emir of Qatar and the President of Qatar University.
Editorial:Somaliland's Foreign Policy & the Middle East
Still, there are whole regions that have been totally ignored. One of these is the Middle East. It is true that Arab countries, especially Egypt, have opposed Somaliland's independence, but Somaliland's reaction should not be to write these countries off. Instead, Somaliland should analyze the dynamics in different countries and identify the ones that may at least be willing to listen to it. For instance, because the people of Kuwait were occupied and killed by Saddam's Iraqi regime, Kuwaitis may see parallels between what happened to them in the name of Arabism and what happened to Somalilanders in the name of Somalism.
Somaliland could take advantage of the relative openness of some Arab countries, such as Lebanon, where there are many political players, some of whom already have links with Africa and may be interested in expanding those links.
Somaliland should reach out to educators, businessmen, health professionals, women's groups, artists and athletic organizations as a way of circumventing the political obstacles that are in the way of full engagement with the Arab world.
Middle Eastern countries that are non-Arab may not have some of the hang-ups that Arab countries have about establishing relations with Somaliland, so more effort should be directed at them.
Perhaps the most clear indication of Somaliland's failure to seize the opportunities available to it in the Arab world is the fact that Somaliland almost never appears on Arab Satellite TVs such as al-Jazeera, al-Arabiya, ART. This is not by accident. Somaliland never appears on any of these television programs because Somaliland's foreign ministry never approaches them, and the reason they don't approach them is because they either have not realized the tremendous influence Satellite TV has among Arabic speaking audiences around the world, or they do realize its importance, but decided to do nothing about it, which is even worse. This is really unfortunate, because even Darman was able to use al-Jazeera as a conduit for his political messages, whereas Somaliland's foreign ministry has not yet woken up to the power of outlets such as al-Jazeera. It is important to note that even the language barrier cannot be used as an excuse because many of these programs provide simultaneous translation from English to Arabic. This is an area where Somaliland's ministry of information shares the blame with the ministry of foreign affairs, but that will be the subject of another editorial.
"If You Value It, Vote for It"
By Asma Elmi
Last week, the Labor Party marked the half-way point of the General Election campaign by unveiling a new slogan: "If You Value It, Vote For It". Frankly, I don't know what took them so long to ditch their old slogan, which read "Britain Forward, Not Back"; it was unclear in its meaning and had even been attacked by the Plain English pressure group for being "Grammatically Suspect". But it's better late than never, and I for one am glad they changed it, because I can see enough social values and principles embodied in the new slogan to want to vote Labor.
I am one of many Labor Party supporters who, although angry at their performance in the two previous parliaments, will still vote Labor in this election. Under this Labor Government, we have seen the erosion of our civil liberties, the dishonorable invasion of Iraq and, contrary to promises, Afghanistan has been left to fend for itself. But electing a government should not only be about a few issues such as these; there are also other, very serious national issues at stake, like education, affordable housing and accessible heath service for all - we should be voting for the party that provides the best range of policies on all these issues.
Like a lot of natural Labor party supporters, I have been tempted to switch my vote to other parties in this election in protest at some Labor Party policies. But every time I think about the massive inner city regeneration that has taken place in cities like Cardiff, Liverpool and many parts of London, or the record level of investment in schools and hospitals, or the refurbishment of many GPs' surgeries, to name but a few things, I am convinced that my intentions to switch to another party cannot be justified. Labor is still the only party than can deliver equality, justice and freedom for all.
This week we have seen some Tory Party voters ask the Prime Minister why he has "wasted so much of our money on schools and hospitals". The truth is that the Tories would starve all but the richest schools of resources, thus denying the majority of children the chance to improve their lives. If the Tories win, then Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott's inner city regeneration program will bite the dust, thus condemning many more hard-working families to poor overcrowded housing. The National Health Service would not fare much better either, as public money earmarked for the NHS would be diverted to private hospitals to subsidize treatment for the rich. Voting for a Tory Government either directly or indirectly (e.g. by voting for smaller parties, thereby splitting the Labor vote) will, in my opinion, only help to create a divided society. Next Thursday we'll all be heading to the polling stations, and if you value social justice, and especially if you live in Bethnal Green & Bow, then you will think twice about giving your vote to either the Respect Party or the Liberal Democrats. This will only let in the Tories through the back door with calamitous consequences for your community and neighborhood. Public services in your area could sink without trace when the Tories siphon-off o35 billion of public funds to subsidize the already luxurious lifestyles of the super-rich. If you value equality, if you value justice, and if you value freedom for all, then `You Will Vote for It, Vote for Labor'.
Terror Suspects For Killing Aid Workers In Somaliland Brought To Court For The Fourth Time
The Prosecutors brought their witnesses in front of the Hargeisa Regional Court.
The witnesses said that some of the defendants admitted the murder of the two British elderly couple, Richard and Enid Eyeington, who used to teach at Sheikh Secondary School. The defendants are also accused of the brutal death of Annelina Tonneli who sacrificed her life to help the poor and downtrodden in Borama who were suffering from tuberculosis and were unable to get medical treatment. Annelina Tonneli was murdered on October 5, 2003.
The defendants were also accused of the naked attack on a Kenyan woman on 19 March 2004, near Diinqal, the main road that connects Hargeisa and the port city of Berbera. The Kenyan woman was working with GTZ, an international non-governmental organization. She died instantly from the gunshot wounds.
According to the testimony of the witnesses, the purpose of the whole mission was to destroy the fragile peace in Somaliland, and secondly, to create an Islamic state for Somalia and Somaliland.
The defendants included the following individuals: -
Mohamed Ali Issa, owned a pharmacy in Burao.
Ahmed Elmi Samater was an Engineer for Barakaat Globetel (Barkat was accused by the United States of being part of Al-Qa'eda's terrorist network, and was eventually closed).
Daa'uud was employed by Al-Xaramayn (Al-Xaramay was an Islamic NGO, accused by the United States of being a terrorist world-wide network ).
Abdirahman Indha Cade, who was a cashier for Barakat Globetel - now Telesom and Ahmed Abdi Godane, Head of Sales for the same company, were both accused of taking part in these crimes and escaping.
Five men out of the ten were arrested in a small town called Dhoqoshay, right after the brutal, cold- blooded murder of the Kenyan expatriate woman. They were trying to flee the country. The other five were arrested after an investigation of the murder of Annelina, the daytime money robbery in Wajale and the testimony of the Kenyan woman's killers. (Incidentally, the Kenyan expatriate woman's killers wore Islamic women's outfits or dresses when they murdered her).
From http://somaliland.org/ 08 May, 2005
A BAND-AID ON A BLEEDING HEART
Mass rape, mass murder and systematic torture are few of the uncontested reprehensible crimes committed by the Faqash against the defenseless civilians in Somaliland . The Faqash war against Somaliland civilians can only be compared in its viciousness to the Rwandan and the Bosnian wars. It can be described as one of the dishonorable crimes committed against humanity in recent human memory. The war against Somalilanders has some similarities and differences with the Rwandan and the Bosnian wars. The similarities are; these three wars were committed against defenseless civilians by well-armed brutal forces lead by ruthless dictators. The motives were alike, because their architects had only one motive in mind, the eradication of one ethnic group, Bosnian Muslims in Bosnia , Tutsi in Rwanda and the Isaaqs in Somaliland .
Besides those two aspects, the Bosnian and Rwandan wars are distinctive from the Faqash war in Somaliland , because the majority of the propitiators of these first two other war crimes were indicted under the justice system of the International Community. In the case of Bosnia and Rwanda , the alleged criminals that are not brought before the courts of justice are fugitives, who are finally, expected to surrender to the authorities, after their chances of winning the cat and the mouse game is exhausted. Unfortunately, that is not the case in Somaliland , were the war criminals receive unique treatment; they are not behind bars, not fugitives and are not even expected to surrender to the authorities. The alleged perpetrators of crimes against humanity in Somaliland enjoy life lavishly in many different places in the Republic like; Hargeisa, Borama, Berbera and Gabiley, the same places where their atrocious crimes against humanity were committed. In Hargeisa for instance, some of the alleged war criminals live in the same neighborhoods with the survivors of their heinous crimes. The alleged criminals enjoy more than their share of the hard-earned freedom and peace in comparison to their former victims and the heroes who won the Somaliland war of independence.
How did this happen?
After the independence of Somaliland, an amnesty was extended to all the alleged notorious criminals, who were of Somaliland decent. The aim of the amnesty was to promote reconciliation of the people Somaliland and the reintegration of the alleged criminals to the society without the fear of reprisals. A good example of the people, who took advantage of this amnesty, is none but the sitting president of Somaliland Mr. Dahir Riyaale Kahin. He was a former ranking officer of the infamous NSS, the secret organization of the Faqash regime that was responsible for the murder, disappearance, torture and the rape of thousands of Somaliland citizens. He was accused to have taken part in the Berbera mass murder and was not indicted for his alleged crimes. Mr. Riyaale K. and his associates were not even requested to give public apology for the crimes they were alleged to have committed, but instead, he was asked to takeover the post of vice president and was then elected president of Somaliland . The post of vice president was held by Mr. Abdurrahman Aw Ali, (a veteran SNM executive committee member) before Mr. Riyaale was chosen by the late president M.I.Egal. Soon after his election, President Riyaale K rewarded many of his co-accused friends with top ministerial portfolios in his administration.
After regaining their independence and the annihilation of cruised Somali Republic, having a police state was not in the minds of the majority of the people of Somaliland.
They wanted to live in prosperity and peaces under a free state were the rights of every citizen are respected, including those of the Faqash remnants. In other words, the lust for freedom and democracy were the reasons behind the success of the SNM struggle and that was the only weaponry the SNM had in abundance and they used it.wisely. With those same values in memory, the people of Somaliland voted decisively and without reluctance for their constitution.
It is regrettable, that almost all the practices of the Faqash remnants indicate that they simply did not understand or may be they might have forgotten the reason behind the Somaliland war of independence .Once more; the Faqash remnants are denying the basic human rights to their former victims. The people of Somaliland are not allowed to assemble; private media such as Radio and Television are banned. The only public Radio in existence is in the hands of the ruling party. Anyone suspected to have voted for the opposition parties or even assumed of holding views different from those of the ruling party is predisposed to intimidation and harassment if not imprisonment. Hundreds of Somaliland citizens are held in crowded prison without trial or at best are tried without representation in secret courts that lack legality. Recently, an editor of a major Somaliland newspaper was arrested and his life threatened by the security agents, who use the same tactics as their predecessors, the NSS. A prominent well-respected Sultan was arrested and then released without trial after spending many days in penitentiary, arresting of a tribal elders is both provocative and distasteful in the traditional and cultural standards of Somaliland . In addition, the main opposition party's offices in Hargeisa and Burao were illegally searched and violently attacked by people associated officially or unofficially with Mr. Riyaale's one-man and one-party rule dictatorial adminstration. The electoral commission and the judicial branch fall illegally under the jurisdiction of the presidential palace. Corruption is rampant and the meager national wealth is looted by Mr. Riyaale K and his close net friends and family members. These are only few good examples of the present regime's lack of respect for human rights, transparency, democracy and multiparty system; of course, all these actions are against the Somaliland constitution, which was approved in a national referendum by 96% of the Somaliland voters.
To add insult to the injury, some circles that are close to Mr. Riyaale K, that were loyal to the Faqash regime and were party (implicitly or explicitly) to the crimes committed against humanity in Somaliland are also flexing their muscles and went as far as demanding an apology from the Somali National Movement. These individuals hide behind tribal/regional smoke screens, which they do not represent. They consider the disgraceful soldiers of the militias that were fighting to keep the old Faqash regime in power as freedom fighters. This Faqash logic goes afar to the extremes of ignorance and insensitivity. I will not be surprised if I hear them demand the Bosnians Muslims and the Tutsi to thank the pro-Milosevic Serbians in Bosnia and Hutu militias in Rwanda for the crimes committed against their respective people. What a repugnant and distorted Judgment!
After fourteen years of independence, the post independence euphoric rules of reconciliation are doomed to failure and the law of forgiveness and forget ness seem not to have work. The victims of the Faqash crimes consider the Somaliland reconciliation process as a band-aid on a bleeding heart, an injustice. The remnants of the Faqash regime interpreted the generosity and clemency of the majority of Somalilanders as a weakness. They also seem to be regrouping and relentlessly playing the minority/victims card with the Somali National Movement, the honorable organization that was behind the liberation of Somaliland .
In conclusion, if the Faqash remnants care about their future, the future of this country and the future of the peace in our region, I hope that they will not play with fire, but will rather resort to judgment. A little bit of human decency, sensitivity, respect for democracy and human rights from the remnants of the Faqash side, will take us all safely from the roaring ocean of hostility and self-destruction to the safety and the tranquility of brotherhood and sisterhood. The majority of Somalilanders extend their hands and open their hearts to all those who are interested in peaceful co-existence. It is never too late to grasp the hand for peace!
http://www.commissionforafrica.org/english/consultation/submissions/ro/sb-nov-dec04-122.pdf.
TIME TO COME HOME: Repatriation Projects for Somaliland
December 2004
Background To The Report
This report is looking at developing routes of return for Somali speaking refugees. It came about as a result of a visit by Libaan Rabilah, a Somaliland native living in London and Paul C.O'Keeffe, a friend and worker with Refugee Community Organisations in London.
It focuses on the region around Borama up as far as the border with Djibouti as this is the home region of Libaan, and it offers the opportunity to address the development imbalance that has seen most agencies stay around the capital city Hargeisa. It also looks in detail at the Lughaye district, which is very inaccessible, but could be the site of micro development work that could act as a model for other small communities. One of the premises of the report is that uneducated unemployed Somalis are unlikely to return home. Therefore serious efforts must be made in the UK to address the underachievement of Somalis in the education system in the UK, and the chronic unemployment that is affecting the community.
Another premise is that Somali people who do choose to return home must always have the option of returning to the UK. Not all will manage to succeed in the new Somaliland, and the unfortunate reality is that there is still the possibility that war can break out again. The safety net of an easy return to the UK, a country of which they are now citizens, must always be there.
Having said that, Somaliland is now a country that offers tremendous opportunities for Somali people from all parts of the former Somalia. The people are friendly and open, the landscape is just amazing, the economy is thriving, and the government is not very interfering.
Infrastructure is very poor and there are underlying currents of corruption. There must be at least decent education and healthcare available if people are to begin considering coming home. However, people are very aware of this and want to use democracy to eradicate these problems. There is much that the Somali population of the UK can offer to Somaliland, and there is certainly just as much that the people of Somaliland and the country of Somaliland - undoubtedly soon to be the newest African nation - can offer the Somali Diaspora.
This report identifies some actions which the Somali Diaspora, Somali Refugee Community Organisations, International Non-Governmental Organisations, Donor Agencies and Foreign Governments can do to address some of the problems in the country and make return for Somalis more likely and more successful.
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Libaan Rabilah, Zehra Osman, the people of her home, and her large extended family without whose help and hospitality this trip and report would not have been possible, and Ahmed Hadi Said and family who supported the trip throughout; Mohammad Farah Elmi, an Amoud University Graduate working with AWDAL Sports Club who showed me around Borama and introduced me to everyone; Dr. Ahmed Hassan Matan and Dr. Ismail Mohammad Ayeh of Borama Hospital; Professor Suleyman Ahmed Guled of Amoud University; Ridwan Mohammad Osman, Barkhdel Hossein Guhad, Ahmed Mohammad Alahi, graduates of Amoud University; Dr. Nimco Sheikh Abobakar of Borama Hospital, Ikran Hadi Daud of Awdal Women's Group, ; Siyad Omar and Abdirahman Ahmed of Ayoda NGO; Singer Amina Farah and her band; Abdi Farah Elmi and Abdi Shakur Hussein Maydane Drivers, Abdi Nasie and Ahmed Ali, drivers mates, Bashir Abdi Mumin, Abdi Kadir, Said Abdi Bile, policemen Abdi and Mohammad, Bilal and Ahmed Abdi Kahin of Lughaye, and the people of Lughaye.
ISCOM Trust
ISCOM Trust is a refugee community organization and registered charity. It was formed in 1994 to work with and on behalf of Somali refugee and asylum seekers in London. ISCOM provides a range of community based services which meet immediate needs such as immigration and welfare advice, translation, interpretation and advocacy.ISCOM Trust is run by a team of volunteers and is very much user led. The constitution of the Trust states that the aim of the organisation is to work with Somalis in the UK and in Somaliland. This trip and report represents the first work of the organisation to formalise the work in Somaliland that individuals from the centre have been doing for a number of years and to try to get support from groups in the UK, aid agencies and other NGO's to begin work in Somaliland. One of the premises of ISCOM Trust is that the most cost effective way to begin the development work is to channel aid through existing individuals and groups in the country.
Somalis In The UK
There are no specific studies made on the statistics of the Somali population however, estimates from different sources acknowledge that up to 90,000 Somalis live in the UK, and the most significant portion of those live in the London. They are concentrated in the east London Boroughs Of Hackney (7,000) and Tower Hamlets (15,000), and in West London in Ealing (15,000). Many Somalis have been dispersed in line with new government asylum policies.
Following the collapse of the Somali state in 1991, and the subsequent displacement of it's civilians as a result of the civil war, the mass migration of the Somali population resulted in their resettlement throughout the world, and in particular in the UK, due to Great Britain's past colonial role in the former British Protectorate of Somaliland. The existence of the community stems from the earlier arrival of Somali men, recruited as seamen by the British colonial administration, who settled in London Docklands, and other sea ports like Cardiff, Liverpool, and Bristol. The Somali community is a young one, as the bulk of its population arrived in the early 1990s. There are many communities with high levels of need and support. But the newest arrivals, like Somalis now, often get overlooked for services and resources They are also at risk of additional disadvantages, because of not coming from an English speaking culture, with all the social and educational difficulties that brings. The problems faced by the community in resettling in the UK and their achievements in their short history is a testament to their determination to become productive members of their adopted country.
However the Somali community has increasingly found itself confronted with the dilemma of a divergence of views and attitudes between first and second-generation members of the Somali community. This is a dilemma encountered by other more established black and minority ethnic communities.
Anecdotal evidence says that up to seventy per cent of the Somalis in London as well as in other towns in UK are single mothers and their children. The reason is that when civil war started in Somalia mothers ran away with their children to safe countries and men remained to fight.
The existence of single parents, without the presence of the other elements of the extended family and community that support women in this situation in Somalia, has caused tremendous problems in the community.
Many Somali families have elderly relatives, whom they look after 24 hours a day because there is no Somali elder, whether disabled or not, who lives alone. In some areas 70% are unemployed, in more up to 90%. They go to their own community centres for support and advice and have great difficulty accessing mainstream services. There is also evidence that the community is being criminalized and is represented disproportionately in mental health services.
However, growing numbers are setting up small businesses in telecommunications and retail and are beginning to graduate from the colleges and Universities of the UK.
Somaliland
Somaliland has been stable now for going on ten years. While the rest of Somalia has been caught up in the struggle which has destroyed Mogadishu and thrown the rest of the country into chaos, the former British Protectorate of Somaliland, the region to the North of the country, bordering Ethiopia and below Djibouti, has been experiencing a return to civil rule. There is a population of between 3.5M - 4 M. In 2003, there were Presidential and local elections and a multi-party democracy is developing. 2005 will see parliamentary elections where 600,000 Somalilanders will vote. While there were problems in some areas, notably in Puntland - the territory to the south, close to Somalia- in general, international observers judged the last elections to be free and fair. With the development of civil rule there is now a desperate need to build basic infrastructure that would create at least a functioning health and education system. Further economic investment would enable the country to tap the many natural resources and begin to capitalise on these.
Education in Somaliland
The Government of Somaliland has practically no tax base to draw on so expenditure on services has, in a lot of cases, been left to the private sector. The government is not hampered by an ideological commitment to state funded education that had been the feature of many African countries that gained independence in an earlier age.
There are said to be about 354 primary schools and 30 intermediate (secondary) schools, with a total enrolment of 96,201 students, of these 4380 are in intermediate schools. There are two Universities, in Borama and Hargeisa. In 2004, 1200 sat GCSE exams to qualify for a university place in Borama. Around 200 will get in. There are currently 2346 teachers in the system. There are quite a few private schools in the urban areas, and most have a good reputation such as Sunshine, Al Aqsa and Hargeisa. In the public sector, the pupil teacher ratio in primary and intermediate is around 60 -1. There is usually one textbook shared between 3/4 pupils, very basic lab equipment for science and practically no other resources. The pupil teacher ratio in the private sector is only slightly lower, but almost all are qualified with degrees, attend regularly and receive salaries on a regular basis which makes them more motivated and creates a more positive attitude.
There are always more male students than female students, in general around 70%/30%, which increases as you progress through the education system. In many of the courses at the University it is less than 1%. The ratio is a little better in Hargeisa, and in the Eastern region of the country, where there are fewer schools anyway due to the instability, the proportion is worse. There is one female only school in Borama, but in general the government supports a policy of co-education. There are no specific initiatives to encourage female retention in the primary and secondary education system.
There is a standard curriculum set by the Ministry of Education and which almost all schools follow. The exams also come from the Ministry, supported by the Centre For British Teachers (CBT) an English NGO which supports secondary education, sets GCSE exams for all schools, including the private sector and helps with resources, teachers and textbooks. There was a scheme bringing teachers from Egypt before, but this ceased recently. There is hope that it may resume again soon.
The number of students is increasing year on year, schools are too small and there are generally not enough of them. Borama is known as the home of education and the main state secondary school was built there in 1970. Four more private secondary schools have been built since the war in the 1990's. These serve the whole region up as far as Djibouti.
The rural/ urban balance for schools is though to be about 20%/80%. Education is a major cause of urbanisation. Rural students are though to have greater motivation, set targets for themselves, are less distracted by urban life and in general have a whole community back in the village behind them.
In all of the primary schools identified in the field trip, the government does not pay salaries or any other costs. Government has not reached that far into the country yet. All costs are met by local people and businessmen, fees paid in the form of animals, and the Somaliland Diaspora.
Health In Somaliland
Nationally there are 10 hospitals employing 132 qualified medical staff and 47 health centres with 125 posts. However, not all of these are functioning and salaries for all posts are not regular. Access to primary health care is not easy for most people, therefore many fall victim to treatable and preventable diseases. Most village health clinics were destroyed in the war. Medical supplies are available only in the private sector and are beyond the financial reach of most people. Life expectancy is 47 years, among the worst in the world. Deaths in childbirth are common. TB is a major problem, as is malaria, and there is an emerging STD, HIV and Aids problem. Only 31% of the population have access to safe drinking water. There are also nutrition related illnesses especially among the new urban poor.
People have shown a willingness to pay for health care and this system is now making some hospitals and health centres sustainable. Government is paying salaries in most urban hospitals and foreign agencies and the Somaliland Diaspora are developing some support measures. However salaries for rural health workers are irregular or non-existent, services are hard to find and available medicines are mostly out of date. There is also a growing problem of self-prescribing through the private pharmacies. Mental health is a very serious issue with anecdotal evidence of almost every family having one person, usually male, chained up at home suffering from some form of mental illness. Some of this can be put down to the pervasiveness of Khat which almost every male chews every day. Services are very rough, with a mental hospital in the capital Hargeisa, but even in there, services are poor. Most people opt to keep sufferers at home where they can at least be fed and provided with basic care. All the health problems associated with Khat have yet to be properly investigated. Apart from the obvious impact on mental health, research so far identifies stomach and bowel problems, oral cancer, and other oral health problems associated with sustained use.
The Somaliland Economy
There are four main sectors to the economy as identified by the government of Somaliland: Livestock; Agriculture; Fishery; Employment and the Private sector. The major livestock are cattle, camels, goats and sheep. Around 70% of the population depend on livestock. A recent crisis, which saw the Arabian Gulf states halt imports of Somaliland livestock, has created tremendous problems. There are also issues of overgrazing, the lack of a regulatory system to ensure quality and lack of agricultural services in rural areas to prevent urban drift.
Priorities identified by the government to address these issues include: support for small scale poultry operations; developing veterinary services, animal health workers and access to drugs; rehabilitating abattoirs and developing internationally recognised standards of animal health; developing milk, leather and other animal by-product industries; other initiatives to create rural employment.
Erosion is seen as the major threat to the agriculture sector, as is urban development. There is a need for agriculture extension services to promote modern farming methods and to develop new crops that can provide a balance of produce for the home market and for export.
Somaliland has a long coastline and rich fishing grounds that are often exploited by foreign vessels. Major species include groupers and horse mackerel. The industry within the country is practically non-existent and output is negligible at about 1000- 2000 tonnes per year, about 2% of the potential. There are an estimated 170 boats in the whole country and production has not yet caught up with pre-war levels. Priorities for this area include: legislation to protect and develop the industry; agreements with neighbouring countries to regulate the industry; developing a modern coastguard to protect the industry; infrastructure development including roads, landing beaches and cooling plants; data collection and studies of the marine industry, human resource development; licensing of the industry and provision of equipment. Somalilanders are showing tremendous initiative in developing the private sector in all areas of the economy. The retail sector is booming, but has problems such as an oversupply of common items and a few large businesses dominating some markets. There is a lack of capital to develop industry and the infrastructure of the country is in a terrible state. The market is dominated by imports and the natural resources of the country are not being processed and sold at home or abroad. More than 50% of households derive some income from micro-enterprises. The returnees are providing skills and ideas that can develop the sector. There is not a strong regulatory environment so businesses have freedom to operate and develop.
Borama
Amoud University
Moves began to set up Amoud University from around 1994. They had their first student intake in 1999. It is a source of great pride for Borama and the nation as a whole to have managed to set up and run a University under the most difficult of conditions when the country was going through some serious upheaval and the threat of war was constant. During the whole of President Said Barre's regime, the only University allowed to function was in Mogadishu where tribalism and excessive costs made it very difficult for people from this region to attend.
The state currently gives the University a grant of US$8,000 per year. The average monthly running cost is between US$10,000 - US$12,000. With 35 full-time lecturers on US$300 per month, all the other auxiliary staff, a total student enrolment of 380 each paying US$300per year - due to rise to US$400 this semester-, medical students pay higher fees. It is clear that the maths of the University do not add up. It is dependant on other donations and gifts.
There are three faculties medicine, education and business. In the 2004 cohort there were respectively 27 students, 18 students, and 49 students. There are also 60 students studying part time for two year teaching diplomas. Intermediate schoolteachers are University graduates, study for 4 years and on graduation can expect a salary of around SS250, 000 US$30 -US$40 per month. In the private sector they can expect to earn up to US$120 per month in Borama, and up to US$300 in Hargeisa. In 2003, the first year the University produced teacher graduates, there were 7 graduates, in 2004 14 and in 2006 they expect 25.
There are links with University of Hargeisa, a memorandum of understanding was signed recently with Pretoria University in South Africa, and there are links with Al Jazeera University in Sudan and Kings College London for medicine. A support group in Henley-On-Thames helps the university with grants, books, computers and other support.
The library, another great source of pride, has over 100,000 books including the latest textbooks for medicine, business and education. There is a computer suite with over 50 computers that is heavily used on a schedule basis by the students. There is no Internet connection, but United Nations Development Programme and the World Bank have promised to connect the University next year. There is a need for a much larger computer suite when the enrolment which currently stands at 314, rises to around 700.
The most pressing need at the moment is for lecturers in almost every area, particularly in the Faculty Of Education for maths, physics and chemistry, and in the Faculty of Medicine for pathology, endocrinology, neurology and haematology, and of course the resources to pay them. There is also a need for laboratory equipment. There is heavy competition for places. There was an entrance exam until recently, now it is purely on national GCSE results. As stated previously, this year 1200 sat the exam, 200 will get in. There is a dropout rate of 33% after the first semester, usually due to the fees, and a pass rate of around 50%. Of the 10 females who started in 1999, 7 got married or emigrated, and only two completed their degrees. Strategies to address this include affirmative action programmes for women. There are currently 12 scholarships, 6 of which are reserved for women who do not have to compete against the male student body for these. There are programmes to sensitise the community to the need for females to get educated. The Teaching diploma programme currently has only 7 females out of 60; the target for this year is 30. The current female enrolment is 17% and the aim is to get that up to 33%. Many students who do drop out gain employment anyway, the pass rate is gradually improving and the feeling is that as the University develops the pass rate and retention rate will improve. While the University does it's best by having strong links with its graduates, retention in the country is as issue for the government, businesses and the whole community. There is no official recognition of the degrees from any other countries, but many students go overseas and take exams and get qualified to work in other countries. The standard of education is good enough for that to be working with graduates so far. UNESCO does recognise the degrees.
All students carry out research as part of their degree and the University is building up a fair amount of information which is useful to local and central government and International NGO's working in the country. This has not generated any income as yet as this strategy is still at an experimental stage. It is envisioned that in a few years time it will be possible to develop this as an income-generating element of the University.
There is no real business or development plan in place as all plans are limited by resources and would not reflect any meaningful reality. However there are plans for a Faculty producing graduates in the fields of agriculture, geology, and the environment. There are also hopes to extend an arm of the University to Seylac to develop Marine studies. The University operates very close to the community and needs to do slightly untraditional work. It is hoping to develop short courses for local entrepreneurs and business people, and would like to facilitate business development as it did with the four separate water companies who used to supply the town and which have now merged to form one, more efficient company.
There are 6 elders and intellectuals who form the board of directors; there is an Academic committee, a Disciplinary committee, and a Technical committee Management of the different faculties comes under the academic committee. No member of the local authority sits on the board.
One of the very noticeable things about the graduates is their attitude to the University, education, the community and their work. Their positive approach to everything is almost palpable. Some of this is of course down to the newness of the University, but much of it also must be put down to the transparent management style of the staff team, their openness to the students, and their commitment to make sure that every penny spent in the University benefits the education of the students. Discipline is light and the emphasis is on correcting and improving behaviour and performance, not punishing. The student body is active and involved in decision- making and the government does not interfere with the running of the campus or with the thinking going on in the University.
Borama Hospital
The hospital currently serves the whole region up to the border with Djibouti, a population of around 350,000. There are 68 staff, 7 doctors, 23 nurses, 14 auxiliary nurses, administrative staff, cleaners, cooks and laundry staff. There is a 100-bed capacity. The government pays only for the salaries. A doctor gets about US$40 per month. It is impossible to live on this salary so most have practices and pharmacies in the town. All other costs - mainly running costs, ambulance, diagnostics, and medicines must be met by the hospital itself. There is a small charge for outpatients - Somaliland Shillings 2000 (about US$0.32) and for inpatients Somali shillings 15000 (about US$2.40). There is also a cost for each diagnostic test. There is no other source of income.
The pharmacy is to all intents and purposes empty. Most medicines are out of date. Medicines used to come from an Italian NGO - COOPI International, however that source is no longer stable since the killing of Annalenna, an Italian nun shot dead in the hospital grounds two years ago.
Most surgical equipment is second hand. There is no x-ray, though one is due to come from the American Diaspora. The laboratory, which is the largest in the district is housed in a small room and can do very basic tests for HIV, malaria, Hepatitis B+C, TB and urinary tests. There is no other diagnostic equipment.
Eye surgeons come twice per year from a Kenyan based NGO, Kikuyu Eye, and carry out about 450 operations per visit, mainly for cataracts.
There is a referral system to the hospital in Hargeisa, but no other support such as sharing staff skills and expertise, visiting surgeons or sharing of resources. There are no links to any overseas hospitals. Hargeisa hospital has some links to Kings Hospital London.
Amoud University has strong links with the hospital and there are moves to make Borama a teaching hospital. The first group of 7 trainee doctors is in Year 4, there are 11 in the second group and 15 in the third.
No education programmes are run from the hospital as this is seen as a role that local organisations can play. A Youth organisation, ACARO, pay for a cleaner and the safe disposal of medical waste.
Power for the hospital comes from their own generator, but the regular cost of oil is a major problem. A new generator is due to come from the diaspora in Dallas. The hospital pays a local private company for water.
A management board of 11 people including the regional medical officer, some elders, intellectuals and one member of the local council, runs the hospital. There is no business plan for the hospital where the monthly budget is around Somaliland Shillings 13-14 Million per month (US$1700 - $2300)
Borama Women's Group
Report on meeting held in Borama Hospital Conference Hall 29th July 9.00am. About 50 women in attendance, many from the Diaspora in London, America, Canada, Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Holland.
After the welcome, introductions and prayer, the mayor of Borama addressed the meeting. He spoke about the advances that the people of Borama had made, particularly about the planting of trees to make the area more attractive. He also spoke about the need for major improvements to the roads. If every family overseas bought a can of tarmac, it would have a major impact on the streets of Borama that are currently in a terrible state.
There was much debate amongst the women and it was pointed out to him that people had collected money before for rubbish collection and nothing had come of it. They did not trust the local authority to spend the money effectively. A decision was made to collect the money by the women, to arrange a system whereby money could be send to women in Borama, and that they would arrange for the payment of work for the roads on a contract basis, with no payments being made without the work being done. This would ensure that the money would not disappear. A representative was appointed from each country in the Diaspora who would have responsibility for the collection. The Borama representative will visit London in the near future to reassure people that money was being used effectively.
The second speaker was a Somali Canadian Dr. Nimco Sheikh Abobakar who had returned after many years in exile. She explained how when she had come to the hospital there was nothing. Even still resources are so scarce. There is only one proper maternity bed, no surgical gowns, no clothes for the women delivering children to wear, no sheets for the beds, nothing. They make do with what they have.
There is a major problem with HIV and AIDS, and even when people are informed that they are infected, they refuse to accept it. There is no medicine for treatment. The third speaker spoke about the issue of mental health. Almost every family has at least one member who is suffering from mental health problems. Many sufferers stay in the home tied up in chains, as this is the only thing families can do. She spoke about the case of one women who brought her child to Hargeisa mental hospital, and after three months she visited him and had to take him out again as he wasn't even being fed properly. At least at home in chains he gets fed. There are many mentally ill people wandering around in the streets of Borama and there are absolutely no facilities for them. She also spoke about the need for a separate prison for young offenders, as at the moment, if a young person is sent to jail he has to mix with all the older inmates where he is vulnerable to abuse, drugs and many other bad habits. The fourth speaker spoke about the local orphanage that started from nothing, and now even had a car. There are beds for 140 orphans, clean sheets and enough food. Even local people who cannot afford school fees send their children there as day pupils and the orphanage can cope. This speaker said that she was aware that the two main priorities were the hospital and the roads, if after that people could provide support she would welcome it, but as it is now, the orphanage is working ok.
Non-Governmental Youth Organisations in Borama
One of the other things that Borama is famous for is the problem that is associated with youth in the city. There is a very young population and you can see young people on the streets most hours of the day and night. Much of the youth conflict is focussed through the many football teams. The University carried out research into what were the causes of this conflict.
There are over 2000 young people involved in football teams. There is one useable football pitch. Fights started between groups of youth around whose turn it was to use the pitch. This fed the conflict and has made football matches a bit of a problem. In 1994, there was a working sports centre with basketball, indoor tennis, table football, coaching, seminars and a major programme of sporting activities. This centre attracted large numbers of youth and violence was not perceived to be a problem at the time.
The centre was then stripped of its equipment by the main person responsible for the centre and all activities ceased. It is now a Khat chewing house.
In recent years, graduates of Amoud University began setting up youth organisations to tackle these problems. There are now 16 registered youth organisations, each with a different focus, 4 of them very active, and the others are at various stages of development. A decision was made in June this year to band these organisations together into an umbrella organisation. A committee of 7 has been formed and they are working with 32 people from the organisations to develop this structure. Some of the activities of these include
AWDAL Youth Development Association...............Established 2003
Focus on Environment
5/06/03............. Celebration of International Environmental Day
9/03.................. Research into charcoal consumption
18/09/03........... Conference on Environmental Degradation in Borama Municipality
10/03................ Survey on taxes in Borama Municipality
10/03................ Planted over and distributed over 500 trees around Borama
10/03............... Mobilization to control soil erosion in villages around Borama
11/03............... Sanitation Awareness Programme with restaurants in Borama
23/12/03......... Conference for housewives on charcoal use
30/12/03.......... Plant trees on highway between Borama and Dila Ongoing