Enter your search terms Submit search form

Sanaag is a remote eastern region of Somaliland, which bordered by approximately 380 kilometres of Red Sea coastline to the north and locates the border between Somaliland and eastern regions of Somalia. The region is divided into three districts: Erigavo, Badhan and Ceel AF weyne (El Afweyne), with the towns of Erigavo as the regional capital and Badhan and El Afweyne as the district capitals.

In terms of development, both the former central governments of Somalia and current Somaliland government and by International agencies and other NGOs, the region of Sanaag has been almost totally neglected. There are no surfaced roads in the region and services of almost any type are non-existent in the towns and the villages. Sanaag region lacks an adequate transport, communication and infrastructures, leading to a chronic lack of public services, particularly the important areas such as: health services education, agriculture and water supply.

Health Situation

- In health sector, health facilities are almost totally absent from villages to district capitals and there is a skeleton health service in the region capital.

- No basic medical facilities exists in the district hospitals and even the three district hospitals are virtually non-functional due to shortages of staff, supplies equipment, drugs, fuel and vehicles, and almost total lack of ongoing training, supervision, evaluation and maintenance equipment.

- There is acute shortage of surgical, orthopaedic, ophthalmic and gynaecology/obstetric equipment in all hospitals.

- Many health problems are evident in the region, the maternal mortality rate and incidence of TB are extremely high, and the infant mortality rate and incidence of vaccine preventable diseases, childhood communicable diseases, anaemia, malnutrition, respiratory tract infections, diarrhoeas and problems associated with pregnancy and childbirth are serious health problems.

Erigavo General Hospital

Erigavo General Hospital is one of the most neglected hospitals in Somaliland and it lacks all basic health service facilities and equipments. The Erigavo hospital is the main regional hospital/ referral centre and only hospital for the three districts of Sanaag region and surrounding areas. The hospital has the following wards:

1. Maternity ward
2. Children's ward
3. Female ward
4. Male ward
5. Tuberculosis (TB) ward

Maternity ward

The Maternity ward is not functioning at all, due to lack of equipment,

Children's ward

The children's ward is also not functioning at all

Female and Male wards

The female and male wards are barely functioning with very limited equipment, they were both recently built but lack of equipment has rendered it useless.

Tuberculosis Ward

The Tuberculosis ward is fully functioning and it is the only department in the whole hospital that has a patient in it.

The most in need now are.

1. Ultra sound machine for mother and child safety and other applications.
2. Portable ECG machine and portable cardiac monitor
3. Doppler fetal heart monitors
4. Obstetric forceps sensor
5. Vacuum extractor
6. Sterilizer Drums.
7. Operation theatre tables
8. Operating light or operating theatre lamps
9. Instrument for general surgery such as minor surgery sets, amputations sets, chest drainage instruments, scales, various size of forceps etc.
10. Gynecology/obstetric sets and delivery sets such as D & C sets, episeotomy sets etc.
11. Resustation sets such as oxygen machine and other A&E equipments and sets.
12. ENT sets
13. Eye examination sets.
14. X-ray machine films and safety equipments.
15. Laboratory equipments such as Binoculars microscopes, test tubes, sample collection containers, test reagents, laboratory safety equipments, blood bank equipments, Serology equipments, chemical pathology equipments, hematology equipments such as HB sets, ESR sets etc.
16. Centrifuges and incubators, fredges, distilled water making machine, infusion sets etc.
17. OPD equipments such as patient examination tables, blood pressure apparatus, wheel chairs etc.
18. Patients screens/curtain.
19. And many more.

The tsunami that struck much of Southeast Asia on December 26, 2005 also impacted the northeastern region of Somalia. The region had already endured four years of drought that decimated the core of its economy - livestock. Many residents had turned to fishing as their main livelihood. In the areas affected by the waves of water, fishermen have lost all of their boats and equipment. According to governmental and international aid agency estimates, up to 300 Somalis might have died and up to 54,000 people might have lost their livelihoods and been made homeless by the tsunami. Somalis have also been without an internationally recognized and effective government since 1991, when President Mohamed Siad Barre was overthrown. This absence of a central authority complicates efforts to assess the damage caused by the tsunami and to provide appropriate help to the affected population.

This emergency air shipment was distributed by Hargeisa Hospital Group, located in Hargeisa, the capital of the self-declared independent Republic of Somaliland. The Hargeisa Hospital Group is one of the primary healthcare facilities serving the estimated 1.5 million people living in or near the city. The hospital provides a wide range of services such as pre- and postnatal care, deliveries, emergency medical treatment, surgical procedures and x-rays. Dr. Yassin Abdi, hospital administrator, is working with the Somaliland Ministry of Health to respond to the needs of the tsunami victims in Puntland, the worst hit area. They are setting up a small hospital near the affected area to attend to a growing number of patients being transferred from Puntland for treatment. Currently, no other aid has been received. This Direct Relief emergency air shipment included such urgently requested medical goods as I.V solutions, hospital beds, sterilized gloves, antibiotics, and wound dressings. We thank Bristol-Myers Squibb, Hospira, and Pfizer for their assistance with this shipment.

Erigavo Secondary School Project

Introduction

Project Overview

This project named (Erigavo Secondary School Rehabilitation and Maintenance) is sponsored by UHUBSO to assist the Sanaag community to rebuild the damaged school and help them it's functioning in order to meet local demand.

The Sanaag region is the largest in landmass in Somaliland. The region capital is Erigavo other major towns are Ceel Afweyn, Badhan, Las Qoray Garadag, Hiis and Maydh, however, Sanaag Region is most neglected  region in the new republic in all aspects of public services such as education, health transport infrastructure etc. It has the highest rate of unemployed in Somaliland.  The region population is increasing dramatically and public service to meet their need is either not exist or diminishing.

Recent drought in the region increased the number of nomads flogging from the country side after loosing their herds and settling main towns.

UHUBSO is urging Somaliland's diasporas to take this project seriously and Sanaag diasporas to take the lead. Erigavo Secondary School need immediate attention and support and UHUBSO is committed to facilitate your support and to deliver the said project on schedule. (God Willing)

Background

The School was build in 1975 by the Former government and the Erigavo community, to provide the need for secondary education required by Sanaag Region. After it's completion it was a success story, producing up 200 high school graduate each year since 1975 to 1987.

Due to the result of civil war out break in 1988 the school was used as a military base by the Former dictator Siad Barre's army to launch attacks on Sanaag region civilians, thus the school was damaged by shelling, burning and vandalism.

The School sustained to be out of service and without repairs since 1999 which also worsen, it's condition.  Spring 1999 UNHCR commence a small project to reconditioned four classes, two offices, and two toilets which enable for the first class of 32 students (in 1999) to join the higher school in Erigavo in 12 years.  2001 Three more classes have been rehabilitated by Somali forums. By the end of 2002 another plot laboratory rooms have maintained by UNHCR.

The support provided by the above two organisation helped the school to function and provide basic education for small number of students.  Since then year in year out the number of students increased by up 200%.  The school is expecting for the academic year of 2004/2005 to enrol new 200 students, which will take the total number of this academic year up to 500 students.

Erigavo Education Committee has put forward an appeal to UHUBSO to assist the school to meet this ever growing demand.  UHUBSO realises if action not be taken very urgently either the school will be shut down or 80% of students will be turn away hence this project became UHUBSO's priority.

Please view the report from the school committee (Erigavo School Report)

OBJECTIVES & SCOPE OF THE PROJECT:

The objective of this project is to make Erigavo Secondary School to survive from closure, to be fully functional and meet the demand of Erigavo and surrounding villages' community for Secondary education. The scope of the project will be accomplished in three phases.

The phases are priorities on the basis of their importance and impact on the school.

Project time scale

 The project first two faces will be completed within as soon as posible. The third face of the project will be on going one, until further notice.

Phase 1

Immediate purchase of operational equipment and stationery such as;

o Tables and Chairs
o Chalks and black board markers
o Photo copy machine
o To build a fencing wall to identify the school compound and to reduce the disputes of the school area.
o Toilets
o Printing Paper
o Office Stationary.
o Transport of the supplies

Phase2

Implementing school library;

o Assigning a room and assessing repair requirements
o Purchasing all necessary equipments and transported to location.
o Completing external and internal structure of the library.
o Book collection
o collating, storing and convey of books
o Establishing library management team
o Handover and opining ceremony.

                   
Phase 3

Teacher incentives

o Laising with funding groups
o Implementing subscription system
o Promoting subscription system signing up subscribers.

Project Budget and Time Scale

Phase 1

This phase of the project is the most urgent one and we are planning to accomplished before the start of the academic year 2004-2005

Required Object	Quantity	CPU	Total Cost
Tables and Chairs	80	70	5600
Chalk	5	30	150
Photo copy machine	1	300	300
Printing Paper	5 boxes	50	250
Office Stationary	-	-	150
Toilets	10	300	3000
Fencing wall	-	-	4000
More Classes	5	2400	12000
Transport of the supplies	-	-	1000
Total cost for phase 1	-	-	26450

Phase 2

Those who are lucky enough to live the developed countries and had the chance to access their education system will have a greatest sympathy For Erigavo Secondary School students.  These students have never seen a library let alone it's benefits. Setting up a Library for the School will not only give them an access to the academic books they require, but will help them to use their time at the school to the full.  UHUBSO will be collecting books all over the world.

UHUBSO is expecting to finalize the cost of establishing a library building, delivering books and the cost of managing the library per year.  As soon as this become available we will published it on our website and start raising the funds.. www.uhubso.com. 

Phase 3

This face of the project is to attract teachers and minimize staff turnover. The lack of teachers' incentives become stigma to Erigavo Secondary School and hence the school fail to keep current teachers and it also become hard to find new recruits.

It become apparent to UHUBSO this problem should be tackle and consequently UHUBSO is appealing funds for teacher incentive scheme which certainty will solve this problem.

UHUBSO is expecting to raise this fund March 2005 and same time each year after.

EVALUATING PROGRESS AND RESULTS:
 
After the project is implemented the project task force would assess the results and the progress report would determine if we have achieved our outlined goals, objectives and vision. It is important to note that we will submit a progress report after all donations are collected and the implementation phase begins, so we can assess whether we need to modify our goals or not.  Also we will show all the donation collected and the shortfalls to meet as the collection progress.

There are two hypothetical question that recur to my mind whenever I see effloresce of Somali websites. How could the former Somali dictatorship regime cope with the Internet where control of information is impossible? Would the late dictator lay off his censors and devise other methods-such as not introducing Internet Service Providers-to avoid seeing politically aware people?

These two questions are relevant today given the reaction to Awdalnews editorial on past SNM misdeeds. The editorial "SNM in balance: The need for a Truth and Reconciliation Committee in Somaliland" has generated a heated debate on The Somali National Movement, one of the armed outfits that fought the former dictatorial regime.

The timing of editorial was good despite the outpouring from certain Farah Ali Jama (Taking Awdalnews to Task ) who is eager to see Awdalnews answering a list of questions he formulated-"Why it [ Awdalnews ) thinks that "it is time that Somaliland establishes a Truth and Reconciliation Committee in the style of the famous South African one and bring those who committed crimes in the name of the SNM and those of other clans who committed crimes in the name of defending tribal pride to face rule of law[?]" This is a legitimate question if one has not digested the virtual substance of the editorial, but there is no reason to assume that the writer who posed the above-quoted question has not perused the Awdalnews s editorial on SNM as he deems the editorial to be "a deliberate act of treachery and disloyalty to the cause of Somaliland then."

What is striking about the piece (Taking Awdalnews to Task) is the author's use of words (treachery and disloyalty) that remind one of the dreaded former Somali National Security Court that legitimated summary executions and mid-night knock on the doors of citizens by government agents. Why does the same horrible dictatorship language continue to overhang our heads like sword of Damocles?

Rather that posing questions on a set of suggestions that Awdalnews editorial put forward could not Farah Ali Jama try to look for inadequacies ( if there are any ) in the editorial writer's reasoning? His reasoning plays second fiddle to his mastery of the English that is full display in any of his writings.

The failure to develop a language suited to a discourse that can bring up human rights violations or lead to slaughtering of sacred tribal cows constitutes a major stumbling block to the endeavours of many Somali commentators. But that same failure does not have to make us blind to the fact that the Internet is a medium through which people can express views. The fact that editorial is attributable to Awdalnews makes a mature discussion of issues a more palatable one.

Very few Somalis have a vivid memory of a time when people expressed political views without fearing consequences. The Internet has afforded yet another opportunity in which we can revive our candid dissuasions without being admonished for broaching a topic. It is said the rigidity in most Muslim countries is due to a theology that has La Tas'al (Don't question) as a starting point. It is not good idea to use that same methodology when discussing past or present issues.

It is one thing to merely raise this non-existent issue in the name of freedom of speech or the freedom of the press with the intention of trying to confine the debate that may ensue locally, but to peddle the same issue to some other lengths particularly to circulate it to some hostile Somalia websites as well as to some international quarters such as in the West, Middle East, and Africa is totally another thing.

According to my simple google.com search, I was surprised to find the number of websites in which Awdalnews peddled its mediocre editorial. I also heavily suspect that this website and its editor have shipped this misplaced, ill-advised, misleading, and unwarranted editorial piece to some other unknown organizations that may be hostile to the cause of Somaliland. If this is not a deliberate act of treachery and disloyalty to the cause of Somaliland then, what is it?

As you are aware, others and I earlier suggested to Awdalnews to retract their inciting editorial. Nevertheless, Awdalnews chose to ignore our legitimate concerns and seem to rejoice and wallow on their provocative work and continue to indulge themselves with several supportive articles from some specific group of writers that were pouring in their defence particularly from those who would like to be known locally and internationally as "Awdalians" or "Awdalites" or "Intellectuals," a shadowy anti-Somaliland group that is bent on dividing our citizenry and trying to peddle their community as a distinct society and Awdal province as an autonomous region!

One of these unscrupulous writers who also peddles the claim that Awdalnews is the best Somali website and continues to belittle the rest of the Somali websites and further claims that Awdalnews adheres to high journalistic standards and alleges that it has become the home of the intellectuals who also likes to be known as an intellectual and who shamelessly disparages the articles of others for lacking substance, facts and figures, a standard in which he never lives up; given his recent articles in defence of this website had even the audacity to claim:

1. "To my opinion only a loose confederation of autonomous states may work."
2. "Somaliland communities signed separate treaties with the British in 1884. The `Gadaboursi' signed a treaty with the British in `December 12, 1884 in Zayla,' and other Somaliland communities also signed separate treaties with the British. We now know for the last 40 years, some groups used that fictitious device as the stepping stone to the highest echelons of power, when they succeeded to sell their false numerical superiority over other Somali communities. That false mathematics was nothing but a ploy to grape power."

This reminds me of the other community to the East of Somaliland who also seem to have discarded the original name of their community and have been peddling themselves for quite sometime as the "Dervish Community" or "Beelaha Daraawiishta" or "Beelaha SSH" or "Beelaha SSCH" in the both oral and written forms! Do you now get the big picture?

Whatever the case, their absurd claims is a futile exercise that will not dent one bit of the unity of our people, cause, and existence of Somaliland. The intrepid people of Somaliland are well versed of their hidden motives and agenda and will get back to them when that time comes.

For these reasons and many more, it is time that we take Awdalnews to task. Awdalnews has some explanation to do in regards to its inciting editorial in which it adamantly continues to stand by it. It is therefore incumbent that Awdalnews to provide the people of Somaliland facts and figures in relation to their loaded and unsubstantiated allegations as shown below:

1. "The SNM was born out of bent-up anger, frustration, humiliation and disrespect for human dignity and human life."
2. "The formation of the movement, therefore, came into being in the heat of the moment and was mostly driven by emotion rather than by a well-laid political vision and national agenda."
3. "Like any liberation movement with thousands of fearless, trigger-happy and adrenaline-thrilled youth in its ranks.it was futile to expect it to respect the rules of war and refrain from committing excess."
4. "It is time to re-examine, analyze, and re-evaluate the rights and wrongs of the SNM."
5. "It is high time that the former SNM commanders and supporters have to acknowledge the ugly crimes committed in the name of the movement in the same way they celebrate its good deeds."
6. "It is time to admit that SNM had.its crimes and its share of responsibility for the plight of hundreds of thousands of Somalilanders, destructions and annihilation of whole towns and villages and killing of hundreds of innocent farmers, businessmen, poets, intellectuals, elders, religious men, and women and children for the crime of belonging to ant-SNM clans."
7. ".the former SNM commanders and fighters should also be courageous enough to remember the victims of the movement and should reach out to the women who were widowed, the mothers who lost their beloved sons and daughters and the children who were orphaned or maimed in the name of the SNM."
8. "One wonders whether it ever occurred to the former SNM commanders and fighters that as much as its music for their ears to be called Mujahids, hearing such description may be loathsome to the victims of the SNM."
9. ".can anyone deny the fighters of other clans who fought against the SNM militias in defense of their honor, their property and their existence to be decorated heroes and Mujahids of their concerned clans."!!
10. "The former SNM commanders and fighters love to claim sainthood by repeatedly reminding their former adversaries that they have extended to them an amnesty blanket and have forgiven them for taking the gun against the freedom fighters. The question that former SNM fighters forget to ask themselves is `who has forgiven who?'"

Awdalnews is also incumbent on answering the following questions:

1. Why it thinks that "it is time that Somaliland establishes a Truth and Reconciliation Committee in the style of the famous South African one and bring those who committed crimes in the name of the SNM and those of other clans who committed crimes in the name of defending tribal pride to face rule of law. It is also high time to give the victims of both sides the chance to have their stories heard before a neutral court. Only in this way would all Somalilanders embrace the legacy of the SNM beyond its present tribal confines."
2. Whether it regards the National Reconciliation Conference in Burao city in 1991 as valid and binding. And whether it is satisfied with, respects, and abides by the outcome of this important and historic reconciliation conference.
3. Which specific crimes were committed to who and which specific community it is referring to and where are these victims and why this community had not come forward for the last 15 years?
4. Which specific SNM commanders it is referring to - dead or alive and which commanders committed which crimes to which victims and communities and how many of these victims are dead or alive and why the government has not done anything for them.
5. Why this claim seem to be confined to Awdal community and why they omitted the other communities.

Finally, it is essential that Awdalnews take these issues seriously and answer all of the above mentioned thoroughly. It is time that Awdalnews to come clean with the people of Somaliland and the only way it can do so or exonerate itself from the brouhaha it created in the first place is to substantiate all of the above stated issues and to provide the people with tangible evidence to support the issue as well as its wild claims.

Farah Ali Jama, Ottawa, Canada.fjama022@UOTTAWA.CA

Amoud university has turned to the development projects both road building that are intended to establish a traffic link between borama and the campus with the aim to decrease trasport cost of the university and primarily the stress associated with the consumption of that would have been used otherwise during the back of the university by the student and the teachers alike this road may also open another opportunity for the students to use hostels in the campus the distance to amoud university is eigh KM and the students buses endured the awful tarrain since the university was established the outcome of the new road is will be shorter distance between the two destinations due to the improved alignments removal curves and then this will increase the road user saving stemming from the university budget earlier the university incurred additional expenses to repair the vehicles and also paid unforesees expenditures hopefully this road is going to improve access to the campus by reducing half of the distance after to the completion of the project one should not forgot that all roads required constant maintenance though the ammount will very heaviness of crown to be kept free of vegetation drainage system to be kept fully operational erosive damage to be made good where cut and fill methods were employed, carriage way to be repaired the objective of such programmes are strengethed future development of infrastructure and social services and in addition to strengethen local markets nevertheless we can also learn from this project with a lesson and and economic anlysis is a decision making tool to be applied for all projects programmes or operations and it should always be carried out and taken into consideration the economic anlysis should be undertaken for all types of projects for all different forms of finance which are available or which are being sought amout university is branded as the home of education in addition to that it is also known to be agricultural area in which nearly all the fruits and vegetables consumed in borama are produced and it is hoped that the production of these farmers will increase the economic of the farmers of the area which accessibilty to market gets improved the project is partially financed by somaliland road authority and amoud university and the community of Borama the role of community to contribute to the project will be vital there fore ammoud university full packing of this partner to contribute to this development in order to fullfil it is objectives

By Mohamed Omar (Siraj) Email siraaje77@yahoo.com

I was listening the news from Radio Horyaal, the voice of the people of Somaliland. There was "A" [undesired] conversation or question and answer to be precise, between the repudiated and forgotten Muj. Of SNM and an uninvited, nervously curious police commissioner at the bed of the Hargeisa Dry River after the Mujahedeen were denied to have their meeting in Hotel Ming-Sing of Hargeisa by a remnant entity!

The head of the police, invited him self, to meat the forgotten, deceived, dishonored, disregarded, disfranchised and discontent Muj Of SNM. The founders and the saviors of the people and the country of Somaliland! He asked them some questions! The Muj. Tried to answer the un-answerable, to their best ability while controlling their anger.

The questions had no relationship to the respective answers and the answers likewise had no relationship to the questions either! The questioner and the questioned were from too different worlds regarding to their experiences in the struggle to find the lost Republic! The Mujahedeen were there for this nation. The head of the police was not there for this Republic! The families and friends of the Muj sacrificed their lives and livelihood for the liberation of this (contested) Country. The guest there and his friends were never there! Where were they then? We know where they were! We know where they are now!

One thing both of them were right, each one in his, or their own right!

The Muj knew what they were talking about.The police commissioner also knew what he was talking about! Each talked about a different world while they were in the world of Hargeisa Dry River! However both of the parties were pretending otherwise! Moreover the meeting was unbalanced, unproductive, because one party imposed himself on the other with out a prior consent from the concerned party!

Two things were frankly clear although they were not spoken! Some times unspoken words are more powerful than spoken ones. That is when silence express more and staring speaks volumes!

a) The chief was saying it all with out actually uttering a word. In just gazing at the Muj, it seemed he was saying: "Scary. Don't you blame us guys; you threw away your baby and departed from it! Whether you went out in seclusion for thanking your lord for your victory over Siyad Barre, whether you sought guidance emulating prophet Muses or what ever! We found the baby left alone! We then grab it, own it with out any effort and embrace it! Forget about it now, you won't see it any more. You bunch of losers!" So, "why don't you go away and look after your camels or become cools or whatever! Go and blame your [SNM] leaders at the time, or your self or who knows whom else you should blame, but not us. I hope they understand my point concluded the chief!"

b) The Mujahedeen were also saying it all with out actually saying a word. In just staring at the man! It seemed they were saying: "Where was this guy when hill loose all over and only the brave was there? Where was he when blood and tear filled this riverbed? Where was he and his bodies when we chased the Siyad Barre army, their tail between their legs? Who these cowards play our "technika" to scare off? Where was he when we liberated the people and the land of Somaliland? Where were they when we were struggling for the liberation of humanity when the Siyad Barre regime de-humanized all of us including the commissioner and his bodies? Where was he when we secured their human dignity from the beasts of Mr. Barre!"

"How unconscionable, how immoral and ungrateful my people [these people] are, the Muj concluded? Let alone they reward us for our sacrifice but how dare they deny our basic human rights. The right to exercise the freedom of expression, and the right of association in the very soil we liberated which they did not? And many more questions". "This Republic is our baby, in the collective sense", they wondered! The unequal two parts depart in two different directions with two different thinking, until another time!

The overall aim of the project is to create conditions conducive to community-based reconciliation in Somalia through organized in-country dialogues on issues essential to peacebuilding, thereby contributing to the overall peace and recovery process. More specifically, the Dialogue for Peace is intended to facilitate the implementation in southern Somalia and Puntland of any peace agreement arising from the Somali National Reconciliation Conference, by drawing attention to key concerns - including challenges to peace - likely to emerge from the state-building process. In Somaliland, the Dialogue is aimed at consolidating peace and stability, while facilitating the complex process of democratization through elections, the implementation of constitutional democracy and decentralization.

The Dialogue for Peace consists of four phases. The first, a preparatory phase, entailed the setting up of research teams and support staff for the affiliates and apprising them of all aspects of the Dialogue. The second step was the preliminary research phase or conflict- and actor-mapping conducted by affiliate separately. This exercise brought forth "entry points" or focus areas and culminated in meetings in Hargeysa and Nairobi towards the end of 2004. These Project Group meetings brought together representatives of a broad cross-section of society, who took ownership of the Dialogue exercise and will henceforth lend direction to it.

In the main, or consultative, phase of research, which is now under way, working groups with relevant and technical experience will identify the key needs for each entry point and develop action plans to address and resolve those needs. To this purpose, consultations will be held with community representatives, civil society organizations, members of the business community and political leaders.

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

1. Project Title: Dialogue for Peace in Somalia / Somaliland

2. Organization: WSP International

3. Location(s): Country-wide, including South / Central Somalia (based from Mogadishu), Puntland / Northeast Somalia (based from Garowe), and Somaliland / Northwest Somalia (based from Hargeysa)

4. Duration: 24 months, from January 2004 - December 2005

5. Sector(s): Governance / Peace building / Civil Society

6. Project Summary: Through the `Dialogue for Peace' programme, WSP will conduct an extensive process of public consultation on issues essential to peace building and state reconstruction. This will involve meetings to be held across Somalia (including Somaliland) that will bring local communities, civil society representatives and Somali political leaders together to identify and agree on key issues and methods of addressing them in order to build a sustainable, peaceful society. The process will maintain regular linkage with members of the international community, and will engage Somali Diasporas in the dialogue as well. Where local consultations result in the willingness of local communities and political actors to directly work towards reconciliation, WSP will adjust its role to facilitate such efforts that will help underpin the efforts to achieve a sustainable peace.

Project Description 1.

PROJECT OVERVIEW

Somalia represents the most durable case of state collapse in the modern era. Thirteen years after the demise of Siad Barre's dictatorship, the number of militia-factions continues to grow, while hopes for regional administrations to form sustainable governing institutions have dwindled. At the same time, armed violence continues, fueled by clan-based tensions, public mistrust and factional manipulation. In October 2002, IGAD member-states and international sponsors established the Somalia National Reconciliation Conference (SNRC). Despite initial hopes, the process has encountered serious difficulties and a successful outcome is far from certain. While the international community is focused on re-establishing inclusive negotiations with Somalia's political leaders, concrete efforts within Somalia to address the longer-term issues of sustainable peace building and legitimacy have yet to begin. As a result, there is a danger that the outputs of this peace effort may not have roots inside Somalia and may end up lacking the broad-based support necessary for sustainability.

In this context, WSP International proposes conducting a `Dialogue for Peace' - an extensive process of public consultation on issues pertaining to peace building and state reconstruction. WSP International's experience in Somalia over the past eight years indicates that the understanding and trust that is developed through the WSP methodology can help resolve conflicts directly, while at the same time building consensual approaches to address the social, economic and political issues necessary for a durable peace. This will be a complementary initiative to the on-going peace process - one that builds on its previous and ongoing work - to ensure that core issues are addressed inside Somalia. In order for the Dialogue to be successful, WSP International recognizes the need for sustained relationship with the Somalia National Reconciliation Conference (SNRC) on-going in Mbagathi, Kenya, as well as those structures and agreements that may emerge from its conclusion should there be any. WSP International and its affiliates continue to meet regularly with members of the IPF, the IGAD Facilitation Committee including the Special Envoy, Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat as well as concerned diplomats to share the results of the organizations' ongoing work and to prepare for future cooperation. WSP International will thus be well prepared to work with the outcomes of the peace conference, whether these are structures such as a "reconciliation commission" or dynamic efforts to encourage further grassroots and political reconciliation, and move them forward inside Somalia. At the same time, especially in light of the unclear state of the SNRC, the Dialogue needs to be prepared now and to begin its work inside.

2. OBJECTIVES The overall objective of the Dialogue for Peace is to enhance conditions conducive for community-based reconciliation in Somalia through organized in-country dialogues on issues essential to peace building, and to thereby significantly contribute to the overall peace recovery process. The specific objectives of the Dialogue for Peace are the following:

- Participatory Research - To identify areas of consensus and disagreement in peace building through engaging a broad cross-section of the Somali people in public discussion, and to thus contribute to reconciliation efforts by local and international actors.

- Empowerment - To empower the Somali public to speak out regarding key issues and develop platforms for action on issues of reconciliation and reconstruction. To enhance the capacity of WSP affiliates in Somalia.

- Mobilization - To increase the relative weight of the interests of the Somali people and engage them more seriously in efforts to find a negotiated solution to the continuing crisis in Somalia.

- Reconciliation - To catalyze local, regional and national conflict resolution efforts by creating neutral space and mobilizing international support for political dialogue.

- Strengthening Civil Society - To engage civil society actors in peace efforts through direct cooperation in the process.

3. TARGET GROUPS / BENEFICIARIES WSP

International methodology is broadly participatory and inclusive, promoting the interaction of diverse social and political groups. Through debate and the effort to reach consensual conclusions in a relatively neutral forum, the WSP International Somali Programme has directly involved over a thousand members of civil society, parliaments, private businesses, women's groups, administrations, local and international NGOs, UN agencies and others in policy oriented research and dialogue. In addition, thousands of Somalis within the country and the Diaspora benefit indirectly from the interaction, as well as exposure to the research findings and recommendations through dissemination of research papers, through the media, the internet, and by word of mouth. Research findings and recommendations also reach policy and decision makers in the Somali and international communities. WSP research products have been used as reference documents by officials in local administrations, in parliamentary debates, by local media organizations (print, television and radio), by local NGO's, international aid agencies and donors.

4. CONTEXT / JUSTIFICATION

A number of factors have conspired to perpetuate state collapse in Somalia and to prevent a solution to the crisis: the legacy of corrupt and abusive political leadership, the emergence of entrenched political and commercial "conflict constituencies", the interference of regional powers and the neglect of the broader international community. Despite the widespread desire of the Somali people for a return to normalcy, the restoration of central government is a prospect that continues to divide them more than it unites them. The reasons for this ambivalence are several: a profound public mistrust of political institutions and leadership borne of past experience; the political manipulation of clan identity; and the dependence of most Somali political and faction leaders on external rather than internal legitimacy. Together, these elements add up to a view of government that serves the interests of a select few while being at best indifferent to the welfare of its public. At worst, such a government has proven abusive and predatory.

It has become conventional wisdom to blame the failure of the peace process on Somalia's recalcitrant faction leaders. This is only a partial explanation and its widespread acceptance by the international community has meant that there has been little effort to address the broader social and political dynamics of the crisis. Indeed, by skirting issues like legitimacy and accountability, past peace initiatives have threatened to restore to Somalia the kind of political leadership that precipitated the crisis in the first place, awakening deep seated suspicions and anxieties among the Somali population. Over the years, Somali faction leaders have successfully played upon their people's fears in order to perpetuate the crisis and sustain their own leadership role. Given such circumstances, international peacemakers have set themselves an impossible task: parallel and simultaneous peace building and state formation. Peace building requires reconciliation, the mending of relations and the restoration of trust. In Somalia this is an essentially consensual process, with any major actor having a de facto veto over decisions of the majority. State formation, on the other hand, is fraught with competition, anxiety and tension and will inevitably create the impression of `winners" and "losers."

It is no coincidence that every significant attempt since 1991 to restore central government to Somalia - including the present conference in Mbagathi - has been associated with an escalation in violence. The challenge for peacemakers in Somalia - both national and international - is to identify and harness the potential synergies between these apparently contradictory processes: to situate reconciliation firmly within the context of state building, while employing state building as a platform for trust-building and enduring reconciliation. Neither will be possible without the broad engagement of the Somali public. Peace building in the context of state formation While international efforts to restore central government to Somalia have generally been high level, extraterritorial affairs, `peace building' on the ground has generally been left to Somali civic and traditional leaders and a handful of international agencies engaged in civic action, training, education and a variety of related activities with limited or no linkage to the high-level efforts. All too often the `grassroots' level achievements have lacked sustainable depth, or been scuttled by battles between political leaders over actual or anticipated power-sharing arrangements. In practice, local peace-building efforts cannot be divorced from the broader political context.

It may even be counterproductive to do so. The impact of a settlement reached at the national political level can often be expected to override local level agreements. For example, given the importance of decentralization to the Somali peace process, the nature of the Somali state (unitary, federal, or confederal) and the number of administrative regions/ provinces are questions of extreme sensitivity.

A decision as to whether Gaalka'yo lies in a united Mudug region, is wholly part of Puntland regional state, or is permanently divided into northern and southern spheres of control, would threaten to upset whatever modus vivendi has prevailed to date between the inhabitants of the town. Likewise, the ultimate decision as to whether to retain Bay and Bakool as separate administrative regions, to unite them as a "Riverineland", or to amalgamate them with the Juba Valley to form the "State of Southwest Somalia" could create new and dangerous tensions throughout southwest Somalia. Decisions about control of economic infrastructure such as ports and airports, and the sharing of their revenues between central and local governments are potentially explosive. Other issues such as demobilization and reintegration of militia and ex-combatants may be less politically charged, but will require a significant degree of local leadership. For example, centrally planned and implemented demobilization exercises are not only expensive; they are also potentially dangerous since they concentrate large numbers of soldiers in specific locations and create competition among commanders and communities for access to resources. In other words, decisions reached at the national level may prove destabilizing on the ground (especially where signatories have contradicted the expectations or demands of their constituents), no matter how much energy has previously been invested in peace building. Even more problematic, ad hoc peace-building initiatives at the local level may produce agreements that are eventually nullified or overturned by national peace accords, leading directly to confrontation between local and national level leaders. State formation as a platform for peace building Peace conferences for Somalia have historically been state building exercises, aimed at the formation of a national government (usually as quickly as possible). Since most Somalis expect a future government to reproduce past patterns of political behavior, they are understandably ambivalent about the prospect. The fact that most of the leaders involved in state building exercises are known quantities, having either held senior posts in the past regime or taken part in the political and military factionalism of the post-war period, only reinforces the anticipation that history will repeat itself. No wonder that many Somalis have greeted past settlements with little real enthusiasm and a number have often resigned themselves to take up arms again instead. A constitutional and technical dialogue, such as the kind initiated by the Eldoret / Mbagathi process, can do much to mitigate people's fears by helping them to envision alternatives to the kind of leadership they have known in the past. The current schism between federalists and unitarians is just one facet of the debate.

Revenue sharing, the legal system, security forces and transitional justice issues - to name a few - all call for equally thorough discussion. In short, Somalis need the opportunity to rethink and reinvent their state in a way that represents the best possible compromise between the greatest possible numbers. Since Somalis generally have little faith in their current leaders, it is not sufficient to leave deliberations of this nature to the handful of self-appointed or hand-picked delegates who routinely attend internationally sponsored peace conferences. Indeed, to do so only reinforces the public sense of powerlessness, alienation from, and mistrust of political leadership. By engaging a broader cross-section of the Somali public in the debate about their nation's future, true Somali ownership of the peace process can be established, the mending of relations between the people and their institutions (and leaders) can begin and the foundation for a lasting peace be laid. WSP has long argued that the Somali peace process must involve extensive public consultation inside the country with a broad range of stakeholders.

Only then can the anxieties and tensions associated with state formation be fully exposed and dealt with in a transparent and open manner. At the same time, deliberation of national issues and choices in communities across the country can contribute in a direct and practical way to the processes of reconciliation and peace building. To date, political constraints and insufficient resources have precluded the full-scale application such an approach. However, the lessons learned from over a decade of peace making in Somalia have underlined the necessity of public dialogue and its potential as an alternative to third party mediation. WSP International's experience of more than 6 years of political facilitation and public debate throughout much of Somalia provides both the justification for such an approach and the platform upon which it could be organized.

5. MANAGEMENT AND IMPLEMENTATION

The `Dialogue for Peace' will be a field-driven exercise, guided and supported by the WSP International office in Nairobi, Kenya. This office will be the duty station for the Somali Programme Coordinator and the Senior Somali Programme Officer, the Operations Manager and the Reports and Information Officer as well as the necessary administrative, logistical and financial management staff. From the outset, a donor support group will be formed to accompany the process. Inside the country, the `Dialogue for Peace' will be led and managed by three WSP International affiliate teams, including:
- Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD) in Mogadishu.
- Puntland Development and Research Centre (PDRC) in Garowe.
- Academy for Peace and Development (APD) in Hargeysa.

In early 2004, the CRD and PDRC teams agreed to combine their efforts in a jointly managed programme, while retaining their separate institutional identities. The APD team will manage its component of the dialogue independently of the other affiliates, but will continue to coordinate with them on substantive, technical and methodological issues.

The affiliate teams and WSP International Somalia Project Coordination office will meet regularly throughout the process to plan and coordinate activities. The major inputs required for the Dialogue for Peace are human resources, travel (e.g. by air and land), rental of infrastructure for meetings, computers and other IT equipment, audio / video recording equipment, and other general office equipment. Project Group To ensure local ownership of the Dialogue process, a Project Group (PG) will be formed during the course of the preliminary research phase. This will be made up of eminent persons carefully selected from a broad cross-section of prominent political leaders, traditional and religious leaders, civil society members, professional associations, business community and the diaspora through a joint selection process by the affiliates. Since the PG's representative nature necessitates that it be a fairly large body with dispersed membership, the WSP team may invite a smaller sub group of the PG to accompany the Dialogue more closely as a group of advisors. By identifying the Entry Points for the Dialogue, the PG effectively takes ownership of the process and "commissions" the WSP teams to assist the PG in the implementation. The Project Group (or its advisory sub-group) will subsequently meet regularly throughout the process to provide feedback, offer advice, and - when necessary - mobilize support for the process from political and civic leaders. Additional roles of the PG include helping to guide the programme's operational agenda to fit local circumstances, as well as to coordinate interventions on a countrywide basis. During the final phase of the Dialogue process (Restitution and Reflection), the PG will receive and adopt the results and findings of the main phase, confirming PG's responsibility for the process and its outcomes. Because of its key role in the Dialogue, the composition of the PG is of paramount concern. In the WSP context, a number of key principles govern the PG's composition and conduct. Among these are that it should include broad-based and inclusive representation of local actors; that it serve as a politically neutral space for dialogue; and that its decisions (including selection of Entry Points) be consensus-based.

Membership of the PG should be of a sufficiently high level that its deliberations and decisions are of relevance to broader political and social dynamics across the country. Working Groups Each Entry Point will be accompanied by a Working Group (WG), to be established following the first meeting of the PG. The Working Group is composed of key stakeholders (i.e. decision makers, professionals, experts and civic leaders) in issues covered by the Entry Point. Although more technical in nature than the PG, the WG functions according to the same principles with respect to inclusivity, representation, and political neutrality. Just as the PG exercises ownership of the overall exercise, the WG exercises ownership of its respective Entry Point. In a conventional WSP process, the WG initially identifies the objectives of the research process and guides the team in developing a research outline.

In the Dialogue programme, each WG will set itself achievable goals (within the context of the respective Entry Point) and guide the team in developing an action plan. The WG will accompany the team throughout the process, meeting more frequently than the PG (typically at least once a month). Members of the WG will be closely engaged in the management of the main consultative phase, often participating directly in consultations and leading or animating project activities. All formal findings, products or outcomes of the main consultative phase must be approved by the WG before they can be passed to the PG for adoption.

6. PROJECT ACTIVITIES AND METHODOLOGY

The Dialogue for Peace is an extensive process of public consultation on issues pertaining to peace building and state reconstruction. This will involve meetings with local communities, including civil society representatives, Somali political leaders and members of the international community. They will examine key requirements for a sustainable peace in Somalia and methods of addressing them. Where local consultations result in the willingness of local communities and political actors to directly work towards reconciliation, WSP will adjust its role to facilitate such efforts, which would help underpin the efforts of international actors to achieve an enduring peace settlement. The Dialogue's consultative process would apply a variation of the WSP participatory action research methodology, providing for an inclusive, consensus-oriented dialogue led by local actors and facilitated by national researchers. Discussions would be documented both in written and video form, and the local media would be used extensively to stimulate further discussion. In keeping with WSP's standard research methodology, the process will go through four stages:

I. Preparation
II. Preliminary Research
III. Consultation (Main Phase)
IV. Restitution and Reflection (Final Phase) Reconciliation and political facilitation are integral components of WSP's participatory methodology, ensuring that both type of activity will take place contemporaneously with the second, third and fourth stages of the dialogue process, and may at times take precedence. Throughout, dissemination of findings will be fed back to local communities through innovative use of the thriving Somali media sector, and at the international community through occasional papers, videos and other briefing sessions. Phase 1: Preparation A five-month period has been required, between January and May 2004, to prepare the WSP affiliate offices in Somalia to implement the Dialogue for Peace and the WSP office in Nairobi to support those efforts. This was extended from the three months originally envisioned mainly because of the need to assure the resource commitment of the international community before engaging in the programme. During this period the CRD team concluded research activities under its ongoing WSP programme (i.e. completion of a "zonal note" examining various aspects of the Somali crisis and reconstruction efforts), merging with preparatory activities for the Dialogue. At the same time, APD completed a complex institutional transition, establishing a General Assembly, Board of Directors, and putting in place a new management team. Outputs of the preparatory stage will include the following:

- WSP International and affiliate offices with the requisite staffing, financial and logistical capacity to implement the Dialogue for Peace on a nation-wide basis.

- Sufficient methodological training and preparation for affiliate teams to be able to conduct the preliminary phase.

- Formation of a donor support group for feedback on the progress of the Dialogue, revision of the project document and budget as required, and consultation on linkages between the Dialogue and the international community via the IGAD Facilitation Committee, IPF, SNRC or other international bodies/actors. Phase 2: Preliminary Research The preliminary phase of the Dialogue process will consist of a relatively rapid (approximately five months) `actor and conflict mapping exercise' upon which priorities for more comprehensive dialogue will be based. The purpose of the mapping exercise will be to: i) provide a contemporary assessment of conflict dynamics in Somalia; ii) review the strengths and weakness of previous local and international reconciliation initiatives, and iii) suggest areas of focus (entry points) for the main phase of the Dialogue.

This will involve three main components:
- Literature collection and review
- Interviews with relevant local and international actors
- Field work, group discussions etc.

The literature review will include a review of relevant and contemporary literature, notably with respect to conflict, reconciliation and state building issues throughout Somalia. The purpose of the review will be to ensure that the Dialogue is informed by past experience, including previous peace conferences, the ongoing IGAD-sponsored talks in Kenya, and the World Bank's Conflict Analysis Framework (CAF). WSP affiliate teams will travel extensively through their respective areas of responsibility inside Somalia, conducting interviews and consultations throughout their respective areas of responsibility, soliciting feedback that captures discussions in both written and audiovisual form. In particular, they will be seeking to identify priority concerns with respect to reconciliation and governance (state building); at the same time, the teams will identify local and regional leaders to participate in the PG, in order to ensure continuity between the local, regional and national levels of the Dialogue. The preliminary phase will also provide the WSP affiliate teams with the opportunity familiarize themselves with the current situation, explain the purpose of the process, stimulate local interest and identify potential local partners for the continuing consultative process. Upon conclusion of the mapping exercise, the WSP teams will come together to prepare a brief report and video documentary (a `Note' in WSP parlance) on their collective findings. The main purpose of the written and video "Notes" is to capture the principal issues emerging from their research relating to reconciliation, peace building and state building, the various perspectives and positions encountered vis-.-vis those issues, and to suggest areas requiring collective attention and action within the context of the Dialogue. The draft Notes would then be presented to the PG, which will be invited to endorse (with any necessary modifications) the situation analysis and to identify proposed Entry Points for the consultative process. The process of debating and negotiating the entry points can itself be an important political exercise, requiring delegates to reach consensus on a common position, while collectively identifying issues upon which they differ. Once revised and approved by the PG, elements of the Note will be disseminated throughout Somalia through various media, as well as being distributed to the wider international community. The adoption of the written and video Notes and the identification by the PG of Entry Points marks the conclusion of the preliminary research phase and the advent of the main consultative phase of the Dialogue.

Phase 3: Consultation At the outset of the main consultative phase, a WG of primary stakeholders will be formed to manage the work on each Entry Point. In consultation with the WSP affiliate teams, each WG will set its own goals, define its own agenda and develop its own programme of work. Entry Points are likely to be diverse in subject matter. Previous WSP research already suggests a number of highly controversial topics that might be proposed as Entry Points for the Dialogue:

- Constitutional issues: key aspects of a transitional charter for Somalia
- Administrative sub-division of Somalia (number of regions/provinces and their boundaries)
- Demobilisation and disarmament
- Land ownership and disputes
- Resource management and sharing (i.e. between different regions or different levels of government)
- Control and administration of contested towns such as Gaalka'yo, Kismaayo and Mogadishu)

To the extent that Entry Points may coincide with issues under discussion in the national peace process or fall within the mandate of a National Reconciliation Commission (NRC), WSP would adjust its efforts to ensure complementarity. Proposed Entry Points may also involve issues at different levels: national, inter-regional, regional or local. Although WSP's methodology emphasizes the "macro" level of engagement, circumstances may require flexibility where sensitive issues of reconciliation and peace building are concerned. It is therefore conceivable that some entry points would be sub-national in scope, relating to inter-regional socio-political systems such as Puntland, Bay/Bakool, the Juba Valley or Banadir. WSP also recognizes that certain critical local disputes may require resolution (or at least a response) before broader issues can be addressed. A researcher dedicated to conflict resolution at the local level will therefore be located in the CRD office with specific responsibility for responding to local demands and recommending courses of action to the CRD and WSP management. Each WG would begin the main consultative phase by setting achievable goals related to its Entry Point: in a variation from the conventional WSP approach, these goals are no longer limited to research products and may take a variety of forms. The WSP affiliate teams will guide then guide each WG in developing a plan of action, taking into account available time and resources. The plan of action typically includes an extension of the initial `Mapping Exercise', involving most of the same basic elements, more specifically applied to each Entry Point:

- Information gathering and analysis: the WSP affiliates are responsible for collecting available literature and documents and, where required, summarizing and/or analyzing the material for presentation to the WG.

- Identification of Stakeholders: together with the WG, the WSP affiliates engage in mapping of local, regional and national actors whose views or engagement are required for a successful outcome

- Consultations: on the basis of its `mapping exercise', each WG will develop a schedule for consultations at various levels (local, inter-regional or national) and design the format for these consultations.

- Resource Persons: On complex issues, additional expertise may be required to assist the WGs and to inform consultations. In such cases, WSP will engage local or international resource persons to accompany the process on a part-time or full-time basis. Alternatively, WSP may request its partners, via the donor support group, to arrange secondment of national or international experts to assist with the Dialogue process. It has been the practice of the WSP Somali Programme to begin each consultation with a presentation by the WSP affiliate team, together with WG and/or PG members, of a brief discussion paper and film intended to stimulate dialogue and debate around the Entry Point. Over a 3-5-day period, participants are typically encouraged to move towards discussion of possible solutions. However, the nature of the Dialogue and the approach of the WG's may require flexibility in the format of the consultations (which could conceivably vary between Entry Points). As far as possible, consultations will be designed to bring participants together from across Somalia for face-to-face sessions. Where this is not possible, audio-visual (AV), information communication technology (ICT) and the news media may be employed to assist in communication between groups. In some cases, it may also be necessary for stakeholders from different groups or regional to hold initial consultations independently of one another in order to clarify their own positions and ensure that they have local legitimacy before engaging in consultations at the inter-regional or national level. In order to ensure sustained public interest and raise key issues to the level of political decision makers, this main phase of the consultative process will take a minimum of 12 months. Throughout the main consultative phase, the WSP affiliate teams will provide organizational, logistical and secretarial support to the WGs.

In consultation with the WGs, the WSP affiliate staff will plan, organize and convene consultations; arrange travel, accommodation and meeting venues; record deliberations and decisions, and ensure follow-up actions as directed by the WGs. Where appropriate, WSP affiliate teams may also facilitate discussions. At the conclusion of the main phase, each WG will present the outcome of its activities to the PG for adoption and further action. Phase 4: Restitution and Reflection The convening of the final PG meeting signals the conclusion of the main consultative phase and the advent of the final phase. The PG will reconvene to consider and ultimately adopt the results of the process and make recommendations for further action. Depending on the situation at that time, these results might be fed back into an existing peace process, or be presented to an emerging government or transitional entity. Following the final PG meeting, and building upon its conclusions, there will be a period of restitution and reflection. This will involve:

1) Analysis and consolidation of the results of the research and dialogue process: this will include final documentation of each Entry Point in written and video form for the purposes of historical reference and sharing of `lessons learned'.

2) Identification of consensual recommendations and solutions as well as key areas where they may be further disagreement on key issues. This could perhaps result in proposals for further action.

3) Sharing of results with the Somalis who participated in the process, as well as with the broader national and international communities. The PG will also be invited to propose what steps should then be taken to integrate the findings of the countrywide consultations into whatever formal peace process may exist at that time.

Consistent with WSP activities worldwide, the final phase of the process will include both internal and external evaluations, further described below. Reconciliation and Political Facilitation It is anticipated that the process of consultation on key issues of peace building will lead some Somali communities to try to address these issues in practical political terms. In order to promote a the establishment of a durable peace, the Dialogue will, when possible and appropriate, link its outcomes to efforts to mediate disputes between various actors at the local level in support of emerging local and national governing arrangements. While WSP International does not have the technical capacity or mandate to negotiate formal peace agreements between conflicting parties, it is conceivable that one or more WG's leading the Dialogue process would include such agreements among their goals. In addition, WSP will offer the following support to promote reconciliation when and where it appears possible and appropriate:

- Identification of priority conflicts where the involved communities and leaders perceive an opportunity for constructive mediation efforts.

- Create opportunities through the process of local consultations on key peace building issues for mediation efforts between conflicting parties.

- Encourage and help mobilize local conflict resolution mechanisms to ensure Somali ownership.

- Establish appropriate links with other interested mediators, to be identified, mandated and employed by the responsible actors in new Somali institutions should they be established, and/or the international community.

- Provide substantive input and support to both local participants and mediators regarding the key issues under discussion. Through the Dialogue for Peace, WSP International will flexibly adjust its planned consultation schedule to allow time and resources to facilitate reconciliation initiatives when there is interest and agreement from Somali communities and leaders to do so, and when there is support from the international community. If such a political and social context does not exist, then the process of consultations envisioned in the main consultative phase will continue as planned. As has been the case through the WSP Somalia programme, the teams involved will at times facilitate quiet dialogue between various parties to reduce tension and encourage understanding. While this activity is difficult to quantify and often goes unannounced and unrecognized, it is a critically important part of the process. Ongoing Dissemination Throughout the entire Dialogue Process, dissemination of findings from WSP's research and consultations will take place, aiming at both local communities through innovative use of the thriving Somali media outlets, and at the international community through regular papers, videos and briefing sessions. Effective use of the media is critical to the success of the exercise. WSP International and the affiliates will develop a media strategy including print media, local and international radio, television and the Internet to ensure the engagement of as wide a segment as possible of the Somali Diaspora. One of the specific objectives of the Dialogue process is to create a sense of `national conversation', in which deliberations of one group of Somalis in one part of the country would be made available to participants in subsequent meetings elsewhere, as well as to the general public.

Practically speaking, WSP research teams would record the proceedings of each consultation in both written and audio-visual formats. During the course of the Dialogue, WSP will continue to explore the use of AV and ICT technologies in support of its methodology. An editorial/production team, led by a Reports and Information Officer, would be responsible for processing all material for dissemination throughout the process and upon its conclusion. The materials gathered in this way may also serve as a valuable resource for longer-term civic education initiatives. To ensure effective implementation of this media engagement, WSP will pursue cooperation with other, ongoing peace building and capacity building projects, including work by the BBC Somali Service and IRIN. WSP International will prepare regular summaries of key points and issues raised during Dialogue for Peace research and consultations to share with the international community.

These will be presented to the donor support group and circulated to key donors and international observers. WSP International and the PG will also maintain regular consultation with key international stakeholders in the SNRC process to brief them on the findings and lessons emerging through the process. The Somali Diaspora The work in the Somali Programme to date, as well as the work in WSP International Programmes elsewhere, has underscored the important role the diaspora often plays in peace building in a country. Somalis abroad, both near and far, are an important source of resources. They also have access to information and often access to those with hands on the levers of power in the international community. At the same time, they may or may not have a realistic view as to the realities in the country today. The influence on the situation inside the country can be considerable:
economic, political and social. Increasingly, the WSP methodology is working towards bringing the diaspora into the dialogue process. Building on work that has already been done, particular emphasis will be given to engaging the Somali expatriate business community (particularly in Dubai) in the process. The work with the diaspora will include dynamic use of information communications technology, including the Internet, but also face-to-face dialogue with Somali groups in the Middle East, Europe and North America. If resources permit, select figures from the diaspora may be invited to take part in the PG. In addition, further consideration is being given as to how best to engage the refugee community in the region in the process. The extent to which engagement with the diaspora can be developed will have an impact on the budget.

7. EXPECTED OUTCOMES/OUTPUTS

The expected outcomes of the WSP Dialogue for Peace are the following:

- A Somali public more aware of and engaged with issues concerning national reconciliation and state formation. An increased level of contact and dialogue between different social groups, including across clan lines. An increased sense of voice and ownership of the policy setting process on the part of participants, and an increased capacity to make that voice heard.

- Somali leaders and international actors with more exposure to and understanding of Somali public opinion on key issues relating to reconciliation and peace building.

- A `national conversation' initiated and experienced by Somalis inside and outside of the country that can continue under its own momentum beyond the Dialogue project, contributing to the development of a culture of peace.

- An overall reduction in the level of conflicts; an increase in local capacity to address potential conflict through non-violent means. Specific outputs that will be achieved are the following

- An overall `Note' that maps the key issues in the Somali conflict as seen from a broadly inclusive "from the ground" perspective.

- Regular reports (written and video) on the issues emerging from the dialogue process.

- A series of concrete actions, agreements and/or proposals (to be defined by the WGs) intended to advance the processes of reconciliation and state building.

- A final report and film summarizing the outcomes of local consultations and providing a "lessons learned" reference.

- Conferences and dissemination of results to national and international partners engaged in the peace process.

8. RISKS, ASSUMPTIONS AND FLEXIBILITY

Given the complexities and sensitivities involved in implementing the Dialogue for Peace in Somalia, WSP International and its Somali affiliates will be required to manage a number of risks inherent in local peace building efforts.

International Support

1. Sufficient financial resources, received in advance of initiating activities, are essential to success of the programme. The risks of encountering cash flow difficulties in a programme of this nature could be a matter of `life and death' and not just programme delay.

2. In addition to the financial support required to implement the Dialogue programme, it will require solid political support from the international community. The substance of the Dialogue programme will remain highly sensitive, as peace building initiatives cannot be separated from the wider Somali political context. Lack of such international support may seriously hamper the ability to implement the programme despite conducive political and social conditions at the local level. Harmonization with the SNRC Process There is a risk that the Dialogue for Peace, which focuses on promoting bottom-up, community-based dialogue, can be perceived as competing with the current, national-level and internationally-led peace conference. To avoid this situation, a number of coordination mechanisms have been proposed above.

First, the participation of members of the IGAD Facilitation Committee and international observers on a Support Group for the Dialogue process. Second, WSP anticipates that Entry Points for substantial consultation inside Somalia will be complementary to issues under consideration in the SNRC process. WSP therefore envisions that agreements and other documents produced by the SNRC would be made available to the PG and WGs, both to raise awareness about the national peace process and to inform the Dialogue. Complementarity between the SNRC and the Dialogue could be further strengthened by the participation of selected delegates from the peace conference in the National Project Group (PG), providing guidance and support to the WSP process and feeding back input from the WSP dialogue to the peace conference. Future Somali Governing Structures The Dialogue process will need the consent and the participation of any new Somali governing institutions that may emerge the ongoing SNRC in order for the Dialogue to be an inclusive programme.

This should not pose any particular difficulty: most WSP programmes take place in post-war countries where governments and transitional institutions (such as NRCs or Truth and Reconciliation Commissions) exist, and the methodology has been successfully tried and tested under such circumstances. The formation of transitional national institutions in Somalia would allow WSP to function in a more conventional, familiar context. As in other post-war situations in which WSP-International operates, the organisation would seek the support and involvement of the new administration, particularly any sort of `reconciliation commission' should there be one. The government would be invited to nominate representatives to the PG and WGs (described above). WSP International's relationship with any transitional institutions or `reconciliation commission' would be one of substantive collaboration, rather than material support. This might include the following:

- Support to the development of the agenda and work plan of the `reconciliation commission'.

- Facilitation of the commission's participation in the Dialogue process through participation in the National Project Group (PG) and the full range of WSP's local consultations.

- Training of the commission's professional staff in participatory, community consultation and conflict resolution skills. Engagement in Somaliland The Somaliland administration has clearly articulated its position on participation in the ongoing Somalia National Reconciliation Conference, and a dialogue process in Somaliland would need to be dealt with separately with the WSP International affiliate in Hargeysa. A parallel dialogue in Somaliland, with a focus on such issues as constitutional democracy, decentralized governance, the transition from clan-based political structures to a multi-party electoral system, and efforts to improve security and promote economic recovery would seem both possible and potentially beneficial. The dialogue could be an important step toward forging a common vocabulary and ideas for functional cooperation on shared problems necessary for an eventual dialogue between the Somaliland Administration and the rest of Somalia regarding their future. From a programmatic perspective, regular meetings of the WSP Somali affiliates with WSP International Somali Programme staff are intended to ensure methodological coherence and a mutual beneficial exchange of experience on technical and substantive issues. Such exchanges are further enhanced through WSP's Methodological Review (MR) process, which brings together researchers from various WSP country projects (Guatemala, Macedonia, Rwanda, etc.) several times each year. The first international MR meeting took place in Djibouti in May 2004. Security and Safe Access So far, the careful, patient and inclusive approach of the WSP Somali Programme has enabled the organization's Somali teams to access most of the insecure areas of the country and facilitate dialogue with a broad spectrum of social and political actors. Over the past year, in anticipation of the Dialogue for Peace programme, WSP has invested further effort in maintaining open channels of communication with all Somali political actors, both inside the country and at the peace talks in Kenya. Nevertheless it remains likely there will be some areas where undertaking the Dialogue process will not be possible. Moreover should the security situation in parts of the country deteriorate, the Dialogue process would need to be reconsidered to ensure the safety of both WSP staff and Dialogue participants. Perceived Neutrality of the Dialogue One of the essential characteristics of a WSP process is that WSP International be perceived as an impartial actor, maintaining a neutral space where dialogue and trust building can take place unencumbered. To be a successful partner in facilitating dialogue between opposed political groups, WSP International must remain an acceptable interlocutor for all sides. For this reason, WSP International believes that it is not advisable in the short-term to be too closely associated with or provide material support to any particular Somali political group that would risk alienating other important political or social groups. This must include new Somali governing institutions created through the SNRC until such time that they are perceived by key political actors to be inclusive and legitimate. 9. COOPERATION In addition to project donors, members of the IGAD Facilitation Committee and international observers of the Somali peace process, WSP International will cooperate, as appropriate without placing in jeopardy the perceived neutrality mentioned above, a variety of actors in the sectors of governance, civil society and peace building:

- UN Habitat : WSP affiliates are already involved in Habitat's good governance programme and training of local councillors. Habitat and WSP have agreed to optimise their cooperate in this regard through closely coordinated activities.

- Saferworld

- Non-State Actors Forum: WSP and Saferworld are in the process of finalizing arrangements for their co-operation in the Non-State Actors Forum. The anticipated partnership included shared premises in Nairobi, management of field activities by the WSP affiliates, and a complementary participatory methodology.

- World Bank: WSP affiliates undertook both the first and second phases of the World Bank's Conflict Assessment Framework (CAF).1 The CAF experience will be invaluable to the `mapping exercise' envisioned under the Dialogue.

- UN-IRIN: WSP and IRIN have held preliminary discussions about the possibility of collaborating in audio-visual dimensions of the Dialogue, and other forms of collaboration. In conjunction with the EC Somalia Unit, WSP has already established and participated regularly in a forum with NOVIB, LPI and Saferworld since mid-2003. This group focuses on both strategic and operational harmonization of peace building efforts in Somalia, in order to promote effective and efficient use of limited aid resources. Within the context of the newly established Peace Building Forum, WSP also envisions continued collaboration with (among others):

- NOVIB (WSP and NOVIB have also discussed NOVIB's possible support with respect to the capacity-building needs of the Somali affiliates)
- UNPOS
- Life and Peace Institute (LPI)
- UNDP 1 APD's management transition meant that the organization was unable to take part in Phase 2 of the CAF; WSP and the World Bank have discussed several times the prospects of re-engaging the Academy for Phase 3.

WSP continues to seek opportunities for co-operation with other potential partners. Through the WSP-International Nairobi office, WSP also envisions more robust engagement in the SACB and possibly the UN country team. 10. OTHER FACTORS Local Capacity Building The WSP participatory approach, which embraces a set of values (democratic, consensus-seeking, commitment to peaceful change), a methodology (participatory, research-based, flexible) and has practical goals (policy-oriented, macro, consensus-built results), has engendered amongst its national participants the desire to carry on the work beyond the life of the project. There is also a strong sense of obligation on the part of WSP International to support the continuation of the WSP approach in countries after the official project has come to a close, where the desire to do so has been clearly expressed. Hence, WSP International has been committed to establishing local affiliate organizations in Somalia. Already, the Puntland Development and Research Centre (PDRC) in Garowe, and the Academy for Peace and Development (APD) in Hargeysa, are well on their way to being established independent local NGOs. The Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD) in Mogadishu has been in the process of establishing itself as an independent entity since its initiation. During the life span of a regular WSP International programme, preparations for affiliates' futures include training, human resources development, and identification of diverse, non-WSP sources of funding, in addition to helping develop institutional processes and procedures. Additional strengthening of their ability to effectively manage both institutionally and programmatically will be an area of ongoing attention. Examples of opportunities for training and capacity building include:

- Initiation of comprehensive institutional audits and subsequently capacity building based on identified needs

- Regular training sessions in project and financial management by WSP-International staff from Nairobi and Geneva

- Participation of selected researchers in the WSP Peace Building Forum, Geneva, May 2004

- Participation of select researchers in the WSP Cross-Country Methodological Review, Djibouti, May 2004

- Workshop on Conflict Resolution and Mediation Techniques, facilitated

- Training in information and media relations, led by WSP-International Geneva staff, mid-2004 Regular opportunities for training and professional development of WSP affiliate teams will be offered throughout the course of the programme. This intensive investment in capacity building is reflected in the Dialogue budget. Gender Issues WSP takes particular care to promote gender sensitivity and empowerment through all stages of the research and dissemination phases of a project. All WSP affiliate teams include women researchers, and the changing role of women in Somali society (in political, economic and social terms) is often a subject of detailed investigation. WSP's past gender-related activities have included a focus on the "Role of Women in Post-war Reconstruction" in Puntland, and the "Impact of the War on the Family" in Somaliland. However, past experience has encouraged WSP to mainstream its approach to gender rather than to address it as a separate issue, meaning that gender considerations are reflected throughout WSP's work and will be fully integrated in the Dialogue through women's representation in the PG, WGs, consultations and research teams.

11. MONITORING AND EVALUATION

In keeping with established WSP International procedure, the completion of the Restitution and Reflection Phase will be followed by an Internal Evaluation and an External Evaluation. The Internal Evaluation is carried out by WSP International personnel and involves a questionnaire administered in both oral and written form. The evaluation focuses on the observations/reactions of participants in the conflict mapping exercise and the Dialogue itself (Project Group & Working Group members, local participants). The External Evaluation is conducted by an externally engaged consultant and includes a broader range of actors, including international organizations, donors, and the WSP team itself. Separate "lessons" reports and recommendations will be produced by the affiliate research teams for use by WSP International in future country programmes, as well as for other interested actors. WSP International is in the process of developing peace-keeping indicators to measure the qualitative impact of its programming. Monitoring progress and impact assessment is an integral part of WSP International's preliminary programme planning. Progress indicators, developed in consultation with local partners and communities are made available to the affiliate teams in a universal "toolbox" of indicators. A copy of the "toolbox" is available upon request.

Affiliate management and research teams will directly observe activities throughout the course of the programme, utilizing both documented interviews and public consultations which will remain the most important tool for external monitoring of project progress. Public consultations will also be documented in video form, which will provide qualitative feedback on local capacity to convene discuss and operate whilst also monitoring the quality of socio-political dialogue. Monitoring and impact assessment will also be the focus of regular discussions among project staff throughout the duration of the project. Regular support from WSP International Senior Advisors both in Nairobi and Geneva is also planned as part of the monitoring exercise. The observations of impact by local participants and observers will remain central source of knowledge about the project's progress, and will also be documented as part of the reporting exercise.

INSTITUTIONAL INFORMATION 1. PREVIOUS INTERVENTIONS

WSP International was established as a pilot project of the United Nations in 1994, in order to assist countries recovering from the devastating effects of violent conflict. The project was designed to complement major international assistance programmes, such as those implemented by the UN, EC, bilateral donors, and NGOs, and to prepare the ground for a more effective partnership between external actors and internal actors in the common pursuit of peace, political stabilization, rehabilitation, and development. WSP International was intended to help societies emerging from conflict to better define their problems and priorities, to set achievable goals in reconstruction, to clarify possible strategies for the future development of their countries, and to indicate where and how focused assistance can be most effective. On the basis of policy-oriented research, the project provided a forum for neutral and democratic discussion, and created mechanisms to facilitate consensus building around key rehabilitation goals and policy alternatives. At the same time, the project aimed to develop local analytical and research capacity that may be pragmatically applied to the problems of post-war recovery. WSP International programmes in Eritrea, Mozambique and Guatemala were successfully concluded during the project's pilot phase, which came to an end in December 1998. A project in Somalia was initiated in late 1996 and is still in progress. On January 1st 1999, the WSP Transition Programme was established in order to pave the way for a more permanent, expanded WSP International activity. WSP International, with its experience of over six years of field work in selected countries, is an attempt to respond to sustainable conflict resolution. It contributes to the recovery and strengthening of societies emerging from conflict by bringing together indigenous actors (including former adversaries and victims) to set priorities, build consensus and formulate responses, aided by participatory action research, and maintaining regular consultation with external aid providers. WSP International's carefully defined methodology embodies principles of local capacity and responsibility; wide-ranging participation; the better understanding of differing interests and objectives; use of relevant data and analysis in integrative decision-making; practical policy impact; and a catalytic rather than dominating role by international actors. The WSP Somali Programme began its work in the North-eastern part of Somalia in 1997, subsequently established a project in Somaliland in 1999 and set up a new activity in the Benadir region of the South in 2000. With a small liaison and coordination office located in Nairobi, the Programme is supporting field projects at various stages in the development of a typical WSP International project. WSP-Puntland has turned into a "second generation" project after the pilot activity was continued by a newly established, local organization, the Puntland Development and Research Centre (PDRC). The Somaliland project executed by the Academy for Peace and Development (APD) completed its most active phase in 2002 and WSP activities in the South/Central area through the Centre for Research & Dialogue (CRD) were the result of the conviction that a project could indeed be set up there. The WSP Somali Programme had always intended to eventually work throughout Somalia, taking its experience and lessons learned from one stable region to the next thereby contributing to democratic peace- and consensus- building.

Through direct experience and observation, the WSP International Somali programme has become increasingly conversant with the underlying issues of the Somali conflict from a variety of local, national and international perspectives. A key element in WSP International's approach is the building of local capacity. This participatory approach, which embraces a set of values (democratic, consensus-seeking, commitment to peaceful change), a methodology (participatory, research-based, flexible) and has practical goals (policy-oriented, macro, consensus-built results), has engendered amongst its national participants the strong desire to carry on the work beyond the life of the project. There is also a strong sense of obligation on the part of WSP International in Geneva to support the continuation of the WSP International approach in countries after the official project has come to a close, where the desire to do so has been clearly expressed.

2. IMPLEMENTING PARTNERS

WSP International partners in Somalia are:

- The Puntland Development Research Centre (PDRC), based in Garowe.
- The Academy for Peace and Development (APD), based in Hargeysa.
- The Centre for Research and Dialogue (CRD), based in Mogadishu.

Puntland Development Research Centre (Garowe) Following the conclusion of the WSP Pilot Project in Puntland under UN auspices, the Puntland Development Research Centre (PDRC) was established as in independent Somali NGO in early 2000 in order to build on WSP's foundation. In addition to continued support from WSP International, the Puntland government allocated land for construction of the Centre and contributions towards development of the PDRC arrived from members of the Puntland Diaspora. Since that time, PDRC's principal activities focused on conducting PAR research into the harmonization of legal codes (secular, traditional and shari'a in Somalia. This was conducted as part of a broader "civil protection" programme under the auspices of Diakonia and UNDP. The PDRC team has continued to closely follow the WSP methodology in its research, while introducing some pragmatic adaptations of its own to local circumstances and funding shortfalls. Recent PDRC activities supported by WSP include the following:

1) Workshop on ''Pastoralism, frankincense and fisheries in the Puntland economy". The proceedings of this workshop are to be published in late 2003 / early 2004.

2) Workshop on "Traditional legal system in Puntland". The proceedings of this workshop are to be published in late 2003 / early 2004.

3) Developing partnerships with other community groups, local NGOs and elders that have greater potential for promoting peace building and conflict resolution. Groups such as WAWA Women's Umbrella Group, GECPD, SWA, Nasteexo Women's Centre and KAALO have all been engaged. PDRC trained them the WSP methodology as a tool for initiating a useful dialogue among the sides in political or clan conflict in Puntland.

4) Workshop on peace building with the following objectives:
- Promote the search for peace.
- Contribute to the reconstruction and development efforts in peaceful regions.
- Enhance the PAR (participatory action research) methodology as a model of research and dialogue instrument for peace building and conflict resolution.

5) PDRC headed the Puntland Peace Mission which was instrumental in mediating between conflicting actors in conflict thereby promoting peace in local communities.

6) PDRC attended different workshops and training seminars in 2002/2003, collaborating with international agencies and NGOs.

7) PDRC staff met different international actors in the field and had useful consultations with them on issues around peace building, program etc. The WSP project in Puntland is acknowledged to have had considerable local impact. An external evaluation of WSP International's work in Northeast Somalia concluded: "There is a broad consensus that WSP had a very positive catalytic effect on civil society in NE. Locally, this impact is viewed as the single greatest success of the project, and for most observers in the region, this development alone made the project a success and a worthwhile investment of time and money"2. WSP's internal assessment of its work through PDRC in Puntland affirms that the organizations have achieved the following impact:

1. Create a lasting network of civil society leaders in the region, and introduce leaders from different regions and different sectors to one another;

2. Raise local awareness and understanding of the development process and community expectations of local authorities and external actors;

3. Help local communities to mobilize to meet their needs;

4. Highlight gender issues;

5. Empower intellectuals and other elements of civil society;

6. Expand local dialogue beyond the elite level; 2 Evaluation of the War Torn Societies Project in Puntland, Kenneth Menkhaus, Associate Professor Political Science, Davidson University, 2000

7. Provide an extended timeframe and a forum conducive for deliberate, critical thinking about the state of affairs in their community and strategies for improving it. Academy for Peace and Development (Hargeysa) Somaliland witnessed a change of leadership in May 2002 with the death of its president Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal. Fears that Egal's death would trigger violent instability in the country were allayed by a peaceful transition of power to the then vice-president, Dahir Rayaale Kahin. However, economic hardships and rising insecurity remain paramount concerns, as well as the ability of the Somaliland administration to deal effectively with such problems.

In this context, recent APD activities supported by WSP include the following:

1) Four entry point papers and four documentary films were completed and presented for approval at the final Somaliland Project Group meeting on 30-31 July 2002. During the remainder of 2002 the final research products were disseminated widely and presented to national and international actors in Somaliland/Somalia, Nairobi and Addis Ababa. The four comprehensive draft documents are on
1) Consolidating and Decentralizing Government Institutions,
2) Regulating the Livestock Economy of Somaliland,
3) The Impact of Wars on the Family and Society,
4) The Role of the Media in Political Reconstruction.

The papers themselves are being complied into a volume which will be published in the first quarter of 2004.

2) APD has, as one of its goals, the mission of serving as "an intellectual shelter". To achieve that goal, the Academy took vigorous measures to attract, organize, and engage Somalis who want to apply their profession and talent. Whenever possible, the Academy recruited these persons to join the core team in its participatory action research or to contribute to the task of promoting peace and democracy in Somaliland. Activities in this area included the following:

1. Organization of journalists, who eventually formed their association
2. Provision of training-of-trainers to police human rights
3. Organization of adult poets and competitions for young poets
4. Hosting of fellows from Britain, USA, Denmark, Belgium, and Switzerland as part of its fellowship programmme3.
5. Production of a series of documentaries that not only disseminated APD's work but also informed others about the problems and prospects for Somaliland.
6. Work with lawyers and doctors toward the development of their own associations
7. Country-wide studies on trauma, women and Islam, small arms, and other topics of interest to local and international audience. 3) In addition to WSP research, the Academy has extended its work in areas related to peace building and governance. On March 15, 2001, APD invited both the government and opposition to publicly debate issues in what became known as the Forum for Civic Dialogue. Through the debate, leaders of the opposing camps cleared their misunderstanding and differences on the referendum and on the day of voting, they affirmed endorsement of the constitution and, surprisingly, voted together in the same polling station. Over 97% of the country endorsed the constitution. Since then, the Forum for Civic Dialogue has become a regular event - indeed the only venue in which the most difficult issues could be debated with reason and civility.

* Footnote 3: A Japanese doctoral student is expected to become an Academy Fellow in two or three months

4) In the context of the 2002 Somaliland elections, the Academy played a critical advisory role to the Electoral Commission and hosted weekly meetings of Somaliland's political parties - the only all-party consultation of its kind. In July 2002, the Academy's efforts led to the signing of a 12-point accord by all but one of the parties, setting out the requirements for free and fair elections. Further, to make sure that the accords were fully implemented, the Academy proposed the establishment of an Integrity Watch Committee. All participants endorsed not only the idea, but also the members of the Committee that the Academy had proposed.

5) At the request of the House of Representative the Academy presented recommendations on how the controversial questions of district boundaries and constituencies could best be handled. APD also carried a comprehensive study of the court system, leading to detailed report and recommendations to the court.

6) The Academy played a significant role in monitoring elections and working with international as well as local monitors. The South African delegation that came for the presidential election was hosted by the Academy. Working in collaboration with South African delegation, the Academy carried out three day training-of-trainers workshop in the major cities and towns for 150 party representatives who in turn trained over 3,000 party observers at 3,000 polling stations. The Academy also worked with members of civil society organizations in voter education and election monitoring. In April 2004, an observer from the Academy took part in the monitoring of the South African Presidential election.

7) Another example of the Academy's work is the integration of audio-visual resources which the Academy's Culture and Communication Unit had pioneered and institutionalized as part of the Academy' modus operandi. In fact, use of audio-visual resources is more than an ancillary feature contributing to effective dissemination and public relations.

The Academy uses this feature as an integral component of its methodology. To date, the Academy has trained staff of the Center for Research and Dialogue in Mogadishu and the Institute for Research and Dialogue for Peace in Kigali. 3. Centre for Research and Dialogue (Mogadishu) Building on previous experience in Puntland and Somaliland, WSP International initiated the project in south central Somalia with the co-founding of a local affiliate based in Mogadishu, which became known as the Center for Research and Dialogue (CRD)4. Recent activities supported by WSP include the following:

*Footnote: 4 Originally known as the Somali Institute for Management and Research (SIMAR)

1) CRD researchers met with over 10,000 people in the areas visited including faction and political leaders, international actors, local NGOs and civil society members, business groups and traditional elders in their respective regions. CRD has established working relations with all major political groups in Mogadishu and has facilitated numerous international missions to Mogadishu.

2) CRD research staff traveled to various parts of Somalia as part of their research on issues pertaining to the rebuilding of Somalia. The research has concentrated on socio-economic, gender and political reconstruction issues. The results of this research are currently being drafted in the CRD Research Note on South / Central Somalia. It will be presented to Somali communities and their political, business, clan and religious leaders at a Somali Project Group Meeting to be held in late 2003 or early 2004. From this meeting discussion, a series of Entry Points will be jointly identified between CRD, WSP and meeting participants that will guide the future research and dialogue efforts of CRD.

3) In July 2002, a CRD audio-visual team took advantage of a training visit to Hargeisa to prepare a film (in collaboration with the Academy's audio visual team) on the restoration of peace and government in Somaliland, contrasting the situation there with developments in the south. The film included messages of goodwill from members of the Somaliland House of Elders (Guurti) to the people of southern Somalia. Screenings of the film in Mogadishu were well attended and received favorable media coverage. On a subsequent visit to Hargeysa, a member of the CRD management team was invited to meet with the Somaliland president, who expressed appreciation for CRD's work and encouragement for continued success.

4) CRD presented preliminary research findings based on the efforts described above to the Somali Diaspora in Canada, USA, Australia and parts of Europe, as well to members of the Somali Business Council in Dubai, UAE, whose involvement is vital for the rebuilding of Somali. CRD offered a set of issues / themes for continued discussion during these for and participants also viewed documentary films which had hitherto never been shown to the Diaspora.

5) CRD was also instrumental in linking the Eldoret / Mbagathi Somali National Reconciliation Conference and local communities in southern and central Somalia on discussions about demobilization, conflict resolution, land disputes and leadership issues. CRD aired a series of these video films the SNRC plenary at Eldoret and Mbagathi and again during the Somali Business community meeting in Nairobi (June 23-25, 2003).

6) CRD is gradually developing complementary activities and partnerships in parallel with the WSP exercise. The Centre has established working relations with all major political groups in Mogadishu and has facilitated numerous international missions to Mogadishu. CRD has also assisted with the production of the UNDP Human Development Report, and played a key supporting/monitoring role in a demobilization/reintegration programme managed by the Elman Peace Centre. CRD has reached an agreement in principle with the Organization of Social Studies Research in East Africa (OSSREA) to represent the organization in Somalia and is planning new activities with CONCERN, UNDP and UNICEF. 7) CRD also provided training to local Somali NGOs in inter-personal communication skills, conflict de-escalation and conflict management. CRD provides people with the skills they need to work through their own conflicts. CRD also seeks to identify methods through which local communities can assist in promoting communication and conflict management. This is accomplished through the provision of trainers whose skills affect change in individuals, institutions and communities through dispute resolution and collaborative problem solving.

Asma who was actively campaigning against Oona King's stand on a number of issues, including the war in Iraq, immigrants, foundation hospitals, top-up fees, not saving a fire station etc., went to the party to give Oona King a chance to convince her.

Luckily, she met Cherie Blair who is one of her heroes. She told Cherie, how she arrived in the UK from Somaliland about 9 years ago and did not obtain any handout from the government. She explained how she paid her way through University, works, paid taxes, has a mortgage, private dental cover, and volunteers her time for good causes. She wondered why some people in England kept attacking the immigrant community, and why they are supposed to be "scroungers who come here for handouts and give nothing back to the communities we live in."

Cherie Blair explained some of the issues from her perspective and allowed her picture taken with Asma.

Meanwhile, the Labor candidate Oona King, who didn't win her over yet, scheduled another meeting next Tuesday.

For further details, see inside pages "Voices From Diaspora" which will be an ongoing weekly forum by Asma Elmi. Somaliland Times is delighted to be the conduit through which our communities, both at home and in the diaspora can communicate, learn and exchange ideas. These will bring our communities closer and can eventually lead to Somaliland recognition.

The following is Asma's explanation of her first encounter with Cherie Blair. She writes:

"Until this evening I believed I had the best laid out plan for my fellow Somalis in Bethnal Green & Bow constituency to follow. I had it all figured out. My plan would be executed with military precision. I have already spent several weekends in putting everyone's name and telephone number into a database on my laptop, telling them their word wasn't enough. To make sure they'd vote for my man I was going to phone each and every person on the election day, 5th May, and make sure they got to the polling station. They agreed I could phone them.

But that was before I met Cherie Blair. Now am so torn. So confused. I do not know what am doing anymore. In addition to my day job as an IT consultant, I volunteer my time for several projects in Tower Hamlets. I am involved with AIDS/HIV and Social Housing projects but the voluntary work that I enjoy the most is teaching children mathematics. I love it. I tell children about Marie Curie, am obsessed with Madame Curie. Early this evening I was at a youth centre to meet children, who needed help with maths when I found out the defending Labor MP for Bethnal Green & Bow, Oona King was at a fundraising party in a nearby restaurant and a friend I was with was invited. He invited me along. I have spent a week and half campaigning vigorously against Oona King but I go to the party anyway. I have been campaigning for George Galloway not because I think he is the savior this constituency has been waiting for. Far from it. But I wanted Somali voters to protest against the war in Iraq and also help reduce the huge Labor majority. And I thought it would be fun. I wanted us to keep Labor out of Bethnal Green & Bow for 5 years. To teach them a lesson; for Foundation Hospitals, for top-up fees, for not saving our fire station. I long ago convinced myself that Labor will win the election. If I thought they were in danger of losing I would be campaigning for Oona King.

At the function, I met Oona King and straight away told her I was campaigning against her but was willing to change my mind if she could convince me. As a person, she is very nice and I feel very bad at the way some sections of the community have been treating her lately. It's despicable behavior and there is no excuse for it. Fortunately Somalilanders have had no part in this ugly behavior. She is wearing what I think is a traditional Bangladeshi dress. There is a band playing Bangladeshi music. The sad thing is, there are hardly any Bangladeshis in the room.

Oona took me to meet Cherie Blair who until that moment I didn't know was in the room. I said to Cherie: Hi, am Somali. She said she thought so. That made me very happy. People often guess wrongly that am Ethiopian or Sudanese. I couldn't believe I was chatting with her. It is not everyday someone meets one of their heroes. I rate Cherie very highly. For me, she is right up there with Marie Curie. I told Cherie that I arrived in the U.K from the republic of Somaliland about 9 years ago. That I have never obtained social security benefits of any description. I even paid my way through university. I like my work. Pay my taxes. Have a mortgage. Have private Health and Dental cover provided by my employer. I volunteer my time for good causes. I said I couldn't understand why some people in this country kept attacking the immigrant community and why we are supposed to be scroungers who come here for handouts and give nothing back to the communities we live in. I don't know what I expected her to say but I couldn't stop talking. Cherie explained to me how top-up fees are meant to work, explained it in a way that I had not heard before which made me think perhaps I did not know enough about it and should find out more. The highlight of the evening for me was having my picture taken with Cherie.

My friend later told me that all the while I was talking with Cherie Blair about 20 special branch guys were hovering all over me, whispering in each other's ear and pointing to my lap. I was holding my laptop bag on my lap and was too excited to notice I was fiddling with it non-stop.

Oona hasn't won me over yet but am meeting her again next Tuesday. There is a good chance she will. Part of me hopes she doesn't succeed as that would leave me with one massive headache. How am I ever going to explain it to the Somali community? I wish I hadn't got myself into this trouble in the first place."

Hundreds of thousands are also suffering the effects of the drought, with many moving to less affected areas along the Ethiopia-Somali border as well as urban towns such as Las Anod, Bosaso, Garowe and Galkaayo.

According to a joint press statement issued by Borama governor Osman Dinbill, the Somaliland Red Crescent, traditional and religious leaders, the dead include four women and two children, some of whom collapsed and died en route to Borama town to seek food and water.

The leaders indicated that the death toll would rise if the affected communities do not receive emergency assistance in the coming days.

They noted that sufficient humanitarian assistance has not reached the affected areas since the drought was first reported in January 2004.

According to relief group Save the Children-US, the pastoral communities in the most affected areas have lost over 50 per cent of their sheep and goats, 70 per cent of their cattle and 35% of the camels due to the drought.

The latest inter-agency nutritional assessment in Sool, Borama and Todgheer shows that malnutrition rates among children was at its highest in recent years.

"Failure of the long rains means no quick recovery is expected and the affected areas urgently need relief and rehabilitation assistance," said an official of the National Emergency Response and Disaster Research Agency (NERAD) based in Borama.

World Food Programme, Save the Children, Oxfam GB, UNICEF and HAVOYOCO, a local youth organization, are already in some affected parts providing support ranging from water and food distribution to immunization and water sources rehabilitation.

Somalilan has for the last four years experienced partial or total rain failure and the prolonged dry spell has led to what is believed to be the worst drought to hit the country in many years, eroding the asset base of the predominantly pastoral population and traditional coping mechanisms.

The March to May period constitutes an important rainfall season for several agricultural, agro-pastoral and pastoral areas, especially in the equatorial sector of the Greater Horn of Africa (GHA), and the impact of these rains has far reaching food security implications, well beyond the rainy season. At present, there is already a severe food insecurity crisis in many pastoral areas, one which requires several years of good rainfall for the recovery of both livestock herds and viable livelihoods. The recent IGAD Climate Prediction and Application Center (ICPAC) consensus climate outlook forecast for March, April and May (MAM) 2005 for the GHA indicates that the key crop producing areas in the equatorial sector have a 75% likelihood of receiving normal to above normal rainfall, which could result in favorable harvest prospects. However, the ICPAC probability forecast for most pastoral areas indicates a 75% tendency towards normal to below normal rainfall, which does not augur well for pastoralists. If realized, the most likely outcome of the forecast would mean the extension of drought conditions to yet another season in some pastoral zones and halting of the ongoing recovery in other zones. Potentially poor rainfall, together with other underlying causes of food insecurity such as poverty and conflict would likely worsen the already heightened food insecurity of many pastoral populations. This issue of GHA Food Security Bulletin attempts to put the March to May rainfall forecast in context to support contingency planning, preparedness and mitigation in the region. The report recommends that governments and partners use the various scenarios developed under the current climate outlook, especially in countries already experiencing acute food insecurity, as inputs into serious contingency planning processes, which result in active efforts to both prepare for potential renewed crises as well as efforts to mitigate the potential impact of poor rains especially in pastoral and marginal agricultural areas.

CLIMATE RELATED HAZARD

The March to May period is a major rainfall season for many pastoral and agricultural areas of the equatorial sector of GHA (see Fig 1.a). Figure 1.d illustrates the different rainfall periods in the GHA. Figure 1a highlights the pastoral areas of the GHA, which in general are currently the most food insecure areas. Figurer 1.b shows the long-term (1920-1980) rainfall pattern for the season. Figure 1c shows the anticipated divergence of rainfall amounts with respect to normal rains shown in Figure 1.b for different areas of the GHA region, and which represents the most likely precipitation scenario for the March -- May period.

The consensus seasonal forecast for the March-May 2005 provided by the IGAD Climate Prediction and Application Center (ICPAC) on March 4 is based on an ensemble of statistical and ocean-atmospheric models. These models take into account the recent and current sea surface temperatures over the Pacific Ocean and off the Indian Ocean. The consensus forecast indicates enhanced probabilities of normal to above normal rainfall conditions in areas shaded in green in Figure 2.a (these areas are also marked II); above normal to normal rainfall in blue shaded areas (marked IV) and normal to below-normal rainfall conditions in yellow shaded areas (marked I, III and V). These probabilistic forecasts suggest the likely tendency of the rainfall amounts during the March to May period. As the forecast is relevant only to the aggregate three month period and over relatively large areas, significant and localized variability in the amount and distribution of rainfall could occur within this 120-day period. FEWS NET translated the ICPAC forecast probabilities into relevant rainfall quantity scenarios using its Agro-climatological Tool/Forecast Interpretation Tool (FACT/FIT). Figure 2.b, an output of the FACT/FIT, depicts locations that have enhanced probabilities for favorable maize growing conditions, shaded in grey and blue, during the forecast period. The assumption used here is that a minimum of 300 mm of rainfall is required during the season for most short-cycle, drought-tolerant varieties. As a result, if that amount of rainfall is actually received and well distributed, areas with favorable production prospects for short-cycle maize would include most of Burundi and Rwanda, western Ethiopia, the central and south Rift, coastal and sou