That Freedom Shall not Perish
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Source: http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ Dec 12 2004
The Government of Somaliland response to amnesty accusation
Ministry of Justice in its first reaction against criticism by Amnesty International and African Rights stated that the 2 suspects who re in custody have all the rights as other prisoners and are allowed to be visited by their families, lawyers and human rights organizations and that they will be released if not found guilty .
The statement from the ministry of Justice states that Somaliland has no special courts to oppress people and that the judiciary system has no place for forced confession, to be used against suspected people and that those sentenced have the right to appeal to higher courts against any sentence
Speaking about the age of Samsam, who claims to be raped while in custody, but whom the government accuses of being suspected of conspiracy and espionage said, " Amnesty and African Rights give her age as 16 and 17 respectively, but that she had told the court that she is 18 years old and as such that she will be treated as a mature and not as an under age'
Regarding the beating and torture while in custody the ministry responded saying, "The court sent them for medical investigation and check up and that the doctors have declared that the 2 suspects were not beaten, nor tortured and that Samsam was not raped."
The Justice Ministry response also states that Amnesty International and African Rights based their accusation on rumours in the city and statements by individuals who are the enemies of the country and who made condemning the country their business."
The statement reiterated that the propaganda given to the case and the 2 reports will have negative consequences on the girl for traditionally she will be segregated by the community and that clan vengeance might follow such publicity.
The ministry in its response stated that the government supports the right for civic society organizations to assist in the implementation of justice, that individuals have the right to assemble and join any social, economic or political organizations. But The statement added "These rights assisted the formation of organizations who have no clear cut obligations and who have misused these rights".
The ministry calls on civic societies to avoid what the ministry referred to as the overuse of these rights, to respect the law of the country and to avoid being an obstacle for the performance of Justice in the country. In conclusion the statement tanks the US, UK, Norway, Sweden as well as UN and other International organizations who assist raising human Rights in the country.
Mean while Somaliland Forum, an Intellectual organization in the diaspora in an urgent message to the Appeals Court, requested the immediate release of the 4 defence lawyers, who were sentenced to 3-year prison on November 24/04.
Somaliland Forum in its request stated that the Penal Code applied in sentencing the 4 lawyers to be outdated. It added saying, "The suspects should not loose the right to have legal defence, that the sentence against the lawyers is severe and that disciplinary measure would have been sufficient.
Somaliland Forum concluded its request by reminding the judiciary that the quick decision taken against the defence have affected the prestige of the country abroad.
Source: http://www.radiosomaliland.com/ Dec 12 2004
The World Is Watching!
For the past few weeks and months I have been closely following a story in Hargeisa about a young woman accused of espionage and the attempted murder of the second most senior official in the executive branch of our government - the Vice President. I/others subsequently went into disbelief as reports and allegations surfaced about the alleged rape and torture of this young woman and the swirling accusations and counter-accusations between the accused, civil rights groups and the police department in Hargeisa. Everyone is scandalized by these allegations and there is a sense of deep abhorrence and disgust given the cultural and religious issues the underline the grim charges made against elements of the police force in Hargeisa.
Somali Landers inside the country and in the diasporas, particularly because of the history of cruelty and exploitation by government forces of the civilian population in Somaliland during the dictatorship, naturally, have followed the story in great detail. Nobody knows for sure the facts surrounding the case; no one knows who is telling the truth. Indeed, everyone should be presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law: elemental as it may seem, it is fundamental that an open court tries this case because and hopefully, when we hear the facts of this case in this framework we will have precedent for other court cases and indeed solidify our commitment to seeing justice done.
Many Somali Landers concerned about the judicial process in the country and committed to the growth of a justice system as part of our obligation to the democratic process, felt that this was an important case - given the paranoia about terrorism in Somaliland and around the world, including the danger of governments to erode civil rights guaranteed by law. Clearly, everyone was waiting for the truth to come out through a fair and transparent process - what is generally referred to as the administration of justice - and the whole country was watching this case with particular interest given the extraordinary events that surround this case.
Rakiya Omaar, in a piece published widely, spoke to the serious political climate that hangs over the case and the potential embarrassment that the government may suffer if rogue officers of the police force are found to have abused the civil and political rights of the accused. The massive police operation around the court and its environs suggests that the government is taking this issue seriously and the fact that this case has been brought to court is testament to the hard work and dedication of the lawyers who have worked tirelessly to help defend the accused. As well, the president himself has said that the executive has no interest in this case and the judiciary is free to try this case with due diligence and due process.
It would be the understatement of the year to say that the arrest and subsequent detention of the lawyers defending the accused by a sitting judge in Hargeisa has brought disrepute to the judicial process in Somaliland. If, and the operating word is if, the judge was/is cow-towing to political pressure inside and outside the court; if there is political interference with the proceedings of this court, Somaliland is in peril and our democratic gains in the past years would have been reversed.
The lawyers detained by the court are first and foremost officers of the court and belong to a club of people whose traditions and laws are quite different from other professional groups. Judges and Lawyers are entrusted with defending matters of life and death; they are the intellectual and ethical bolts and nuts of the judicial system. Without lawyers, without judges, the administration of justice would be non-existent for it is these professions that articulate and argue what our laws and regulations are all about.
Rakiya Omaar's reporting of the events in the court house has stunned everyone with even the most modest sense of outrage. Detaining lawyers without trial and subsequently dispensing sentences that must be called outrageous, reminds every one of the military courts that operated in Hargeisa at the height of the dictatorship. In fact, many have been writing and complaining about the judiciary and its lack of independence from the political wing of the government for many years now - yours truly included. Many cases and many instances of interference from the executive have been the order of the day. Corruption and lack of professionalism has also been widely cited as root causes of the current crisis.
At the outset we must not equate this issue with whether this particular issue is happening elsewhere, many have suggested that the finger of accusation should not be pointed to "us" alone since this type of crime is happening and continues to happen in other regions of Somalia. As well, we should not take the position that this issue is intended to embarrass the country by "others" and thus collapse this particular issue with the general abuse of women elsewhere. That would be reprehensible, every Somali life is worth everything, and every injustice must be fought, simply because we in Somaliland know that the slippery slip of silence begets more authoritarianism and finally impunity.
The judiciary is the nerve-centre of our form of government; it is where the people look to settle disputes and to arbitrate over and dispense justice in the country. It must not fail this young woman and it must not fail these young lawyers who are testing the system in order to set precedent as well as defend the honour of Somaliland. In the end, it is the honour of Somaliland that is at stake, how we treat this case, this case of this woman who was a guest in this country, will decide how Somaliland is looked upon from now on. This case is a symbol of how our justice system works, if it fails, I repeat, if it fails we all fail and if we all fail, Somaliland also fails the test of what and who we are.. The World is watching we must do the right thing!
Source: http://insidesomaliland.blogtales.com/December 12, 2004
Human Rights Education Campaign Launched
A month-long nationwide human rights and legal education campaign was launched today through a simultaneous mobilization rally in Hargeisa, Burao, Berbera, Borama and Erigavo to mark the celebration of International Human Rights Day. The event was led by Somaliland National Human Rights Network a conglomeration of local non-government organizations, human rights activists, and traditional leaders (Aqils) spread throughout the country.
The massive awareness campaign targets both the urban and rural population to educate them on their constitutional rights and the nascent judicial system of the country. The education campaign will place teams of human rights activists, traditional leaders and law students from the University of Hargeisa's Legal Clinic to rural villages in Togdheer and Hargeisa as well as schools, universities and villages in the capital, Burao, Borama, Berbera and Erigavo.
Regular radio airing of interviews and discussions focusing on Somaliland Constitution, Islam and human rights, customary law and human rights promotion, child rights and women's right to political participation and a column on "Know Your Rights" will highlight the campaign's media component.
As preparatory efforts of the campaign a community policing initiative was launched in Burao led by the Aqils in the region a week before the celebration.
The campaign is the first synchronized effort of multi-sectoral organizations working to reach the grassroots communities in the country. A series of consultation-dialogue meetings among refugees, asylum seekers, Internally Displaced People (IDP's) and the minoritied will be conducted.
Source: www.alternativeview.net, Hargeisa, Somaliland - 12 December, 2004
Playing The Right Cards In Djibouti Politics
The Somaliland administration's tendency of not engaging in the political processes of its neighbors is one that needs to be re-evaluated, given that so far it produced nothing but a constant state of political siege where Somaliland is always playing defense and influence goes only in one direction. The wrong way from the Somaliland's point of view, and one can see a clear example of that in what is going on in Sool where the other side shows no sign of affording them the same courtesy, and are actively engaged in creating new skewed facts on the ground.
The mentality of complete isolation where any dialogue with the other side is seen as political suicide needs to change, after all Somaliland is not an island and is very susceptible to what takes place in the neighborhood. Spending some political capital and engaging in some offence for a change can go a long way in bringing about the right kind of leadership on the other side for the day the question of relationship between Somalia and Somaliland will be settled.
Mr. Mohamed Daud Shihim the chairman of the opposition party (PDD) stated that he will definitely recognize Somaliland as a sovereign nation if elected, comes the sudden realization of how important playing a little political hard ball can be.
Mr. Shihim was promptly invited to Hargeisa where he met with members of the Somaliland government, elders and opposition party (KULMIYE) representatives. This was not an all-altruistic move on his part, he is here because he is courting the Issaq and the Samaroon vote in Djibouti with the hope of forming a coalition between these clans and the Affars, and ousting president Ghelle from power. Chances are that president Ghelle is eying this development with some concern, and given an opportunity, he might be willing to reconsider his previous positions about the Somaliland issue.
What is required is some deft and quiet diplomacy to bring about the desired result. Whether this government or Somaliland politicians at large have the skills and the capacity to exert the right amount of pressure and bring about favorable results remains to be seen.
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/ December 11, 2004
The Mbagathi Blunder and Somalilander's Prospective!
While the PM barely succeeded by appointing a warlord infested substandard cabinet ministers and then diluted them into more ridiculed numbers to correct an already doomed process, here comes the wrath of the temporarily free assembly who are luckily still in Nairobi, for if they were in Mogadishu, who knows. They rejected and quickly sacked the new government elect. Now that the futile process that has been concluded in Kenya is turning into commotion, it is becoming a challenge for all. The gloves are off once again. But, the procedural errors and the lack of foundations deliberately orchestrated by people who have no invested interest in proper approach for respectable forum continued. Is there any chance that integrity and credibility ever be established in these kinds of quick fixes and disingenuous processes?
To examine one of the quick-fix-schemes, just in the past weeks, one can tell by looking at the inquiring faces of the security council members in Kenya puzzled with how the reconciliation process that took two long years and millions of $$$ spent, ended up with the election of a president who cannot go home unless armed to the teeth in order to subjugate the very ones who chose him as a leader in that so called reconciliation conference. What was all that hugging and swearing in the name of Allah, people are asking. What is going on? Foreign Troops? Where is the peace you people were working on all this time? The British Ambassador asked? Little that they (the international community) know about the political mentality of the deceitful members of this assembly! It is obvious that there was no such thing as reconciliation among this dishonest crowd. Still politics for most of these fellows is unfortunately a mere con job without sincerity. As a matter of fact traditionally, sincerity equals stupidity and naivety in their twisted politics.
It is the sincere believe of many intellectual Somalis that as long as Somalia's future political rulers and administrators are drawn from this class of predators, no amount of preaching the virtues of good foundation or tuition on public administration will fundamentally alter the outcome. The failure of democracy and economic development in Somalia was due to a large part to the scramble for wealth by this predator caste that have dominated Somalia's politics since the late Siad Barre's abolition of any requirement for senior administration's promotion ladder, based on education and public service. These people are the creations and the fruits of such catastrophic policies put in place by the vicious dictator for better part of 20 years. Since there is high premium on the control of the state, they see the state as a source of personal wealth accumulation. Most of them can register to everything they have to that practice.
Nations have passed away and left no traces, And history gives the naked cause of it- One single simple in all cases; They fell because their people were not fit. --Rudyard Kipling
To comprehend and understand the difference between Somalia and Somaliland one do not need to look farther, just the two assemblies. Since the disintegration of the Somali Nation State followed by Somaliland's breakaway move, poor Somalis, exasperated by anarchy and bewildered by the constant breakdown and derailment of grassroots based authority, find little around themselves to inspire the confidence that as a people they can manage their own recovery with these set of crooked leaders in the helm. Ignorance and lack of capacity is not the only main causes. Sworn enemies who would not face each other in a dark alley are trying to build mediocre foundation with deck of schemes for a later date under their sleeves. But so far, these schemes never materials to anything, because they know each other. Who is fooling who? The masses themselves seem powerless to stop the endless cycle of bad initiations. The political disasters they suffer seem to recur with hideous frequency and thus greatly perpetuated the myth that hostile factions are conflicting and need reconciliation.
The grassroots foundation of the Somaliland assembly is begun with noble traditional leaders with integrity and I emphasize the word INTEGRETY who all led a life full of good deeds and sense of purpose. Then followed by politicians from all walks of life that are compelled to look into these traditional leaders for guidance. Somaliland with fewer resources gradually put in place structures and reforms that will strengthen the rule of law, support democracy and promote greater accountability and transparency including provisions for checks and balances. Some Sub-Saharan Africa political historians even call it "Africa's Best Kept Secret" And the rest was history.
Retrospectively, in that gathering in Kenya, the heinous business of duping and deceiving continued. This time, the deception was towards the Warlords who are lured in to cabinet positions in order to be able to move the government into Mogadishu, instead of building a basic foundation for a credible entity. May be Abdillahi Yusuf think they are stupid enough and would cheerily be happy with a cabinet position they can lose at any minute by a phone call.
One bright spot is the significance of the cabinet posts appointed to those who fraudulently asserted to be representing the people of Somaliland. The double-cross scheme set for them was sensationally brilliant, I must say.
The people of the Republic Somaliland believe that Somalia needs simple grassroots authority that provides harmony among its people, security and infrastructure rehabilitation, not 500 wolves, squabbling for positions susceptible to embezzlement and sharpening their teeth with all kinds of wicked ideas for corruption against the very poor who only yearn for some order and decent authority. In any case, this does not look like a well thought process and is destined for more chaos, as these deeply corrupted individuals have plotted against desperate Somalis, again and again for their own gain, but God did not gave up on ordinary Somalis, yet.
Abdirahman Waberi, Washington, DC, Awaberi44@aol.com
Source: http://allafrica.com/stories/200412100025.html/ UN IRIN December 10, 2004
Somalia: Somali Refugees Could Return Home in 2005 - UNHCR
Kamal Morjane, assistant UN high commissioner for refugees, said the move could begin once peace was restored in the war-ravaged region. "Refugees will go back the day they will have security, safety and dignity," Morjane told reporters in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.
According to UNHCR, there are currently 116,000 refugees in Ethiopia - the majority from Sudan, with 16,000 from Somalia and 9,000 from Eritrea. Half are expected to return by June 2005, while others from southern Somalia - where peace has not yet been restored - could begin returning by December 2005.
Last year, some 29,000 Somali refugees living in eastern Ethiopia were repatriated, according to UNHCR.
Morjane also said the UN was "waiting for the moment" the Sudanese peace deal was signed between southern rebels and Khartoum to start repatriating 500,000 people from neighbouring countries. He said it could take three years before all the refugees could head home after two decades of civil war. The UNHCR, he added, was also looking at repatriating Eritrean refugees.
He said, however, that UNHCR faced an annual shortfall in financial support of about 20 percent, amounting to about US $200 million of its $1.4 billion budget.
Morjane also warned that further increases in refugees arriving in Chad from Darfur would put pressure on existing resources. "The refugees in Chad are facing very difficult conditions," he said. "We hope we will not get more refugees because of the problem of water."
Source: The Republican/afrol News/ December 10, 2004
Somalilander First Lady urges women to unite to get seats in Parliament
- Your meeting here today is an encouraging sign that women have political ambitions and are organising themselves to be part of decision making bodies, said Somaliland's First Lady, Huda Barkad, at a recent meeting organised by the Ministry of Family and Social Development at the Ambassador Hotel. "To achieve this, you have to form a plan and strategy," she advised.
The Somalilander First Lady urged the women who are organising themselves for the parliamentary elections on 29 March next year that they would preserve their culture and religion, respect the multi-party system and unite to get seats in the parliament.
She added: "Equality of gender exists in Somaliland. [Women's] role in decision making bodies should increase and they have to unite their forces to attain socio-economic development."
Edna Aden Ismail, Somaliland's Minister of Foreign Affairs who also spoke at the meeting, said; "Women have equal rights as men and they also have similar obligations to fulfil, either individually or as a group.
- I have no doubt that women will be elected in the forthcoming parliamentary election, Ms Ismail added. "No one can stop women from being elected as they have the right to vote," Somaliland's first female Foreign Minister told the group of women.
Meanwhile, in the capital of the Central Region, Burao, a delegation led by the executive director of NAGAD Women Umbrella, Sado Hashi, has been organising women and raising their awareness to take part in the first multi-party parliamentary election ever to be held in Somaliland in March.
Speaking to the press after completing a visit to various districts in the Central Region, Ms Hashi said: "Women have to negotiate with the political parties in the number of seats that they are going to allocate for the women in their parties. We are trying to get good representation in the next parliament."
In another development, the Chairman of the National Election Commission (NEC), Ahmed Hagi Ali Adami, told the press - after meeting the House of Representatives' committee on completion of the election law - that elections must be held on 29 March 2005 and that the election law has to be completed when parliament returns from its adjournment.
He said: "The committee has an expert to advice them on the transition from community-based elections to democratic elections. The press should stop writing about the possibility of postponement or what will be done."
- But if conditions hinder elections from being held, then postponement can be decided by those empowered to do so, Mr Adami added. "There is no alternative for elections," he however emphasised.
By staff writers
Source: Qaran News, Dec 09, 2004
The Government of Somaliland response to amnesty/African rights Accusation
Ministry of Justice in its first reaction against criticism by Amnesty International and African Rights stated that the 2 suspects who re in custody have all the rights as other prisoners and are allowed to be visited by their families, lawyers and human rights organizations and that they will be released if not found guilty .
The statement from the ministry of Justice states that Somaliland has no special courts to oppress people and that the judiciary system has no place for forced confession, to be used against suspected people and that those sentenced have the right to appeal to higher courts against any sentence
Speaking about the age of Samsam, who claims to be raped while in custody, but whom the government accuses of being suspected of conspiracy and espionage said, "Amnesty and African Rights give her age as 16 and 17 respectively, but that she had told the court that she is 18 years old and as such that she will be treated as a mature and not as an under age'
Regarding the beating and torture while in custody the ministry responded saying, " The court sent them for medical investigation and check up and that the doctors have declared that the 2 suspects were not beaten, nor tortured and that Samsam was not raped."
The Justice Ministry response also states that Amnesty International and African Rights based their accusation on rumours in the city and statements by individuals who are the enemies of the country and who made condemning the country their business."
The statement reiterated that the propaganda given to the case and the 2 reports will have negative consequences on the girl for traditionally she will be segregated by the community and that clan vengeance might follow such publicity.
The ministry in its response stated that the government supports the right for civic society organizations to assist in the implementation of justice, that individuals have the right to assemble and join any social, economic or political organizations. But The statement added "These rights assisted the formation of organizations who have no clear cut obligations and who have misused these rights".
The ministry calls on civic societies to avoid what the ministry referred to as the overuse of these rights, to respect the law of the country and to avoid being an obstacle for the performance of Justice in the country. In conclusion the statement tanks the US, UK, Norway, Sweden as well as UN and other International organizations who assist raising human Rights in the country.
Mean while Somaliland Forum, an Intellectual organization in the diaspora in an urgent message to the Appeals Court, requested the immediate release of the 4 defence lawyers, who were sentenced to 3-year prison on November 24/04.
Somaliland Forum in its request stated that the Penal Code applied in sentencing the 4 lawyers to be outdated. It added saying, "The suspects should not loose the right to have legal defence, that the sentence against the lawyers is severe and that disciplinary measure would have been sufficient.
Somaliland Forum concluded its request by reminding the judiciary that the quick decision taken against the defence have affected the prestige of the country abroad.
Source: Qaran News, Dec 09 2004/Source:The Republican & East African Magazine
US and UK signal of Readiness to recognize Somaliland prompted A/Yusuf's attack
But for Somalia's neighbour, Somaliland, the new era began more ominously. Two weeks after his inauguration, militia from the neighbouring territory of Puntland, Abdillahi Yusuf's power base, travelling in a convoy of battlewagons launched a cross-border incursion into the Las Anod area on October 29, provoking a 10-hour battle that left scores of combatants dead, including the leader of Puntland forces and his deputy. The region of the northern Horn ruled by the British united with the Republic of Somalia shortly after independence, then went its own way after the collapse of Siad Barre's state, and established a formal government in 1993. Puntland followed suit by setting up its own administration in 1995, and although ambivalent about its relation-ship with Somalia, followed a similar trajectory until Abdillahi Yusuf invaded in 1998 and deposed the elected leader, Jama Ali Jama.
The incident at Las Anod earned the new president international opprobrium, raised a storm of protest in Somaliland and among the Somali diaspora, and gave substance to predictions that the former colonel's ascent to the presidency will catalyse a new cycle of clan-based conflict.
The Somaliland first government has skilfully managed internal fissures presented both by divisions within the ISAAQ clan majority and the Darod and Dir minorities falling within the borders of the former British colony.
The government has relied on power sharing, political dialogue, and democracy to successfully mute clan antagonisms. Two opposition parties, several newspapers, and open elections, contrast with the violence and free flow of arms next-door; when last year's polls ended in a statistical dead-heat, the Republic's third heard of state, Dahir Rayale Kahin, peacefully assumed office after elders arbitrated the results.
Somaliland's first government kept the United Nations at arms' length and eschewed most foreign assistance, despite starting virtually from scratch. "Citizens" of the diaspora contribute an estimated $400 million per year to an economy otherwise dependent on livestock exports, and have helped establish two universities.
The case for recognition derives from the British colony's voluntary decision to join the Republic of Somalia after independence, the pogroms and brutal treatment meted out by the central government during the latter years of the Barre regime, the young state's democratic credentials, and a decade of impressive progress despite the blowback generated by the political pandemonium on its borders. Failure to accord recognition reflects the apathy of African states, the active opposition of Egypt, Libya, Djibouti, Eritrea and Saudi Arabia, and the jaded real politik of Western powers.
The absence of objective criteria marked by the instant recognition and legitimacy accorded to Abdillahi Yusuf's embryonic government while Somaliland's state of limbo continues, translates into a policy of no good deed shall go unpunished.
The political scientist Goran Hyden described the African state circa 1982 as, "Suspended in mid-air above society," the task facing Abdillahi Yusuf & Co in Somali 2004 magnifies the irony of his metaphor a hundredfold. Somalia remains a country of autonomous regions where numerous pockets have rejected the new government. Members of his government acknowledge that the real work has just begun; in this context, the latest incident of Puntland-Somaliland friction appears to mask a more cynical gambit.
Emphasising an external threat helps a divided polity close ranks. It can be especially effective when the enemy lies within: "I believe we all know," President Yusuf said at his inauguration, "that the unity of Somalia is necessary and sacred." It would not be the first time the, "North" served as a scapegoat for problems in the "South."
Several years ago, I casually noted the significance of the evolving situation in Somaliland only to provoke a former official of the Barre regime to exclaim, "The `North' was the root cause of Somalia's collapse!" The logic of this escaped me until a Kenyan Somali informed me that, from a certain perspective, the Northerners' less-than total commitment to Somali unity can be interpreted as the "first crack" in a vessel that widened over time.
If the Somali nation is like a fragile porcelain vase etched with intricate clan patterns predisposing it to fracture, in his inaugural speech, the new president's position on Somaliland added another layer of shimmering glaze to the vessel: ".a part of my reconciliation programme will be dedicated to our brothers in Northern Somalia who self-declared themselves as Somaliland. They are our brothers. Personally as a man (and I thing you agree with me), I regret the hardship they went through. What is needed, after the government is fully established, is to hold peace talks with them and find ways to return them into the fold of Somali unity. And it is prohibited and will not happen that will approach them again with bullets and fight out brothers."
One critic on a Somaliland website dismissed this stab at diplomacy as "a dagger camouflaged in flowers." Twenty-four hours after 10 African heads of state anointed Abdullahi Yusuf at Kasarani, we were breaking our Ramadan fast in Eastleigh when the subject of the new government came up Garrisa Lodge capitalism has displaced the clanism revived by the refugee inflows of the 1990s; widespread apathy towards the new government surfaced in neutral comments like, "Wacha tuone" (Wait and see) and "Mungu awasaidie Safari bii." (May god bless them this time around). Then, out of the blue, gentlemen from Mandera forcefully averred, "Now all Somalis must become one!" The statement foreshadowed the aggression in Sool, which coming in the wake of October 14, caught many Somali watchers by surprise.
It would not have if the light focusing on the same candidate who was forgiving and asking to be forgiven in Nairobi also illuminated reports claiming he was seeking arms and munitions from rebels operating in Ethiopian-controlled Ogaden, and mobilizing his Darod cohorts for war against Somaliland. But Somalia fatigue and the repetitive nature of its clan-driven conflicts have lowered the region's media profile. Viewed from afar, it was an irrational first step towards restoring a national government on the ground, a return to the divide-and rule tactics of the Barre regime.
Strong identity reinforces many admirable qualities of Somali society - and transmutes into attitude problems when it comes to "clan" but one must be careful when it comes to the determinants of internal Somali tensions.
Bedouin wisdom (Me against my brother, my brother and I against our uncle, etc.etc) aside, relationships among Somali clans, sub-clans, jilib, sub-clans, diya (bride price) paying groups, and even between individuals can be very complicated, and subsume arcane factors and subjective motives difficult to evaluate from an external perspective.
The invasion my prove to be emblematic of considerably more coercive Jihad than the one Abdillahi Yusuf articulates in public and yield insight into the even bigger surprise-why his colleagues selected him for the job.
This scenario reveals the logic behind the gambit in Sool. The operation was calculated to bolster southern ideological unity by reactivating the "either with us or against us" bogey while signalling to the North (and other oppositionists) that, "this is just a state of things to come." Abdullahi Yusuf has not arrived yet, but the Sool incident set things in motion.
An international chorus of Somalilanders berated the government in Hargeisa for turning the other cheek. But a counter-offensive would have reinforced the stratagem outlined above, while the "hawks" acknowledge that. Somaliland's restraint is reportedly largely due to the recent visit of a British delegation. Her majesty's government and the US have signalled they are finally ready to bestow recognition, and Yusuf and Co's acceptance of this as fait accompli reportedly contributed to the decision to invade Somaliland. Recognition should come. But depending on how developments unfold, some tanks and F-16s will do instead.
They might not. Another theory circulating on the ground interprets the sabre rattling about a Darod-Isaaq war as a ploy to cement the Hawiye-Darod alliance underpinning the new regime. Abdullahi Yusuf was the first dissident to come out of the closet and challenge Siad Barre. Now he has remerged to face his ultimate political test: Making the transition from rebel and warlord to statesman and head of state.
Somalia: Interview With Jan Egeland, UN USG for Humanitarian Affairs
Hargeysa: The UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, Jan Egeland, spoke to IRIN about his impressions and what he hoped to accomplish, as he led a high-level UN mission to Somalia on 4 December. The mission was the first of its kind in nearly a decade.
This is the first mission at this level by the UN to Somalia in nearly a decade. What is significant about this visit?
It is indeed the first trip in a long time and it reflects several things. One - it has been a long period of political conflict and insecurity that has prevented much of the international work and high-level visits. But it has also been a neglected and forgotten conflict for too long. I think now, we in the international community are belatedly wanting to show our solidarity with the Somali peoples and also do our best to help them move to better times. Finally, I also come in recognition of the great work that has been undertaken by the NGOs and UN agencies that have been active for many years here, especially through the local staff and international staff here in Somaliland and in Somalia at large. They have been doing great things with very small resources. We hope now that we can attract more funding and more interest for a greater programme since the needs are so big here.
What do you hope to accomplish on this short trip?
I hope to [raise] more international attention - more international funding - a new beginning for active international support for the efforts of the Somalis themselves. It is only the Somalis themselves - and I don't hide that fact when I meet the political leaders here - they themselves have to stop their old practices of fighting each other every time they have a problem. They have to learn how to do peaceful conflict resolution. That is the only way by which we also can help them help themselves.
You visited a couple of returnee camps in Hargeysa. You saw the conditions these camps were in. What do you think is needed to alleviate those conditions?
Conditions are really very bad here. People live as badly in the camps as they do in Darfur [Western Sudan]. There is no difference at all. First, we saw two groups, one which had received hardly any assistance and another which is now receiving land from the government, schooling from the UN, and health and education from the international organisations. This is how we should be able to deal with all those coming, as a collaborative effort between local and national entities and the international community. Somaliland and Somalia at large have been receiving now hundreds of thousands of returnees that they had to accommodate with very small resources.
Somaliland, as you just mentioned, has resettled hundreds of thousands of returnees with very little resources. What is your impression now of Somaliland since you have been there before?
I am very impressed with what has been done here. I had, in my capacity as a state secretary in the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1990s, many contacts with the Somaliland authorities. I donated the first satellite phone in Somalia to President Egal [late Somaliland President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal] and I have seen since that time how they have - largely through their resources and their own efforts - rebuilt Hargeysa and rebuilt the other destroyed cities and their country. So, they have organised themselves very well. But they do have a real problem by not being recognised by any other states and I urge them to do their utmost to accommodate all their neighbours because it will facilitate our work on the humanitarian and reconstruction and development front and, thereby, help them help themselves.
You mentioned that one of your goals is to try and get more attention focused on Somalia. Other emergencies in the world have attracted a lot of attention. Is Somalia's problem the lack of interest by international powers?
That can be one of the factors. In a world full of competing emergencies and disasters, it really helps if there is an international locomotive that can help us bring attention - help us bring resources. I think the biggest challenge for Somalia has been the sense that it is a hopeless case of incomprehensible internal conflicts and there is nothing we can do. I think that is the wrong attitude because there is a lot we can do. Our assistance in Somalia has been remarkably effective and successful, and we have helped with very small resources - a large group of people and we can now do even more. I think now Somalia is turning a corner and we can, with the new political development, build on momentum - really build a peaceful future.
A new transitional government has been established in Somalia. A president has been elected, a prime minister appointed and cabinet named, and they have already asked for support in terms of peacekeeping, demobilisation and disarmament. Do you think the international community should support this new government to establish itself in Somalia?
I think it is a false contradiction that has been built here that the new government says we cannot really establish ourselves or make peace before you assist us - and the international community says we cannot help you before you establish yourself and create peace. The two things have to happen in parallel. They [the government] have to show that this is a serious effort and the warlords and political clan leaders have to strike peace deals with each other. However, they cannot do this alone. There is too little to build on. They [need] help to train police, to train security forces, to build a justice sector, to build institutions [and] to build ministries. The UN is ready and we hope the donors are ready to help us help the Somalis.
What do you think are the next steps that need to be taken to achieve that?
We need better coordination on the international side, just as they need better and more effective efforts on the Somali side. We have too many reconstruction and development assistance plans. There is the UN plan. There is a donor plan. There is an NGO plan. We need to have one comprehensive international effort and I think that can come in the light of a possible donor conference in Rome. I am glad to see that Italy and Sweden are working towards [putting] some time in the middle of next year. Then, we also need to have credible Somali institutions being established inside Somalia and local and regional peace agreements to be brokered. All of those things [need to be working] in parallel.
How optimistic are you that you will be able to focus the necessary attention on Somalia and does your trip indicate a renewed interest in Somalia?
It is the first visit of this kind in a decade. I have been bringing in international media, both Arab and western. I will be briefing ambassadors in Geneva and New York. I will talk to donors, the media and my boss, Kofi Annan, but there is no quick fix to these things. This will only be a short-term effort, unless there is a follow up locally, nationally and by international partners - in the long term. It will take years really to build a peaceful and prosperous Somalia.
Today I would say that as much as the resource constraint and attention constraint, there is a security constraint. We have in Somalia, as in Iraq and Afghanistan, been individually targeted by extremist groups, which nearly made us leave Somalia completely. I would urge all those involved to do their utmost to defend us, so that we can build up our presence instead of decreasing it.
You have in your delegation a representative of the Arab League. Is this part of your plan to involve the Arab League and try to solicit funds and interest from them in Somalia?
I have been working, as emergency relief coordinator, on an international scale, very hard to build a wider alliance of partners in assistance efforts. We are too much north/west and too little global, and yes, I work conscientiously and systematically now to involve Arab countries that have a lot of potential resources for Somalia [Somalia is member of both the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic States]. Having Al-Jazeera TV travel with me and filming continuously, I think, helps to draw the attention of the Gulf countries and elsewhere, from which we should also be able to attract resources.
Any other thoughts?
I think I want to congratulate those who have been working here because when we say that it has been largely forgotten and neglected by the international community, it has not been forgotten and neglected by the NGOs, UN agencies, Red Crescent organisations - that had been working here. I would also like to congratulate the authorities here that had been doing much to prevent a much larger disaster. Hopefully, we can now get to draw the same attention to Somalia and the Somalis, as we were able to draw
Source: http://somaliland.org/opinions.asp?ID=04121009/ 10 December, 2004
SOMALILAND: A Nation Without Responsible Government
The political game played by Embagthi charlatans cannot by any stretch of imagination stymie our will and courage to pursue a viable and organic modern democracy. However, one has to admit that Somaliland is facing a few more bumps in the road ahead. Simply put, we are not out of the woods yet. Nevertheless, the stupendous valor, determination, and resilience of Somalilanders, has always been our best-kept secret weapon.
Having said that, the question is what are the bumps ahead and how can we cross that road without incurring any substantial loss in terms of resources, be it financial or human lives. There are exogenous as well as endogenous elements that cause the aforementioned hindrance. From my perspective, there are five main perils that Somaliland is facing today: Somalia's pathological obsession with Somaliland, prima donna Ismail Ghelle of Djabouti, Abdilahi Yussuf and his few allies in LasAnod, Riyalle's inept government, and our citizens' attitude.
It is very unfortunate that our brethren in Somalia cannot comprehend the fact that we were capable, in 1991, of nullifying the social contract we had entered with them on July 1, 1960. It is not that hard to notice the southerner's faulty ratiocination. On one hand, they validate the union, the contract we had with them back then. On the other hand, they abnegate our rescindment from that contract. They talk as if we were joined at the hip. It is not that abstruse that Somaliland's sovereignty antedates that of the south by six days, though southerners conveniently ignore that fact too. In addition, southerners should understand that the 19960's unification was a by-product of Somaliland's grass roots, not its elites. Hence, building a greater Somalia, as the star on the original flag symbolizes, was the crux of Somalilanders' goal. Southerners must also be reminded that virtually every country in Africa defines its boundary just the way European colonials had created, that is why the African Union is adamant in not changing the present existing boundaries. Somaliland's case is an anomaly in Africa for we are the only country on that continent that formed unification with another entity right after it achieved its sovereignty. This is the reason that we decided to restore the sovereignty we briefly enjoyed for six days prior to entering into a social and political contract with Somalia.
Lastly, Southerners should understand that there are several nations, which happen to be neighbors, which also share the same language, religion and culture. Djibouti fits into that description, but it opted out to form unification with Somalia? There are twenty Arab countries and all of them speak the same language, share religion and culture. How come they are not united and have only one Arab nation, just as the Jews have Israel as Jewish State? Also, nearly all of South America with the exception of Brazil share Spanish language, Christianity, and a quasi-similar culture. Why don't they unite as one country? Canada and the USA both speak English language and share a Judeo-Christian culture, and were colonized by the British yet they happen to be two different nations. One can easily demonstrate a plethora of examples to prove that merely speaking the same language does not constitute nationhood. The Somalia's argument is based upon a faulty inductive reasoning. Probably, the only example they can offer as reasoning is Yemen. But the milieu for that country was totally different from ours. The south and north Yemen were separate for more than a decade and their unification was based upon consensus and was entered in good faith. In any case, the concept of greater Somalia is as dead as the dodo. Even if people of Somaliland are reciprocated for the sacrifices they made in 1960, still they would not be convinced. Why? I will to tell you in a moment.
Let us say The Somalia extends Somaliland the following hypothetical offers: Hargeisa be the capital city; the president be from Somaliland; all of the major government positions such as minister of foreign affairs, minister of defense, the head of the army forces, et cetera, be filled by someone from the Somaliland communities. In addition, of the 120 members of parliament existing, 90 be filled by Somalilanders and the rest be from Somalia. Sounds like a pretty good offer, eh? Do you think this is far-fetched? This is exactly what Somaliland offered to Somalia back then however; today they would not and should not accept even that suppositional offer for one obvious reason: The same people who share religion, language and culture with us massacred One hundred thousand of our people. Somaliland does not take lightly to the loss of these people but they are in fact freer because of it. During the struggle for Somaliland's independence from the United Kingdom there were not even ten people killed. By the way, thanks for the new title you have given to some of our communities; the northern Dir, sounds pretty catchy.
The second peril that is facing Somaliland is Ismail Ghelle of Djibouti. Djibouti begrudges the success of Somaliland for Somaliland has become a dynamic and progressive nation in its short existence. From the day we declared our secession to this present day we have had three presidents. Somaliland has also had very effective opposition parties. On their side, by contrast, Djibouti, since its independence in 1977 to this day, has had only two presidents and they were both from Issa tribe. The Afars, who are almost half of Djibouti's population and are ethnically not Somalis, have been marginalized and oppressed by Ghelle's tribe. The chickens will be coming home to roost soon.
Somaliland stood its ground without external help for almost fourteen years; I wonder if the city-state of Djibouti could have endured what Somaliland has experienced in the last 14 years? Without a doubt, Djibouti would have disappeared of the off face the earth if it weren't for France's help. It is an artificial state whose main income, other than France's handout, are the taxes it collects from its port. This is where the tangle it has with Somaliland arises. Ghelle is cognizant about Zaila's commercial demise and he knows Berbera will eventually dwarf the Djibouti seaport if it revives the commercial importance it used to enjoy. Berbera and Sahil region for that matter are under tremendous political and economical pressure as a result of Ghelle's invisible hand. Ghelle sees the success of Somaliland as a win-lose outcome in favor of Somaliland. Ghelle's army has a habit of crossing Somaliland's border to destroy our national properties but Riyalle's regime often looks the other way. This tin-pot dictator suffers from size envy. He thinks that the present political success and future economic potentials of Somaliland may overshadow that of his city-state.
Moreover, Ghelle has been getting money from the UN, Arab League, and the AU ostensibly for helping the former Somalia's people to reconcile and rebuild a federal government. In any case, Somaliland citizens are very aware of his duplicity. For instance, right before Muj. Ahmed Silanyo left Somaliland for Great Britain, I mean his last trip, he exposed a supposedly clandestine document between Riyalle's minister of planning and Red Sea Livestock regarding exporting Somaliland's livestock through the port of Djibouti. Riyalle's government was caught off guard hence to get even with Muj. Silanyo, Riyalle instructed a mudslinger from his new found "October Star", a.k.a Awdalnews.com to cast an aspersion on his loyalty to Somaliland sovereignty. There is an unholy alliance between Ghelle and Riyalle. It is sad that Riyalle has disregarded his fiduciary responsibility to the citizens of Somaliland by embracing Ghelle. Again, one may wonder what amount of influence Ghelle has over Riyalle. Ghelle is an aficionado of Somaliland's demise; our success is the bane of his existence. He abhors our destiny, but we understand the reasons he detests our country. Almost, three weeks ago, Abdillahi Yussuf had paid a visit to his friend in Djibouti. Why? Something is wrong with the city-state of Djibouti!
The third peril is Abdillahi Yussuf's presence in LasAnod. A few disgruntled citizens who are against Somaliland invited the terrorists that are running LasAnod there. But it became a blessing in disguise for the warlord because he got the opportunity to annex some parts of Somaliland and then use it as a bargaining chip with Somalia's warlords. That was a very brilliant tactical move on his part. In fact, he claimed in Embaghti that of the six regions under his control, three of them are from Somaliland. Sadly, the other warlords from the South fall for his claim. In addition, some cultural, political, and intellectual elites from LasAnod are in cahoots with the warlord in his Byzantine scheme to destroy Somaliland. These collaborators insult our national character by mocking Somaliland as an IDOOR entity. Has anyone noticed that there is not even any shred of resistance from LasAnodians against that militia? Even when Abdillahi Yussuf imposed, travel restrictions on some of LasAnod's Garaads, who wanted to attend the Embaghti conference. Yet much to their chagrin, they are still compromising with his harsh rules.
These are the same people who chased Riyalle from LasAnod, therefore they are either suffering from Stockholm syndrome, and are sympathizing with their captors, or they are intoxicated by tribal malice. He even used them as pawns in the last couple of battles in Adhi-Adeeye. In any event, they need Somaliland's help if we, the majority of Somalilanders, want to build a nation based upon consensus and dialogue. We can not fall into a trap set by a hundred or so individuals of Afweine's remnants that Abdillahi Yussuf is using against our nation. In fact, the majority of that community is decent Somalilanders. Riyalle's government did not help that community's infrastructure probably he has a personal vendetta against them. Nonetheless, we should have worked hard to bring them on our side and make them a feel at home, so to speak.
The fourth salient peril that Somaliland faces is unfortunately Riyalle's inept and indecisive government. Riyalle's government fiddled while Somaliland was burning. Riyalle and his colleagues were engrossed in accumulating wealth and abusing their power, while Somaliland's enemies were devising their plot to destroy it. For starters, some hooligans who claimed to be the enemy of Somaliland chased Riyalle away from LasAnod. Then, to add insult to injury these dissidents invited Abdillahi's militia to LasAnod. What to do about the lost territory, to warlord Abdillahi, has then become a conundrum that Riyalle's government could not even begin to solve. Also, Somaliland has a fifth columnist Qaybe whose chicanery deserves nothing short of an Oscar award. This artful speaker of the parliament sabotages Somaliland in very clever ways. On one hand, he affronts staunch Somaliland supporters from his community, especially the ones from LasAnod. On the other hand, in the early days of the occupation, he advised Riyalle's government not to re-capture LasAnod through force. He has such great political prowess, a master of political paradox indeed. It should be noted that the community of Sool, Sanaag, Bari and Buhodle is geographically and politically comprised of two spheres, the Haud inhabitants and the Nugaal ones. Qaybe is from the Haud sector and because of that political cleavage he does not have much influence over the Nugaal's sector.
Riyalle's government was rather languid when the enemy of Somaliland was meeting in Embaghti. The opposition parties of Somaliland have been accused of creating fear among the masses by Somaliland's government. Suddenly, there was an intense effusion of emotion from Riyalle's government right after the warlord Abdillahi was elected the "president of Somalia". Riyalle and his cohorts knew they were in doldrums while Somaliland's enemies were engineering the demise of Somaliland. It was too late for Riyalle's government to make such a hullabaloo because it knew darn well that LasAnod was lost to the enemy under its watch.
Furthermore, the nasty warlord has been outsmarting Somaliland's government in his insidious attempt to create hate among the communities in Somaliland. Of the two skirmishes Somaliland had with his primitive militiamen, the first one occurred the week before he was elected president of Somalia and the one on Friday, occurred right after he was elected. His timing was impeccable and was purely psychological warfare aimed at Somaliland's people. If Friday's war in Adhi-Adeeye area was any indication, the warlord is reaching his goal. He is inciting the disgruntled members from LasAnod community with his mellifluous well-calculated tribal language and they fall for it. There are about one hundred or so individuals in that community that used to be ambassadors, Ministers, director generals, NSS and military officers of Afweine's regime. These are the individuals who are co-operating with the warlord. In the meantime, Riyalle's government has at its disposal at least 35 members of Somaliland's parliament, including the speaker Qaybe. They are from the community that the warlord is trying to use against Somaliland. How come these 35 members are not empowered so they could fight for Somaliland's cause? We have staunch supporters of Somaliland with the likes of Fuad Aden Cade why have they not been empowered with finance and human resources?
The government of Riyalle is politically bankrupt and morally reprehensible. A few megalomaniacs who all believe they are a heartbeat away from presidency surround him. All of his key cabinet members are there solely to enhance their fortunes. The corruption, mismanagement and the abuse of the constitution have become the norm. For instance, Riyalle had promised the people of LasAnod that his government would install a water system, but after the insurgents ambushed him he cancelled the project. Isn't that a collective punishment? I think it is morally wrong to do so. That community has been treated as a pariah by both President Egal and Riyalle. No wonder the warlord took advantage of their situation.
For Instance, some of Riyalle's cronies had tried to rebuttal the warlord's tribal propaganda, however in their process they found themselves championing intolerance, social ostracism and clannish discrimination. When they show corpses of the war victims of LasAnod in the newspapers and on websites they have stooped to the warlord's level. Were they conducting autopsies on the dead bodies or were they merely showing off? That sums up their political naivety.
As far as Somaliland's economy is concerned, the Somaliland's Diaspora is the largest foreign investor in that land. Many people rely on remittance sent by Somaliland's expatriates but these days our Somaliland Shilling has appreciated over the United States' dollar. Isn't that fascinating that our currency has beaten the currency of the world's strongest economy? Well, our economy is not that auspicious as it seems in terms of our currency exchanging with the USA dollar, in fact it is deteriorating at a rapid pace. Somaliland economy has not grown, American citizens are not excessively buying products that have been made in Somaliland, and there are not American tourists flooding to Somaliland yet the American dollar has been depreciating against our currency. Is there an economical miracle taking place in Somaliland? The truth of the matter is Riyalle's government has either controlled the flow of paper money or it did not print enough money. Everything, especially necessities have become astronomically expensive. Poor government policies beget poverty. This regime can not even employ a half-decent monetary policy. Once again, Riyalle's government has failed us. It is a pity that he is lacking the indispensable qualities to run our country.
The government of Riyalle still has an opportunity to rectify things. First, it has to utilize the representatives of the community of LasAnod and Nugaal. We have great leaders from that community who happen to be very progressive individuals and therefore we have to embrace them and help them help Somaliland's cause.
Second, our government should put forth a tremendous effort in order to make that community feel a sense of belonging. For instance the area that Somaliland government controls should be developed with schools and hospitals, etceteras. I know some of you may think that it is some sort of bribery to do so but believe me it is not. It is a universal practice of wealth redistribution performed by every responsible government. If the "occupied" territory is a sine qua non to our nationhood, then Somaliland government must improve the living conditions of the inhabitants of that area. Riyalle's government can't have it all.
The amount of money that we are wasting on buying weapons should have been spent on building schools, hospitals, and clean water for Nugaal's community and other parts of the country. Once we do things that could improve the quality of Nugaal's community, then we will win the hearts and the minds of that community. Riyalle's government will tell you that there are not enough resources to implement these projects. Meanwhile, we know the amount of money Riyalle is getting as a salary. The government of Riyalle though, would find a fund to finance any project if the project is useful to the government's policies. The recently built hospital of Ainabo town is a prime example.
Third, if we wage war, the people who are going to pay the heaviest price are the people of Nugaal. The majority of Somalilanders have been there before. They know what is like to be a war victim. In every war the first casualties are the children, elderly, disabled, and women. Any war waged against LasAnod will definitely affect those groups and they are Somaliland citizens. We should avoid war at all costs and empower our representatives from that community so they will be able resolve this salient problem in a peaceful way.
I believe pro Somaliland team will eventually win the hearts and the minds of their constituency. We have to stay away from war, because war is for primitive societies. War is a regressive tool. If Somaliland people often claim that we are a new political phenomena occurring in Africa then let us live up to our reputation. The most precious commodity of any civilization is the ability to utilize their intelligence and conscience. We need a new paradigm shift in our thinking. War has to be the last resort.
As a new nation, we are burning our bridges if we use military against LasAnod. We have already given the warlord ample opportunities to use some members of that community against Somaliland. Also, war is costly in terms of human lives and financial resources. It results in a misallocation of our limited resources.
Lastly, the government of Somaliland should explore all avenues to resolve the issue of LasAnod. For instance, it should consult with opposition parties, it should consult with traditional leaders from LasAnod and it should seek guidance and advice from the members of Somaliland's parliament representing the people of Nugaal. After all, we are talking about twenty five percent of LasAnod's community that is wreaking havoc on the rest of their community.
The fifth peril that Somaliland is facing is the attitude of its people. I believe it was Hegel who stated that reality develops by means of the reconciling, synthesis, and contradiction between thesis and antithesis. Allow me to play a devil's advocate here. I believe that we, all Somalilanders, are still operating on the most primal instinctive impulses of a distorted sense of survival and everything stems from that. We generally live by some sort of medieval militaristic indoctrination that we see in tribal institutions and that is the nature of the beast, survival instinct. Tribalism perpetuates survival impulses.
We may be a paranoid society, but it does not mean there is no one behind us. A member of our community has lost 100,000 lives during Afweine's regime. Should they be concerned in the future? Your guess is as good as mine.
In all honesty, I got a few red flags in cyberspace lately specially after the skirmishes in Adhi- Adeeye. At one point, I thought we were behaving like the bad guys in the "Balkans". It seemed to me that our nationalistic ego was bruised. I never thought that I would witness people who would behave in such a way that they have a monopoly over the sovereignty of Somaliland. You have the chutzpah to say to some of our fellow countrymen that they are condemned to be indebted to you for the rest of their lives because you forgave them. Since they are collectively guilty they should jump whenever they are asked to and they shouldn't dare to ask how high? I did not know that I was part of the Aryan race. This jingoistic and chauvinistic attitude is dangerous therefore our temperaments have to be reigned in. We have to be tolerant of one another and respect our differences of opinions.
For Instance, a few high profile members of Riyalle's government came to Burao and told their audience the following statement and I am paraphrasing it: `We forgave them and they are still launching war against us.' Well, excuse me, but who is we, and who are they? This is utterly ridiculous. How do you think a kid from LasAnod community living at Burao or Hargeisa, for that matter, would feel if he or she heard such pernicious and caustic statements from Somaliland officials? They would feel differently and they would be petrified with fear. Therefore, you guys should keep a civil tongue in your head. How come you do not remind Riyalle that you forgave him every time he appears in front of you? How come his community is not reminded that they were forgiven? They were on same page as the community of LasAnod during Somaliland's fight against Afweine's brutal regime. They were conspicuously absent from the SNM struggle as the nom de guerre of Muj. Abdirahman Aw Ali depicts.
If we want to build a nation, a nation that is progressive we should stop using certain vitriolic and acerbic remarks against the community of LasAnod. We should help them feel that we care about them and without them we are not complete. There is no room for verbal and emotional abuse towards a segment of our nation. I do not want that part of my people to suffer as result of the war we have with the warlord and his patsies. I do not believe that we are genetically predisposed to war. I don't see why we should go to war. Give me one reason why we should go to war? I may be a very skeptical person but I also believe the sinner Abdillahi Yussuf and the saint Riyalle, were once and still are, exchanging their notes. Perhaps they are explicit enemies but implicit allies, I don't know. Does anyone remember the number of people from Somaliland who died in the war between Somalia and Ethiopia in 1977, the war with Afweine's regime and the other unnecessary battles that happened in Hargeisa, Berbera and Burao? We have to change our attitude if we want to build a unique and progressive nation, which has never been seen before on the African continent.
As for the tough leaders in LasAnod who are trying to be the tale that wags the dog, let me remind you that it seems that you have gotten carried away in an ecstasy of mendacity in terms of claiming Sool, Cayn, Sanaag and Buhodle. I am talking directly to the upper crust of LasAnod community, the hundred or so individuals who were once Afweine's ambassadors, director generals, army officers, and former NSS senior agents. You are the by-products of Afweine and Dafle's son, Ahmed. It is likely that none of you even reside in LasAnod now. Chances are you live in a western country and your families and children are safe, yet you promulgate falsehood and hate. Instead of financing the insurgents and their radio station in LasAnod, why don't you behave like men and live in LasAnod? Do you want to turn LasAnod into the Faluja of Somaliland?
We know your attitude. Your flight of fancy, that IDOORS will be caught one by one by African peacekeepers, will definitely turn into your worst nightmare. Abdillahi Yussuf is talking about twenty thousand peacekeepers. Is that all? Let him bring a million of them. We have already lost 100,000 people, and we are willing to lose even a higher numbers now. If you have what it takes, forgive me if I may sound condescending, to sacrifice 100,000 to save a reputation of one tribe? If your answer is yes, then by all means please do so, for you are such a courageous clan. We hear your nasty put downs every day, but believe me when push comes to shove that warlord will not care about your people. By contrast, we care about you. We do not want you to go through what we went through during Afweine's ethnic cleansing scheme.
As a rhetorical question, one may ask the following: when different rights come into conflict, how do we know which one takes priority? In Somaliland's case, it would be a morally wrong to assume the right to live as one nation by a community that has lost 100,000 innocent citizens as it would be circumscribed by the rights of those delusional few occupying LasAnod. In every war there are winners, we won our freedom as a result of many lost lives. The political regime of Somaliland should promote the social and legal conditions for the production of a greater amount of happiness than would otherwise be the case.
No one has tried to rule LasAnod through the barrel of gun. The LasAnod community has been enjoying their self-rule from the first day Somaliland declared its secession from the south. Even if you want to be an autonomous region, the people of Somaliland are willing to compromise with you. Yet, you seem to cogitate that the problem is not how much freedom your community has been enjoying but rather why a certain community in Somaliland is enjoying its freedom. If the renegade leaders of LasAnod's community think that certain community in Somaliland has natural tendency in getting the short end of the stick all of the time, then we have nothing else to say but to admire your persistency. If you are willing to attrite your community just as you did in the mad Mullah's movement and Afweine's regime then go ahead and make our day. If you want to give a golden opportunity for vast uneducated individuals who under pretext of defending a nation want to avenge your community for past mishaps, by all means please do so. No disrespect for Somaliland's army and its citizens but when war occurs, pillage, looting and other collateral damage do unfortunately become the norm. Anyhow, if you want war, there is the devil to pay.
I was born in Ainabo and I have no bone to pick with someone from LasAnod if he/she claims Ayn region belongs to him or her because we share that land. But when some idiot from Bossaso area makes such a preposterous claim it makes me furious though I consider myself a rational human being. The last couple of attacks on our army may have given you a bit of false sense of self-assurance. But if and when the hammer falls, it will be severe and swift. Few shiploads of weapons from Yemen do not shake our confidence. Today Somaliland is light years ahead of where it was in 1990 when all the traditional leaders from our communities declared our independence at the Burao Conference. Why the change of heart now? Do you think that we are weaker now? We have an organized and well-disciplined army. We have a unified community that is determined to defend its country. All odds are against you, trust me you will never reach your deceitful goals. Roll the dice.
I am naturally a very optimistic person and I truly believe Somaliland will prosper and progress in the not so distant future. However, the present regime is not well equipped to take us to Promised Land that we have envisioned. Moreover, everyone be it a busboy, a cab driver, a politician, an unemployed person, or a teacher is preoccupied with the concept of RECOGNITION! This word has become a buzzword for everyone it has become ubiquitous. For instance, Riyalle's government uses it as an escape goat for its incompetence. Unfortunately, most of us fall for that subliminal propaganda. You would hear people saying if we were recognized by the world communities all our problems would have instantly vanished. It is obvious that recognition has some advantages, for instance it would ease some of the difficulties that people traveling with Somaliland passports wouldn't have otherwise faced. Donor nations would have probably provided us some kind of transient relief. Some diplomatic job positions would have been created for a few individuals. That is all.
Somaliland is in a catch 22 situation. On one hand we have to get recognition first from the "African (Dictators') Union", on the other hand unless Africa becomes a progressive continent represented by elected leaders they will not recognize us because doing otherwise in their opinion would open a can of worms. Many artificial countries like Djibouti would become extinct. Other major countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia and even Kenya would face crisis. Ivory Coast is in catastrophe at the present time.
It is not the recognition, stupid. It is the economy, education, health care, environment, human rights, and gender equality etc. We do not need other nations and international communities to validate our existence and nationhood. We are the masters of our own destiny. We have to be confident in our ability to establish a political regime that enhances the greater good for the greatest number. We need a representative democracy, with rulers accountable to those who have put them in power. We need a constitutional government, where rulers have power but only to the extent that they are given it by the people and within the principles that are set out within a constitution.
The Muj. Abdillahi Askari syndrome, the arrest and verbal abuse of our decent citizens, has to be halted once and for all in Hargeisa. The Zamsam case is like a slap in the face to our nation's reputation and the humiliation suffered by one Guurti member, Mr. Ahmed Dirir Ali cannot be tolerated anymore. At present the four lawyers that were representing Zamsam are serving 3-year sentences for contempt of court. Isn't that contempt for democracy? Our government shouldn't be burying its head in the sand. This seventeen-year-old innocent, defenseless victim has been abused beyond one's imagination. Look at the magnitude of the media attention her case is getting. Instead of bringing them to justice and rehabilitating the perpetrators of Zamsam's nightmare, the government of Riyalle has chosen to complicate and protract the situation in arresting the four distinguished lawyers that were representing her. If you always do what you have always done, you always get what you always got. Arresting the innocent journalists, senate members, and lawyers is a gross human rights abuse and people of Somaliland shouldn't put up with these kinds of government actions.
Somaliland's government has the attitude of "if all you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail". Just because you are entrusted with power does not imply you can abuse your power and throw innocent individuals in jail. The government should treat its citizens with dignity. Riyalle's government has no vision in advancing our citizens' economic conditions. There are no programs to stimulate the economy. For instance, the port of Berbera has not been utilized to its potential. It is disgusting that Somaliland business people use Bossaso and Djibouti ports as substitutes for Berbera. Fifty six million Ethiopians as well as Somalilanders could have benefited from the Berbera's seaport usage. The word employment does not even exist in our dictionary. I wonder of the rate of unemployment in our country? Perhaps it is ninety five percent. Government workers do not even work for more than three hours. In fact, most of Riyalle's ministers do not even show up at their office for they are probably suffering from masticating Qat. The government is delinquent in paying its employees, including the Somaliland police, often. Where is the progress?
If any country wants to double the living standard of its citizens within a five-year period, its economy should grow by almost 15% annually. If the rate of growth is 7% per annum then their standard of living would double after ten years time. Three percent rate of annual growth will take 24 years to double our living standard. In case you think that I pulled this measurement out of thin air it is based upon Rule 72. It is a measurement used on an inflation, population growth, rate of return in investment, etc. Divide any rate by 72 and you will get the result. In any case, what percentage rate is Somaliland's economy growing? Does Riyalle have the skill to navigate our economy therefore our people's standard of living would fare better in the near future?
For a government that has a plethora of ministers, he has the luxury of appointing the auditor general and other positions, among them the manager of Hargeisa Club. Now he claims to have no influence over the judge ruling Zamsam's and her former lawyers' cases? It seems that he can't think outside of the box. But enough of Riyalle, for we can not blame him for all of our misfortunes.
What are our business elites doing? Can't they bring light industries to our country and create jobs? Why are we such a lethargic society? I can't believe that we even import distilled water. Oromo migrants do most of the menial and manual labor jobs because our people have disdain for such work. Perhaps it is the habit of Qat chewing that is causing this inertia. The Mafrashes with their spin doctors bring to most of us an atmosphere of congeniality. Unfortunately that is the mentality that is prevailing in Somaliland. We need work ethics from our government as well as our people. We have to overcome the dependency culture and work hard for our country. We should not be expecting manna from heaven. We can do it on our own, but we need an affective leader so we can overcome our obstacles. Keep that in mind when parliamentary elections arrive early next year. It would be presumptuous of me to tell you who to vote for but you see the situation now. Cast your vote wisely.
As for education, there is a positive correlation between the level and extent of education on one hand and economic prosperity on the other hand. For instance, Japan has no natural resources and yet it is the second largest economy, just behind the USA, in the world. The Asian tiger nations are the same. In fact, in Hong Kong the average working hours are ten hours per day and some even work six days a week. We have to educate our people. We have to also recognize that the human species, both by its numbers and its technology, has a massive impact on the environment. We are witnessing the biggest deforestation of our country's history. We have been using trees as charcoal energy and you do not have to be a rocket scientist to figure it out unless you replant the trees, we will eventually deplete them which would pose a tremendous danger too our existence.
In conclusion, we have a lot of challenges ahead of us, nonetheless we can beat all odds against us because our best-kept secret is the close knit fabric of the Somaliland citizens, and we share values. First, most present day Somalilanders are the people who were born after 1960. These cohorts are the ones who use to ask their parents the classical question of "what were you thinking when you took our sovereignty to Mogadishu"? Among them are many individuals who suffered under the Mogadishu based governments in terms of their education and job opportunities. They have been abused emotionally and psychologically during the thirty years before the downfall of Afweine's brutal regime.
Second, these groups had participated in our struggle for independence. They were the bulk of SNM soldiers. Therefore, unlike their parents who gained their freedom from Britain without bloodshed these cohorts had fought for their freedom and paid a huge price. They have seen individuals worst than Abdillahi Yussuf and believe me they do not blink. They know what is at stake and they are the true protectors of our nation. Their age group is between 18-55. They are cognizant of their enemy and they have been enjoying both personal and property freedoms since our declaration of our sovereignty in 1990.
They know their future potentials and they are cherishing the freedom they are enjoying presently. I call them the "consummate citizen". They have reverence for the rule of law. Abiding the law is inherent in their psyche. They are fed up with unnecessary wars and have experienced many broken dreams. They need jobs and their children deserve schools, hospitals and clean water. They need to get ahead in life and become a productive society. They are tolerating Riyalle's abuses for the sake of their nation and they put up with Abdillahi Yussuf's constant harassments. Yet they are resolute, courageous and are ready to defend their ideals and freedoms.
I am not worried about our nation's survival for a second, but I am concerned about Riyalle's sincerity and intentions. If he truly wants change for the better, for the people of Somaliland, then he should let people enjoy their fundamental basic human rights and freedoms. Release these innocent people from your horrible prison and show that you are genuinely for Somaliland's cause. Please let us give peace a chance.
I am sorry if I am loquacious, but my conscious and history would not forgive me, if I did not express and state my feelings.
May God bless our noble People.
Ali Hassan (Kubad), Toronto, Canada.
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/Dec 8 2004
Saveguard The Interest Of Somaliland
Given the fact that, this writer had used a strong language, which is very critical to the Somaliland Government its Police, Judicial and administration of its justice system.
And his carelessness of using very harsh and unjust words, without any careful considerations, and through analysis of the case concern.
Some of the language and words used are as follows "I want to express my concern and sense of disgust over the recent imprisonment of four Human Rights Lawyers and the way, in general, the Government of Somaliland, the Police and the Judicial system have handled the case regarding the arrest and allegations of rape of a young woman accused of espionage and terrorism. The arrest of this young girl and the subsequent imprisonment of Human Rights Lawyers have sent shockwaves of anger and repulsion throughout the world and we, as citizens of Somaliland, feel ashamed and cannot take pride in belonging to a nation whose Government and Justice system have been implicated in accusations of Human Rights violation. This is unacceptable and in contrary to everything that Somaliland should stand for." Well myself and many other readers are bewildered and ironically shocked of your use of words like "implicated in accusations of Human Rights violation." Without telling us who had implicated Somaliland of these allegations that you are implying had occurred.
Furthermore the accusation of the Somaliland government and its indirect involvement in this case and especially from higher ladder up in the chain of command of the administration are condoning this kind of actions, itself is unfounded and merely a speculation and you have not presented any evidence to backup your argument. And any minded person will rather describe you that, in fact you are the one who lacked strategic vision of gathering information it's truthfulness and compiling a good report from a good source.
The repetition of the words like a "young girl", 18 years old is an adult in any descent law of any country including Great Britain which you yourself live, and it is not an excuse to break the law let alone as alleged try acts of terrorism. In the case of the lawyers it is alleged that, the reason of their imprisonment is because of (Contempt of Court) and that is compliance within the guard line of Somaliland Constitution voted and supported unanimously by its people during the referendum. But were not just bundled from their homes and taken into custody as you have claimed.
However many others and myself do not share your view and certainly the World does not either, given the current climate of terrorism that the world is facing.
Therefore it's the interest of all of us and of course our country that one should refrain such descriptions and baseless information that spread like a wild fire.
From: Hussein Mohamed Tubeec, Melbourne Australia, Email: tubea@hotmail.com
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/Dec 8 2004
OPEN LETTER TO THE GOVERNMENT OF SOMALILAND
The recent imprisonment of the four Human Rights lawyers is the latest of a series of plunders involving arrests and unlawful detentions of prominent Somaliland citizens who, through their line of work, have been on the vanguard of our democratic vision. Such include editor-in-chief of Jamhuuriya Newspaper, Mr Hassan Yusuf who was detained by the police only a few months ago. These and number of other incidents of similar nature have characterized Somaliland as a country where human right violation is a commonplace and freedom of press remains under threat.
Considering the pattern and the careful timing of these incidents occurring with passing resemblance with one another and their similitude in having the effect of portraying Somaliland Government in this tyrannical outline, one could innocently take the view that all these are part and parcel of some crafty and highly sinister political conspiracy premeditated by individual cells within the administration who, for their own reasons, appear to have a different agenda of some sort.
The idea of suggesting that the enemy could be from within may sound absurd yet it remains a popular view hugely subscribed to now by many people who think the chief architect of this so-called crafty and politically self-subversive agenda is more likely to be the administration in Somaliland itself than it being the work of an external enemy.
For I know it just too well and any fool knows it does not take a genius for an entire political apparatus of a country to be so na‹ve and gullible not to think that the imprisonment of journalists and Human Right activists can easily be interpreted as a violation of human rights and sign of systematic repression of democratic values. The accusations of this nature can also raise serious concerns amongst the international community as well as having the potentials to blemish the political outlook of the country especially in such a high time when Somaliland is facing new challenges.
The allegation of rape whether true or not and the subsequent arrests of the Human rights activists are already costing Somaliland great deal and so much is at stake that Somaliland under the present circumstance cannot afford to err on the fundamentals of its own democratic values.
So why is it that the authorities in Somaliland have in the first place allowed this matter to drag on this long that they have even found themselves at loggerheads with their elite?
Why is it that we, the Somalilanders in Diaspora, tend to think as with many other politically non-aligned people outside the country feel, that the administration in Somaliland is doing things far too wrong too often and too many times than innocent incompetence can justify for the past two years? Why is it that the Government acts erratically each time something politically sensitive happens or even appears to be on the horizon without actually having any direct impact on us?
Why is it that Riyaale's administration jumps before the whistle blows and yet slows the race in actions like it did when Abdillahi.Yusuf was elected in Kenya as the president of Somalia?
Why talk the war talk and do the dove's work in war when in Lasanod, integral part of Somaliland territory still bears the brunt of being a conquered territory by troops belonging to Puntland following their incursion on Somaliland army bases stationed within Somaliland territories?
Why allow the alleged scandal over the rape allegations of a young to drag on and be used as moral propaganda warfare against Somaliland?
Why allow the good name of our nation to be implicated in a shameful disparage like this?
Considering the pattern of the recent events and how the Government has responded to them merely suggests that the administration in Somaliland is not only incompetent, monotonous and infertile but rather that it lacks strategic vision and scores own goals far too many times.
I, on behalf of those who care about Somaliland, request the administration to:
- Release the arrested human right lawyers and anyone else detained in connection with this matter immediately.
- Restore the dignity of the nation of Somaliland and wash their hands off the Samsam case either by releasing her or bringing hard evidence to prove that she was involved in espionage activities.
- To refrain in the future from arresting journalists and other humanitarian activists involved in safeguarding the rights and general welfare of the people without bringing criminal charges prior to their arrest and ensuring that every person is entitled to be treated fairly in the eyes of the law.
- To put an end to the culture of arbitrary arrests of civilians and members of the public and abide the rule of law that govern our nation.
- To run the political affairs of the country responsibly and with due respect of people of Somaliland and in pursuit of their common political interests and aspirations and not otherwise the contrary
Finally, I want to make clear that it's not for me to judge whether Samsam and Omer are innocent or not but one thing I know for a fact is that they are both human beings and that they are rightly entitled to be treated with dignity and respect. Remember the old adage everyone is innocent until proven guilty.
As for the government of Somaliland, my advice to them is that there are far more important challenges and issues that are facing our country today than Samsam and her co-defendant. So, it is about time you got your priorities right and concentrated your efforts and resources where they are needed most.
Ahmed Yussuf, London
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/Dec 08 2004Source: The Somaliland Times, Hargeysa, in English
Djibouti opposition party would recognize Somaliland if it wins poll
Both the governments of the former president of Djibouti, Hasan Guleid Aptidon, and its current President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, have amply demonstrated what can only be described as a deep-rooted hatred for the people of Somaliland. This is not just a wild accusation but could be proven by the political actions that the successive Djibouti governments have been taking against the people of Somaliland.
To start with, during the dictatorship of the former Gen Muhammad Siyad Barre, the Djibouti government has constituted itself as a sharp instrument in Barre's killing machine, rounding up Somalilanders in Djibouti and handing them over to Barre's border troops who summarily executed them and dumped them in mass graves. The Djibouti security forces, under Ismail Omar Guelleh then, went as far as grabbing Somalilanders fleeing toward the Ethiopian border and whisked them back into Somalia where the captured people were murdered in cold blood.
These are not fabricated propaganda to make either the Djibouti leadership or its people look bad in the eyes of the people of Somaliland or the rest of the world. These are indisputable facts.
Some good-hearted people would definitely say that raking over the dead ashes of the past would not do anyone any good. That is true, but such a sentiment would made good sense, if the government of Djibouti stopped its damaging policies toward Somaliland. But in the face of ceaseless hostilities, it does no harm to remind the government of Djibouti, that the people of Somaliland have a sense of history.
In addition, ever since the fall of the former dictator of Somalia on the evening of 26 January 1991, the government of Djibouti has been falling over each other to reconstruct government for "the whole of Somalia," deliberately disregarding the existence of the Republic of Somaliland. Not only that but the government of Djibouti has been trying to put back in power those who were the biggest cogs in Barre's killing machine.
When the people of Somaliland declared the regaining of its independence on 18 May, 1991 by nullifying the Union Act of 1960, the Djibouti government announced the same day that it would not recognize the new government of Somaliland. As it happened Djibouti remains the only government still on record to have publicly declared policy of a non-recognition of Somaliland. Other governments tactfully maintain silence on this issue.
The stand of the government of Djibouti toward Somaliland cannot be justified on principle, a belief that it wants an eventual Greater Somalia for it opted for its sovereignty when it gained independence from France in 1977 instead of joining the Republic of Somalia which consisted of the 1960 union of Somaliland and Somalia.
Why then does the government of Djibouti want to hurt so badly Somaliland's chances for recognition by working so hard for establishing a government for Somalia (South), which then claims to represent "all of Somalia," including Somaliland, consisting of warmed-over ex-Barre men and women who could hardly represent the people in the Somalia (South), let alone Somaliland?
That is a yet unsolved puzzle as the government of Djibouti does not explain its seemingly irrational stand against Somaliland. Logically, Djibouti should have been on the side of the people of Somaliland whose people have a web of undeletable ties since time unmemorable with the people of Djibouti. The government of Djibouti would do well to think foremost of the interests of its people that are intricately linked with those of the people of Somaliland, as well as those of Somalia, not in these crisis-ridden times but in the future for centuries to come.
Source: http://somaliland.org/ns.asp?ID=04120900/ 09 December, 2004
The Trial Of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh Resumes But Justice Remains Elusive
For additional information, please contact Ibrahim Haji Musa: 429 251
The trial of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, the 17-year old girl whose detention and trial has confronted the justice system in Somaliland with a series of challenges, resumed at Hargeisa regional court on Monday, 6 December, together with her co-defendant, Omer Jama Warsame. The trial had been indefinitely suspended by the presiding judge, Abdirahman Jama Hayaan, on 24 November, after he had summarily sentenced the four defence lawyers to three years in prison, allegedly for disturbance of the court. Four members of the Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland (CJPS), which has been supporting the legal defence of the two detainees, attended Monday's hearing. In light of the grave and widespread irregularities which were, again, apparent in the proceedings, the Coalition remains pessimistic, for the reasons detailed below, that justice will be done.
The Coalition is concerned that the trial on Monday reflected a legal strategy which effectively aims to remove the discussion from the courts to the political arena, with serious implications for the justice system in Somaliland. Having failed, despite repeated efforts, to provoke a confrontation outside the court with their supporters, which might have justified postponement of the trial, the government then moved to silence their lawyers through imprisonment. Now, after a few hours where they had no legal representation, no opportunity to call their own witnesses or to cross examine those for the prosecution, Zamzam and Omer are to be judged on Saturday 11 December. There are fears that they will indeed be sentenced on Saturday, and that they may then be "pardoned" by President Dahir Rayale.
The Lack of Legal Representation
With their four lawyers in prison, Zamzam and Omer were left to defend themselves, despite the gravity of the charges they face. According to the judge, a letter had been sent to the two detainees, and their families, informing them of the date of the hearing. But neither Zamzam nor Omer, who have been incarcerated in Hargeisa central prison since September, had received such notice and therefore had no opportunity to hire new lawyers. Nor did their families know of the impending hearing. Zamzam's mother and Omer's wife found out at the last minute through informal channels. The Coalition itself had no prior knowledge of the trial as no information had been given to the public.
The judge offered the detainees a choice: they could either act as their own lawyers and allow the proceedings to continue, or the trial could be postponed while they sought out new lawyers. Anxious to put their ordeal behind them, and hoping for an early release, Zamzam and Omer chose to lead their own defence.
Judge Hayaan continues to preside over the case, notwithstanding the criticisms levelled at him following his decision to sentence Zamzam and Omer's lawyers. Moreover, the prosecutor, Yusuf Abdi Kahin, whose conduct was questioned by the defence lawyers during the previous session, was once again given a free hand to interrogate Zamzam and Omer-this time in the absence of their lawyers. Despite the intimidating circumstances, including the absence of the many relatives and supporters who had attended the court previously, the two detainees held their ground and argued their case as best as they could.
The Prosecution
As in the past, the prosecution produced witnesses, for the most part CID officers involved in interrogating the detainees, who repeated the claims that Zamzam and Omer were part of a conspiracy to murder the Vice President, had visited his residence for the purpose of surveillance, and that they had become suspicious when Zamzam repeatedly changed her name, details and clan identity. No new or material evidence was produced. No independent witnesses came forward to lend support to the prosecution's arguments. Their case ended as it had begun, based entirely on the word of CID officers-some of whom have been accused of torturing the detainees and of raping Zamzam-and of the guards in charge of security at the Vice President's home.
The Defendants
Both defendants refuted the prosecution's charges and repeated their previous accusations against the CID for torture, and Zamzam continued to insist that she had suffered rape at the hands of six CID officers. As in the past, she did not hesitate to point out that some of the men involved in the rape included the prosecution's witnesses. On this occasion, she singled out, as she had done on 4 October, a young CID officer who was in the witness stand. Desperate to leave prison, she made a strong appeal to the judge for an early release.
Omer, who had driven Zamzam from Bosasso to Hargeisa in his vehicle for hire, categorically rejected the charge that he had any involvement with espionage and a conspiracy to assassinate the Vice President. He reminded the court that he had in fact been released by the CID after two or three days of questioning in mid-August, and had been re-arrested and charged only after he demanded that the deputy head of the CID, Saeed Mohamed Absiye, who had used his car and damaged the engine, compensate him for his losses.
He related how he had returned to CID headquarters in search of his car after his release and was told that the deputy head of the CID had the keys. Accompanied by a soldier and a mechanic, the car was taken from the CID compound to a garage where the engine was found to be faulty. Omer said he returned to the CID in the company of two parliamentarians to give him moral support. They left empty-handed after an abusive encounter with Absiye. He then, he added, went back on his own, at which point Absiye threatened to have him arrested if he continued to speak about the car. He was, he said, given a serious beating and hand-cuffed, after which he was then driven to Hargeisa central police station where Absiye instructed the police to give him the maximum punishment, which meant that he was held in isolation, denied access and even food for a certain period.
Saeed Mohamed Absiye was due to testify in court for the prosecution on Monday. The hearing was in fact suspended for a while to give him the chance to attend, but he failed to turn up.
Omer told the court that he believes the charges were fabricated to cover up: (1) the injuries he has suffered from the torture; (2) the damage to his car and (3) to divert attention from the circumstances of his re-arrest and long period of imprisonment.
A Denial of Justice
The defendants have not yet had a chance to call a single witness to the stand. All the hearings to date have been devoted to prosecution witnesses. And on Monday, with their lawyers behind bars, and no opportunity to prepare their own defence in advance, they were left in a position of extreme vulnerability. The government has said that their lawyers will have their appeal heard on Thursday, and that the verdict on Zamzam and Omer will be delivered on Saturday. Even if their lawyers win their appeal and are released, there are no further opportunities to put forth arguments, since Saturday is merely to hear the verdict.
When Omer and Zamzam asked the judge about their own complaints against the CID, he told them to "write a letter." The prosecutor himself pointed out that they are not allowed to have pens and paper in prison. Nor are they allowed to talk to visitors in private who could then assist them in composing such a letter. The judge simply repeated the suggestion that they should record their complaints in writing. Yesterday, 7 December, the judge, Hayaan, wrote a letter, a copy of which was given to Zamzam's mother, in which he instructed the head of the central prison to type up the letter "which they will compose themselves", a suggestion that has done little to reassure their families.
The Judge and the Prosecutor
If Somaliland is to improve its justice system, as the members of the Coalition believe it can and must, we urge the Government of Somaliland to address impediments to a fair trial. In this context, we regret the failure of the Chief Justice to respond to the calls which have been made by, amongst others, the detained lawyers, for the disqualification of judge Hayaan from the case, and the removal of the prosecutor, Yusuf Abdi Kahin.
Once again, the Coalition reiterates the calls for the removal of the judge and prosecutor from the case given the consistent and overwhelming proof of the necessary lack of professional ethics. In the case of the judge, his partiality and subservience to the prosecution, which members of the Coalition have witnessed repeatedly, is grounds for transferring the case to another judge.
What is at Stake?
The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland has been strongly criticised by some within the Government of Somaliland, by sections of the media in Somaliland, and even by some members of civic groups, for attracting "negative publicity" for Somaliland, and thereby damaging its interests.
As individuals and organizations concerned about the promotion of justice, accountability, transparency and peace in Somaliland, we regard it as our civic and moral responsibility as citizens of Somaliland, and our duty as human beings, to try and correct injustice in whatever guise it appears, no matter how difficult and discouraging the challenge might be. Far from jeopardising the future of Somaliland, we believe that we are making a vital and constructive contribution in ensuring that it is being built on solid foundations of which we can all be proud, and which can serve us all, in the years to come. We are concerned that injustices and abuses in themselves constitute a threat to the stability of Somaliland.
A Question of Individual Responsibility
The Coalition has consistently emphasised the importance of a full investigation, a fair trial for Zamzam and Omer, justice for all concerned and the principle of individual culpability. It is clear to us that serious mistakes have been made in the administration of justice, and within the CID, and these mistakes are the responsibility of particular individuals. Zamzam and Omer have also made allegations about torture, and rape in the case of Zamzam, against specific officers within the CID force. Those in charge of the administration of justice, and of the police force, should investigate these accusations, openly and fairly, and take the necessary corrective action for the sake of justice, to distance their institutions from the errors of certain employees and to safeguard the credibility of the offices which have been entrusted to them. When they fail to do so, it is inevitable that the blame will be generalised, to the detriment of Somaliland now, and in the future.
What Can be Done?
To move the process of justice forward, the Coalition for Justice and Peace is putting forward the following recommendations:
- A meaningful trial must be organized immediately in which Zamzam and Omer have legal representation and the opportunity to cross examine witnesses.
- Their defence lawyers must be released immediately and unconditionally.
- The allegations of rape and torture must be urgently and thoroughly investigated and the findings made public. If the allegations of rape are substantiated, the judicial authorities in Somaliland will have the opportunity to set a new standard by bringing a prosecution for rape against public officials.
- Both the judge, Abdirahman Jama Hayaan, and the prosecutor, Yusuf Abdi Kahin, who have lost credibility on the basis of their performance to date, should be replaced with immediate effect.
The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland, formed recently, brings together organizations and individuals that share a common interest in promoting justice, peace, human rights, the culture of dialogue and the establishment of democratic institutions in Somaliland.
Source: Qaran News, Dec 08 2004
War-lord President
CC: President, Republic of Somaliland, Somaliland, Hargeisa;.
Chairman, African Unity, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia;
Secretary General of the Arab League; Cairo, Egypt;
President, International Crisis Group, Helsinki, Finland;
Executive Secretary, Inter-governmental Administration & Development (IGAD),
Djibouti, Republic of Djibouti;
Minister of Foreign Affairs, F.D.R of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa;
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Djibouti;
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kenya, D.Republic of Kenya;
CC: President, Republic of Somaliland, Somaliland, Hargeisa;
Chairman, Justice and Welfare Party ( UCID ), Somaliland, Hargeisa;
Chairman, Kulmiye Party, Somaliland, Hargeisa.
From: Mr. Ahmed Muse Gedi (Sanjab),
Secretary General, Justice and Welfare Party,
THE SO CALLED `T.F.G.S' AND ITS ELECTED PARLIAMENT & WAR-LORD PRESIDENT WOULD NEVER RESOLVE THE ANARCHY IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA.
In pursuance to my numerous articles about the political situation in Somaliland, ( i.e. Former British Somaliland), Republic Of Djibouti (i.e. Former French Somaliland) Southern Somalia ( i.e. Former Italian Somaliland) and the lofty dream of Greater Somalia, I would like to remind the World Community and in particular the authorities wielding the mandate of the above Institutions that their efforts in resolving the protracted anarchy of Southern Somalia has failed to achieve positive results, as a result of the following grounds and should therefore support other mechanisms that can HEAL the MISERY and STOP the on-going dirty-clan-wars:-
--The Clans Charter ( CAHDI_QARAMEED OR CAHDI-BEELEED) adopted in that conference failed to identify ways and means of dismantling territorial fiefdoms carved by 51 war-lords including MAJERTANIA, which was renamed as PUNTLAND from 1998 and headed by the war-lord elected as the President for the so called Transitional Federal Government for Somalia;
--The Charter did not address how the newly elected Transitional Federal Government will reclaim DEFUNCT SOMALI STATE PROPERTIES confiscated by THE 51 WAR-LORDS such as Sea-Ports, Air-Ports, Hospitals, Schools, Offices, Houses and other important properties ;
--The Charter did not address how bring JUSTICE to those who committed war-crimes against their brethren during civil-war period 1981-2004 INCLUDING MEMBERS OF PRESENT PARLIAMENT AND THE ELECTED WAR-LORD;
--It did not explain how individual properties confiscated by war-lords will be returned to the right owners;
--The CHARTER failed to discriminate individuals that committed serious crimes against humanity during the period dirty- clan-wars were being waged in Southern Somalia ( i.e. 1981-2004 };
--The peace making Organs like IGAD, E.E.C and Arab League should not have approved the election of the most hated war-lord among Southern Somalis as President, since he has committed many crimes against humanity. Qabqable Abdullahi is known as a ruthless psychopath OBSESSED FOR POWER for a period of 40 years and whose main objective will be based on the formula of FACISM ( i.e. divide an rule) inherited from Italian Colonial Administrations that engineered the CRUMBLE OF SOMALI REPUBLIC;
--If the objectives of IGAD mission was to resolve the ANARCHY in Southern Somalia it has failed and in reality what they have achieved will complicate the prevailing situation and will make future peace reconciliation efforts more difficult than what it is today, if not futile;
--. It is sad and annoying to report that the representatives of certain countries of IGAD are well conversant that some war-lords who are known as the BUTCHERS of HARGEISA, MOGADISHU, BAIDOA, GABILE, BERBERA, BURCO, ERIGAVO, KISMAYO, BOSSASSO, JOWHAR AND MANY URBAN CENTRES have been selected as members of Parliament in the so called Transitional Federal Government For SOMALIA. As a matter of fact most of the common people in Somalia were awaiting Human Rights Activists to hunt for them and bring them to the International Criminal Court in The Hague for the crimes they committed against humanity. A good example of these characters are GENERAL MORGAN, GENERAL GANI AND COL. ABDILLAHI Yusuf Ahmed etc...etc;
--!93 of the 275 of the Parliamentarians elected (i.e. 70%) are either known war-lords or their closest CRONIES, who will never promote or support development programs or projects, intended to improve the well being of the general public. Most of them are from the ruling elite of the defunct Siad Barre's Regime or newly promoted thugs by the war-lords. 25 % of the elected parliamentarians are Somali Kenyans, Somali Djiboutians or Somali Ethiopians, who have never resided in former Somali Republic Territory nor have shown any interest to live there. They were just bunch of fraudsters merely entrusted to make income from selling their respective voting power;
--IGAD did not require the outgoing TNG to submit to the Peace reconciliation conference their operational activities for the period of 3 years and did not require them to handing-over assets they acquired while in power to the elected FTGS. Of course assets were financed from the donations channeled by the Donors tax payers i.e. EEC, USA, Arab League and IGAD countries.
CONCLUSION:
On the basis of the above facts and many other weaknesses, the protracted 14th Reconciliation conference for Southern Somalis which was held in Nairobi over the past two years did not produce any positive results to the common Somali citizens. This conference has actually promoted the WAR_CRIMINALS (i.e. the war-lords), who committed multiple crimes against humanity over the past 23 years, because it has empowered the war-lords and their CRONIES as Parliamentarians and President. Thus any National, Regional or International Authorities that deem such deplorable results as satisfactory should be considered by common Somalis as their ENEMY and should never trust their baseless propaganda, which will endeavor to promote the so called TFGS (i.e. Transitional Federal Government for Somalia) as their future Government. Under the present leadership political instability in Southern Somalia will prevail and the on-going inter-clan wars will increase and thus make prevailing economic, social and political environment much worse.
The leaders of Southern Somalia should accept prevailing realities in Somaliland and avoid the mistakes made by the TNG and the armed Militia FROM MAJEERTAYNIYA led by Qabqable Dagaal Abdillahi Yusuf who spent considerable resources and efforts in destabilizing the political stability of Somaliland during 2000-2004. Somaliland will have a political dialogue only when a legal government from Southern Somalia RECOGNIZES THE INDEPENCENCE OF SOMALILAND. Somalilanders liberated their country at high cost during 1981-1991, after waging a bitter armed struggle against the Regime of Siad Barre under the leadership of SNM and will defend its territory at any cost under the leadership of its elected Government.
RECOMMENDATIONS:-
1. For my Brothers and sisters in Southern Somalia, I will suggest to them that to organize themselves seriously and reconvene a REAL RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE inside the country, in a manner similar to the MECHANISM USED BY SOMALILAND CLANS in resolving their differences and constituting a National Government of their choice without any influence from Foreign Governments. Experience learned from the PERFORMANCES of the out-going TNG tell us that that a bogus Government constituted in Foreign Soil will never become an effective National Government, which can easily gain the trust and support of the masses.
2. It is unfortunate for Somaliland Government and it is citizens that the same war-lord whose militia invaded two Regions of its territory has become the President of the TFGS. This reality will jeopardize peaceful co-existence with our brothers and sister in Southern Somalia. Somaliland is therefore obliged to secure its borders without further delay and invest most of the resources it can avail on the defense of it is integrity. Somaliland Government and the Opposition Parties should mobilize their supporters in defending their freedom which cost them loss of over 100,000 lives and 100s of million$ of their properties. I have no doubt in my mind that Qabqable Abdillahi's priority is to EXPORT DIRTY-CLAN- WARS to the peace loving Republic of Somaliland as soon as his Government on EXILE returns some where in Southern Somalia. He will try his level best to work-out power sharing mechanism with some of the LUGEONAIRES FROM SOMALILAND and their cronies who will endeavor to destabilize the prevailing political democratization processes that are in progress in Somaliland. Any more time wasted by Somaliland Government will amount to a golden opportunity lost and that will definitely trigger loss of trust and unwanted consequences.
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/Alternativeview.net report , December 08, 2004 - 12:14
The Somaliland Parliament Debating Election Bill
The Deputy said the members have only the following three options to choose from with regard to the first point and their decision must be finalized no later than close of business December 13th, 2004.
1 - The 1960 parliamentary seats allocation times 2.5 for each region
2 - The current allocation of parliament seats that is based on clan formula
3 - The total number of votes will be divided by 82 seats and each region will get a share of the seats that is equivalent to its total votes.
The demarcation of the district boundary is linked to the first point (a) and will be determined based on the option (one of the three) selected.
The parliament will decide within the next few days how the people will be represented in Somaliland and the balance of power between regions, communities, and least of all the parties. Needless to say it is absolutely necessary that they get it right regardless of what option is ultimately chosen and that the communities, regions and parties feel their interest will be protected under the new formula to allocate parliament representation.
This is also an opportunity for the Somaliland citizens in the Diaspora to contribute to the process and draw from their experiences in the countries that have adopted them as citizens. The international community is watching how Somaliland conducts its business and it is extremely important that Somaliland leaders and political establishment must always keep the national interest at heart during the negotiation process.
Source: http://www.unicef.org/somalia/reallives_644.html/c UNICEF Somalia/04-003-R.Muse-NWZ
Education
Now 17, Faduma has hopes of being a politician and leading the fight against landmines.
Girl mine victim's dream for education takes root
Nairobi, December 2004 - In 1995 an eight year old girl faced an audience of hundreds of people from all over the world at an international conference in Geneva and spoke passionately about her plight caused by a landmine that had blown of her legs at an early age.
The venue was an international landmines consultative meeting organized by the UN. The girl was from Northwest Somalia (`Somaliland') and she movingly told participants how her life had been changed by the incident when she was just four years old.
Undeterred and unfazed by the audience before her, the little girl went on to make her case heard not only for her sake, but for other victims of landmines: she informed her audience that although she had thereafter obtained artificial limbs, her desire for an education had not been met as she was unable to attend school because the one nearest to her home in Hargeisa, `Somaliland', was on top of a rocky hill about one kilometre away. Obviously, her disability made the hike impossible and hers was a plea for hearing.
Her plea did not go unheeded and luckily for her, UNICEF was represented by its then Deputy Director, Dr Richard Jolly at the conference and she got to meet him. Soon, word of her moving predicament got to the UNICEF Executive Director who as a result pledged UNICEF's assistance to Faduma. In July 1995, Dr. Richard Jolly, directed then head of UNICEF's Somalia office, the late Pierce Gerety, to ensure Faduma Bihi received her right to education.
Thereafter, UNICEF's office in Somalia went to work and considered various options that would enable Faduma to attend school. The options included: home tutoring, arranging transport support, moving Faduma's family closer to a school or building a small community school in Faduma's name, within a short walking distance from her home. The latter was eventually selected as the most suitable and least disruptive to Faduma's life, as well that of her guardians.
Since Faduma had already lost both her father and mother, it would also mean that she would not be plucked out of her community. In addition, such a school would also hold out benefits for Faduma's friends and numerous other disadvantaged and out-of-school children in her neighborhood. Luckily for UNICEF, the local community also bought into the idea and pledged material and financial contributions.
c UNICEF Somalia/04-004-R.Muse-NWZ
Faduma a decade ago with Edna Adan Ismail, currently Somaliland's Foreign Minister. The little girl who addressed a gathering in Geneva in 1995 now attends secondary school.
By February 1996, words had turned into action: two classrooms, one early childhood care room, one office room and one watchman's room had been constructed turning into reality the dream of Faduma going to school. By September 1996, the school had 196 pupils of whom about half were girls with three out of four teachers in the school being female. Today, eight years later, the school has five teachers of whom one is female. Faduma too has grown into a mature 17-year-old now attending a secondary school. Her yearnings not only gave her hope, but also extended opportunities to many other children.
The construction of the school was more than just a UNICEF effort. It also involved the local Ahmed Dagah community, the Hargeisa city mayor's office and the local Ministry of Education. The community's contribution was through the donation of 6000 square metres of land and planting of trees in the school compound. The Hargeisa mayor's office donated $21,328, school furniture and took care of landscaping while UNICEF contributed $32,102 to cover 70 per cent of costs of building materials. The Ministry of Education in turn pledged to cover the recruitment of a school head, three teachers and one watchman and the recurrent budget of the school.
UNICEF currently provides textbooks, teacher's guides and education kits to the school. It also supports the training of teachers on the new curriculum.
Faduma Bihi is now in the first year of Ilais Secondary School about five km northwest of her home in the Somaliland capital Hargeisa. The foundation UNICEF and her community laid for her and other children has not been in vain. It has also been a lesson on the challenges that many children maimed by landmines face and the need to support them and their communities.
Faduma who has four brothers has been under the care of aunt who also has seven other children to care. Having grown in time also means that Faduma has grown in perspective.
Currently and as the world continues to wage war against landmines at the Nairobi Summit on a Mine-Free World, away in Somaliland, the little girl who addressed a conference in Geneva years ago has grown older and is a member of women's organization called HAN in Somali, literally translated into '' Women with Disability and Children's Organization.'' Faduma's dream is to be a politician: '' I want to take up the fight against the manufacture of landmines,'' she says.
For a girl who eight years ago moved UNICEF to build a school for her and her community, her latest dream could still be achieved, and the world needs to take notice of her yearnings and those of others like her.
Source: http://www.unicef.org/somalia/children.html
Education: Early years
c UNICEF Somalia/01-162-TaylorSomalia has some of the lowest enrolment rates in the world.
Somalia - one of the harshest places on the planet, an extreme environment that presents huge challenges to its people just in terms of simple survival. The combination of a hostile, predominantly arid environment, difficult terrain with settlements scattered over vast distances, the legacy of a nomadic way of life and a civil conflict that has shattered social structures and exacerbated poverty add up to mean that a Somali child's chances of surviving to adulthood are among the lowest of children anywhere in the world. Add to this the fact that the odds of the child's mother dying during pregnancy or in childbirth are also extremely high. These high death rates stem from the interaction of a number of causes set within a complex socio-political context , but are largely attributable to disease, dehydration, malnutrition, lack of safe water, and poor sanitation.
Diarrhoeal disease-related dehydration, respiratory infections and malaria are the main killers of infants and young children, together accounting for more than half of all child deaths. Cholera is endemic in Somalia, with the threat of outbreaks recurring annually during the "season" from December to May, when in many crowded communities the pre-conditions are set as a result of critical water shortage.The major underlying causes of diarrhoea are the lack of access to safe water, and poor food and domestic hygiene. In a survey carried out in 2000, it was found that almost a quarter of children aged under five years had diarrhoea in the two weeks preceding the survey-a very high rate.
Malnutrition is a chronic problem in all areas, and becomes acute when areas are struck by drought or flood, or where localized conflict flares up, scattering populations. A persistent shortage of food (mainly due to successive droughts and conflicts), low quality diet, poor feeding practices and inadequate home management practices contribute to many children being inadequately nourished.
c UNICEF Somalia/02-09-Taylor
One of the greatest hinderances to girls' enrolment is that traditionally they assist their mothers in bearing the burden of domestic labour and are often sent to work to generate income for the family.
Neonatal tetanus and other birth-related problems are a further cause of many infant deaths, while measles and its complications result in widespread illness. Immunization coverage is not yet sufficient to prevent measles outbreaks. Susceptibility to measles is compounded by poor nutrition and transmission is rapid where living conditions are crowded, resulting in a high death rate.
Though data are lacking, Somalia is among countries with the highest incidence of tuberculosis in the world. Overcrowded conditions in camps where many displaced people are living , general lack of treatment facilities, poor quality drugs and malnutrition keep tuberculosis as one of the country's main killer diseases.
Inadequate water and sanitation provision cost lives
Lack of access to safe water is a striking feature in almost all parts of Somalia. Probably less than 1 in every 5 households has reliable access to safe water throughout the year. A result of erratic rainfall patterns which are responsible for both droughts and floods, this climatic causation has been compounded by the destruction and looting of water supply installations during the civil war, by depredation during continuing conflicts, and through the general lack of maintenance of existing infrastructure.
Less than 50 per cent of the population of Somalia lives in households with sanitary means of excreta disposal. Poor hygiene and environmental sanitation are major causes of diseases such as cholera among children and women. The impact of poor environmental sanitation is particularly felt in the cities, towns, large villages, and other places where people are living in close proximity to each other with waste disposal adjacent to dwellings. Lack of garbage collection facilities is another factor affecting the urban environment and polluting water sources, along with the proliferation of plastic refuse bags.
Progress
Some dynamic progress has however been made in the field of health. In the last two years, Somalia has stepped up its polio eradication drive as part of the global polio eradication effort. No cases of the wild polio virus have been reported since October 2002 and there is hope that in the next two years Somalia may be certified polio free if no more cases are reported.
Source: http://www.unicef.org/somalia/children_87.html
Education: Primary school years
c UNICEF Somalia/01-137-TaylorTeacher and pupils in class in 2001. Since 2002, at least 7,000 teachers have undergone in service training conducted by UNICEF and partners in the new curriculum.
Somalia today is a country where schooling is available to very few children. A child of primary school age has only about a one in five chance of attending school. As a result of the collapse of the central government in 1991 and the ensuing long years of conflict schools were destroyed, looted and abandoned. Only now is rehabilitation of the damaged buildings beginning to take place and currently there are only 1,192 schools operational in the country, the majority concentrated around and in urban areas. Most schools are financed from fees or other forms of support from parents and communities, with some input from external agencies.The total enrolment figure is some 286,808 students, placing Somalia firmly among the countries with the lowest enrolment rates in the world.
For a girl child in Somalia the prospects of attending school are even poorer: the Survey of Primary Schools in Somalia for 2002-2003 showed that only slightly over one third, or 36 per cent, of pupils are girls at the lower primary school levels. Since the 2002/3 survey, there has been very little progress toward reducing the gender disparity, which increases rapidly in higher grades.
c UNICEF Somalia/01-12-Pirozzi
Boys in class in 2001. UNICEF continues to provide quality education materials to schools, training for teachers and other education professionals, and support community education committees.
Results of previous school surveys reflect the same pattern. The low enrolment and high drop-out rates of girls in most areas are due to a combination of traditional attitudes, timing of classes and economic considerations.
Education prospects for children are, encouragingly, much better than a decade ago and although still low, the figures for school enrolment are on track to continue increasing. In 2002, all primary school teachers teaching the lower grades (one through four) received intensive training to improve their skills and techniques. A process of curriculum development brought Somalis from different parts of the country to consensus on the question of a national syllabi for grades one through four. This new curriculum and syllabus, developed by Somalis in collaboration with local and international partners over the last few years, is now in place, with textbooks in six subjects distributed to all operational schools.
Source: http://www.unicef.org/somalia/children_81.html
Adolescence
c UNICEF/HQ00-0509-ChalasaniYoung girls and women like these caught on camera in 2000 in Somalia normally trek long distances in search of water for domestic use. UNICEF's seeks to lessen their burden by providing adequate water supplies in urban and rural areas.
Among the youth many have known nothing but conflict and hardship for most of their lives. Many children and youth have suffered displacement and have observed, experienced and sometimes participated in violence. A majority have never experienced normal, stable social relationships and systems of governance. Since the deterioration of the educational system during the conflict period many youth in the teenage age range have never been to school, and are illiterate or only semi-literate. Lack of optimism about the possibilities the future holds for them is common among this group.
c UNICEF/HQ97-0756-Chalasani
A young, displaced girl carries a pile of firewood pile during floods in Central and Southern Somalia in 1997. UNICEF seeks to ensure that action is taken to alleviate the negative effects of severe emergencies on activities such as education.
There are growing categories of vulnerable children who are in need of special care and protection including:
1. Those who have been displaced within the country, such as people driven from their homes by conflict, drought, floods, or other factors;
2. Children from minority groups, the very poor, orphans, disabled children, working children;
3. Children living on the streets, militia children and children in conflict with the law.
Girls are especially disadvantaged in most of these categories. Gender discrimination is deeply rooted in the traditional socio-cultural structures of Somali society and is a formidable barrier to women's participation in decision-making and access to resources.
Source: http://www.unicef.org/somalia/health.html
Health Issues
Infant, child and maternal mortality rates in Somalia are among the highest in the world. Diarrhoeal disease-related dehydration, respiratory infections and malaria are the main killers of infants and young children, together accounting for more than half of all child deaths. Cholera is endemic in Somalia, with outbreaks occurring annually from December to June. The major underlying causes of diarrhoea are the lack of access to safe water and poor food and domestic hygiene. In the 2000 multiple indicator cluster survey, it was found that almost 24 per cent of children under five years of age had diarrhoea in the two weeks preceding the survey.
Though data is lacking, Somalia remains among countries with the highest incidence of tuberculosis in the world. Overcrowded camps and lack of treatment facilities, unsystematic and poor quality drugs and high rates of malnutrition keep tuberculosis as one of the main killer diseases in the country.
Diarrhoeal disease-related dehydration, respiratory infections and malaria are the main killers of infants and young children in Somalia, together accounting for more than half of all child deaths.
Neonatal tetanus and other birth-related problems contribute significantly to infant mortality, while measles and its complications result in widespread illness and numerous child deaths when outbreaks occur. Susceptibility to measles is compounded by poor nutritional status, and transmission is rapid in crowded living conditions such as congested urban/peri-urban areas and camps for displaced people. Immunization coverage is not yet sufficient to prevent measles outbreaks.
Reproductive health is a major problem in Somalia, with a maternal mortality rate of 1,600 per 100,000 placing Somali women among the most high-risk groups in the world. Haemorrhage, prolonged and obstructed labour, infections and eclampsia (toxemia that may occur in late pregnancy) are the major causes of death at childbirth. Anaemia and female genital mutilation (infibulation) have a direct impact on, and aggravate these conditions. Poor antenatal, delivery and postnatal care, with an almost complete lack of emergency obstetric referral care for birth complications, further contribute to these high rates of mortality and disability.
Action
c UNICEF Somalia/03-037/TaylorThese Somali girls photographed in 2003 have reason to smile: no polio cases were reported in 2003, some six years after UNICEF and WHO launched a campaign to eradicate polio. If the trend holds, Somalia could be certified polio free in the next few years
The UNICEF Health Programme in Somalia is comprised of three projects:
* Strengthening childcare services,
* Safe motherhood, and
* Child immunization.
Access, utilization and the quality of essential health services are enhanced in each through support to an increasing number of facilities offering a minimum package of care.
Providing basic health care services is complemented by supporting the development of institutional capacities, including training health care personnel, supporting policy development and continued health sector reform. In the future, cost-sharing approaches will be expanded, while ensuring that safety nets for the most vulnerable groups continue to exist.
Insecurity and poor access makes Somalia one of the most challenging countries in the world in which humanitarian agencies operate. Immunization campaigns must employ innovative methods to reach population groups that are sometimes volatile and often hard to reach. Highly mobile nomadic groups increase the logistic complications.
The Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) through routine immunization and polio National Immunization Days (NIDS), aims to protect a progressively larger group of children against vaccine-preventable diseases. Polio eradication efforts will continue at an expanded level to ensure the eradication of the virus from Somalia.
UNICEF continues to provide supplies such as basic drugs, insecticide-treated nets to prevent malaria, vaccines and medical equipment, while ensuring timely and effective response during emergencies. Special emphasis is placed on safe motherhood practices, support to ante-natal care, home delivery assistance and emergency obstetric care.
The school health project will be expanded in conjunction with the education programme. Information dissemination and health education continues through community health workers, traditional birth attendants and media channels.
In all interventions, UNICEF works closely with its Somalia Aid Coordination Body health sector partners, local authorities, the private sector and community-based organizations.
EPI acceleration
c UNICEF HQ/96-1187/Pirozzi
A health worker uses a megaphone to invite residents of the Yaqshid district in Mogadishu to immunize their children
during a visit by a UNICEF-assisted mobile medical unit in 1996.
'Expanded programme on immunization (EPI) acceleration' is the approach used for immunization in Somalia. In the past, routine EPI activities, in which children were brought to health facilities to be immunized, proved inadequate in preventing recurrent epidemics of vaccine-preventable disease throughout the country.
Insecurity and poor access makes Somalia one of the most challenging places in the world in which humanitarian agencies operate. Vaccination campaigns must employ innovative ways to reach populations that are sometimes volatile and often hard to reach.
Consequently, UNICEF and partner health agencies in Somalia agreed in late 2000 that, given the current instability and breakdown in health services in the country, a different approach was required to ensure the immunization of children at high risk of contracting preventable diseases. This led to the development of the 'EPI acceleration' concept.
EPI acceleration involves organizing EPI immunization activities in select towns. Here, teams of vaccinators go to specific locations where children can be brought. A social mobilizer alerts the community about the presence of the teams and the mothers/guardians bring the children. The exercise takes place in each town for five days in a month, over a period of three months.
Impact
c UNICEF Somalia/01-130-TaylorHappy woman and children. Though the maternal mortality rates in Somalia are among the highest in the world, UNICEF through its health programme seeks to ensure a brighter future for mothers and children like these in the picture taken in 2001.
UNICEF Somalia has embarked on a five year programme covering the period 2004 to 2008. Key results of the health programme during the 2001 to 2003 UNICEF country programme for Somalia included the following:
1. Providing essential drugs and medical equipment to health centres.
2. Training medical staff in supervision and monitoring.
3. Preventing and controlling outbreaks of malaria, measles, meningitis and cholera through immunization and related awareness campaigns, training health staff, and providing vaccines and cold chain supplies.
4. Reducing the number of reported cases of wild polio virus from eight in 2001, to zero as of October 2003. This was achieved through polio eradication efforts in collaboration with the World Health Organization (WHO), National Immunization Days (NIDS) and associated activities.
5. Improving the availability and use of essential supplies, particularly clean delivery kits, for safe home delivery and obstetric care.
6. Improving the capacity of local authorities to manage health care systems, through training, assisting in the development of health sector policies and establishing standards.
Health services and sector reform
c UNICEF/HQ97-1053/ Pirozzi
Immunization day at the health centre in the village of Hunshaley, in Northern Somalia in 1997.
Efforts to support Somalia's health system continue. Partnership agreements with local authorities and non-governmental organizations are the primary way health services are supported. Drugs and medical supplies for the primary health care sector throughout the country are procured and delivered. Some 400 health facilities including hospitals, maternal and child health centres and health posts receive essential drugs and basic medical equipment through UNICEF and its partners. Improvements have been made in the number of facilities being supervised and in the quality of services rendered.
Health sector reform
After six years of operation, the health reform process is making progress. In the Northwest area, a health policy and five-year strategic health plan are being applied throughout with a national professional health council providing oversight.
UNICEF assistance for decentralizing health management structures has included supporting regional workshops focused on improving the staff management and coordination skills.
Cost recovery to bring funds back into the health sector has been introduced in 39 out of 48 maternal and child health centres in the region, with the remainder following shortly. The funds generated will mostly be used for infrastructure maintenance and staff incentives.
The reform process in the Northeast area has been negatively affected by the internal constitutional crisis and when these activities will be resumed depends largely on achieving peace and stability in the region.
Immunization
c UNICEF/HQ96-1186/ Pirozzi
A woman holds her baby and the child's immunization card as they wait in line during an immunization session at
the Nageye Maternal and Child Health Centre in the Karani District of Mogadishu in 1996.
Immunization coverage, despite being generally low for all antigens (any substance used to provoke an immune response in the human body) is reaching an increased number of children and mothers through the Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI). A targeted 'acceleration' approach in highly-populated areas is being used to reach more people.
Routine immunization for all antigens is continuing in health centres, with special consideration being given to polio National Immunization Days (NIDs). In 2003, EPI acceleration efforts have included more urban centres to further raise immunization coverage.
A campaign to eradicate polio
Gains have been made in Somalia during the years since 1997 when UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO) launched the `National Immunization Days' campaign concept to eradicate polio, but work must continue to ensure success.
There has been a steady drop in polio cases since 2000, when an outbreak of 46 cases was reported. By 2002, circulation of the virus had reduced so that only three cases in and around Mogadishu were reported. No wild virus cases have been reported so far in 2003.
Disease control
c UNICEF/HQ96-1188/ Pirozzi
A baby receives a dose of vitamin A during a visit by a UNICEF-assisted mobile medical unit to the Yaqshid District of Mogadishu in 1996.
Cholera is endemic in Somalia. Outbreaks occur annually from December to June (corresponding to the dry season) and are linked to the contamination of water sources. Outbreaks tend to concentrate in urban areas, in the densely populated camps for internally displaced persons (IDP), and are further exacerbated by the combination of malnutrition and prevalent communicable diseases.
UNICEF, the World Health Organization (WHO), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local authorities respond by collaborating in regional cholera task forces. Cholera supplies and chlorine tablets to purify water are made available by UNICEF to all health centres treating cholera patients.
In 2003, UNICEF distributed chlorine, sachets of Oral Rehydration Salt (ORS) used to combat dehydration caused by diarrhoea, cholera kits and other medical supplies, while WHO supplied ringer lactate (a solution that is given intravenously to treat severely dehydratated patients). Cholera task forces responded to several outbreaks between January and June, primarily in Mogadishu, Bossaso and Kismayo. Organizations worked together to improve case management, raise awareness and ensure that water sources were chlorinated.
Cholera is not the only problem brought about by flooding. Since the 1997-98 floods, there has been an increase in malaria cases accompanied by chloroquine resistance. To combat the disease, UNICEF distributes insecticide-treated mosquito nets (ITNs) and malaria kits to maternal child health centres (MCHs) during the rainy season. Some 80,000 insecticide-treated mosquito nets have been distributed to communities to date. National and international NGOs work with UNICEF to make ITNs available.
Reproductive health and safe motherhood
c UNICEF/HQ00-0493/ Chalasani
A girl stands beside a long queue of women waiting to be attended to outside the UNICEF-assisted maternal and child health clinic in the village of Rabdure in 2000.
The maternal mortality rate (MMR) in Somalia, among the highest in the world, dismally reflects how years of conflict have resulted in virtually all basic facilities - such as referral hospitals, maternal and child health (MCH) facilities and services - being damaged or totally destroyed.
Two workshops were held in 2002 to review this chronic situation and to provide recommendations for follow-up. Improvements focusing on safe motherhood included action to support home deliveries and enhance obstetric care through health facilities. Priority was given to developing curricula for midwives, and subsequent training was carried out with the World Health Organization (WHO).
Clean delivery kits include items to help ensure sanitary and safe conditions for a woman in labour and those assisting with the birth. The kits frequently contain a plastic sheet, soap, a two-sided clean razor blade, cord ties, and even pictorial instructions on how to deliver a child.
Following the successful design and pre-testing of the clean delivery kits in 2003, some 26,000 kits have been distributed to 99 maternal and child health facilities that offer antenatal care throughout Somalia.
The clean delivery kits are sold at subsidized prices and the revenue generated from the kits is helping health centres support staff and rehabilitate facilities.
http://somalilandcenter.com/ Dec-05-2004.
Somaliland: Could the Enemy be from Within?
One simply has to weigh the amount of negative criticism this case has already attracted from international circles and spheres, including Human Right watchdogs to even contemplate the magnitude of the political damage this latest incident has done to the country. Is it really worthy the trouble and the tarnishing of our great nation, our democracy, our Judicial system and governance that we have built and been praised for to be undermined by the incompetence of our own administration which is doing more of what it was not supposed to do and less of the things that could do good to the nation-building.
It seems to me that the people who are involved in this case cannot see beyond their noses let alone foreseeing the possible consequences of their actions. The damage that they have done to the country is so serious and beyond repair that Amnesty International has written a damning report about the case and is now demanding from the Somaliland government to come up with explanation of how this happened. The question we really need to ask ourselves now is: Is this what the people of Somaliland deserve after years of struggle and hard work?
The recent imprisonment of the four Human Rights lawyers is the latest of a series of plunders involving arrests and unlawful detentions of prominent Somaliland citizens who, through their line of work, have been on the vanguard of our democratic vision. Such include editor-in-chief of Jamhuuriya Newspaper, Mr Hassan Yusuf who was detained by the police only a few months ago. These and number of other incidents of similar nature have characterized Somaliland as a country where human right violation is a commonplace and freedom of press remains under threat.
Considering the pattern and the careful timing of these incidents occurring with passing resemblance with one another and their similitude in having the effect of portraying Somaliland Government in this tyrannical outline, one could innocently take the view that all these are part and parcel of some crafty and highly sinister political conspiracy premeditated by individual cells within the administration who, for their own reasons, appear to have a different agenda of some sort.
The idea of suggesting that the enemy could be from within may sound absurd yet it remains a popular view hugely subscribed to now by many people who think the chief architect of this so-called crafty and politically self-subversive agenda is more likely to be the administration in Somaliland itself than it being the work of an external enemy.
For I know it just too well and any fool knows it does not take a genius for an entire political apparatus of a country to be so na‹ve and gullible not to think that the imprisonment of journalists and Human Right activists can easily be interpreted as a violation of human rights and sign of systematic repression of democratic values. The accusations of this nature can also raise serious concerns amongst the international community as well as having the potentials to blemish the political outlook of the country especially in such a high time when Somaliland is facing new challenges.
The allegation of rape whether true or not and the subsequent arrests of the Human rights activists are already costing Somaliland great deal and so much is at stake that Somaliland under the present circumstance cannot afford to err on the fundamentals of its own democratic values.
So why is it that the authorities in Somaliland have in the first place allowed this matter to drag on this long that they have even found themselves at loggerheads with their elite?
Why is it that we, the Somalilanders in Diaspora, tend to think as with many other politically non-aligned people outside the country feel, that the administration in Somaliland is doing things far too wrong too often and too many times than innocent incompetence can justify for the past two years? Why is it that the Government acts erratically each time something politically sensitive happens or even appears to be on the horizon without actually having any direct impact on us?
Why is it that Riyaale's administration jumps before the whistle blows and yet slows the race in actions like it did when Abdillahi.Yusuf was elected in Kenya as the president of Somalia?
Why talk the war talk and do the dove's work in war when in Lasanod, integral part of Somaliland territory still bears the brunt of being a conquered territory by troops belonging to Puntland following their incursion on Somaliland army bases stationed within Somaliland territories?
Why allow the alleged scandal over the rape allegations of a young to drag on and be used as moral propaganda warfare against Somaliland? Why allow the good name of our nation to be implicated in a shameful disparage like this?
Considering the pattern of the recent events and how the Government has responded to them merely suggests that the administration in Somaliland is not only incompetent, monotonous and infertile but rather that it lacks strategic vision and scores own goals far too many times.
I, on behalf of those who care about Somaliland, request the administration to:
* Release the arrested human right lawyers and anyone else detained in connection with this matter immediately.
* Restore the dignity of the nation of Somaliland and wash their hands off the Samsam case either by releasing her or bringing hard evidence to prove that she was involved in espionage activities.
* To refrain in the future from arresting journalists and other humanitarian activists involved in safeguarding the rights and general welfare of the people without bringing criminal charges prior to their arrest and ensuring that every person is entitled to be treated fairly in the eyes of the law.
* To put an end to the culture of arbitrary arrests of civilians and members of the public and abide the rule of law that govern our nation.
* To run the political affairs of the country responsibly and with due respect of people of Somaliland and in pursuit of their common political interests and aspirations and not otherwise the contrary.
Finally, I want to make clear that it's not for me to judge whether Samsam and Omer are innocent or not but one thing I know for a fact is that they are both human beings and that they are rightly entitled to be treated with dignity and respect. Remember the old adage everyone is innocent until proven guilty.
As for the government of Somaliland, my advice to them is that there are far more important challenges and issues that are facing our country today than Samsam and her co-defendant. So, it is about time you got your priorities right and concentrated your efforts and resources where they are needed most.
Ahmed Yussuf, London, E-mail: yussufa918@yahoo.com
Source: http://www.emro.who.int/somalia/ October 2004
HIV/AIDS Care and Support Training conducted in The Hargeissa Group Hospital
- HIV Virus (structure, pathogenesis etc)
- Medical care (Appropriate diagnosis, Anti-retroviral Treatment, treatment/prevention of common opportunistic infection, HIV, prevention of mother to child transmission, post exposure profolactic, common side effects, drug interactions etc)
- Nutrition
- Counseling
- Psychosocial Support
- Ethics and legal issues
The training was conducted at The Hargeisa Group Hospital, for a period of three weeks, to strengthen HIV care and support, and to improve vital linkages between HIV prevention and care services. This will hopefully provide better services to improve the quality of life of people and families affected by HIV/AIDS, and to help mitigate the impact of the disease.
Stigma and discrimination are among the greatest obstacles of prevention and care of those infected and/or affected by HIV/AIDS. Provision of good quality care and humanely treatment of people living with HIV/AIDS by healthcare workers will reduce the stigma, discrimination, violations of human rights, transmission, misconceptions and myths rampant in the communities and will lead to more disclosures of the infected and/or affected.
WHO Somalia arranged for this training with coordination of other UN organizations and AMREF.
The challenges that will be faced and needed to overcome in order to succeed are to
- Provide patients ART for the rest of their life
- Establish a properly functioning pipeline for the drugs
- Strengthening adherence to medication
- Strict follow up and monitoring for cases of side effects
Roll Back Malaria Coordinator visits Jowhar
9th August 2004. The Roll Back Malaria (RBM) coordinator Dr. Butt, visited Jowhar and conducted a meeting with the WHO Malaria National focal point, Dr. Said Farah and Malaria Focal Point of Central and South zone, Dr. Elmi for ongoing malaria control activities and finalized for the refresher training on Anti-Malarial Drugs (AMD) efficacy study. This study will primarily be targeting the Jowhar, Jamame, Janale and the Luq team who are to train on new protocol for AMDs in Jowhar due to security constrains in Luq. However, the study will still be done Luq despite the security concerns. Procurement of artesunate and other materials were completed. All required items for study would be distributed to four sentinel sites to start the study.
In other reports, the team leader of the Dila Mother and Child Health Centre (MHC) was helped to train as a Malaria Microscopist. This project was made possible by the Somalia Red Crescent Society (SRCS) who also supplied the reagents needed for the basic laboratory services. This is consistent with the MOU signed earlier this year in Nairobi between WHO and SRCS.
Nutritional screening in Sool and Sanaag regions
September 2004-Persistent drought and a lack of a comprehensive management system for the fragile natural resource base has precipitated serious land degradation and increased human suffering to pastoralists in the Sool Plateau and Gebi Valley in Sool, Sanaag and Togdheer regions of Somaliland.
After participating in an inter-agency meeting at the Ministry of Health and Labour (MOHL), WHO embarked on a nutritional screening and immunization endeavour that covered a total of 6,000 children in the Sool and Sanaag Regions. A total of 71 villages were visited. Only 18.3% Of the children screened were found to be within the 70-79% WFH factor. 1.5% of the population was found to be under the70% WFH factor and/or are suffering from Oedema.
Results of the nutrition screening in Sool and Sanaag Regions. September 2004
| District |
Number of villages visited |
Children screened | 70-79% WFH | % |
<70% and/or oedema WFH |
% |
| Taleh | 11 | 311 | 60 | 19.3 | 8 | 0.3 |
| Hudun | 12 | 1,108 | 171 | 15.5 | 48 | 4.3 |
| Las-Anod | 7 | 380 | 72 | 19.0 | 10 | 2.6 |
| Sool Total | 30 | 1,799 | 338 | 18.8 | 66 | 3.7 |
| Erigavo | 16 | 1,336 | 223 | 17.4 | 24 | 1.8 |
| Eil-Afwein | 17 | 1,374 | 290 | 21 | 0 | 0 |
| Badhan | 10 | 1,437 | 256 | 17.8 | 0 | 0 |
| Sanaag Total | 41 | 4,147 | 769 | 18.5 | 24 | 0.6 |
| TOTAL | 71 | 5,946 | 1,107 | 18.6 | 90 | 1.5 |
Results of immunization of under five children in the health and nutrition drought emergency in September 2004
| District | Immunization: under one year | Immunization of above one year | ||||||||
| DPTI/OPV | DPT2/OPV | DPT3/OPV | Meas. | BCG | DPTI/OPV | DPT2/OPV | DPT3/OPV | Meas. | BCG | |
| Badhan | 76 | 46 | 23 | 68 | 24 | 99 | 100 | 172 | 147 | 16 |
| Eil Afwein | 112 | 13 | 6 | 25 | 0 | 235 | 192 | 168 | 235 | 0 |
| Erigavo | 196 | 81 | 41 | 54 | 196 | 368 | 169 | 223 | 282 | 196 |
| Sanaag total | 384 | 140 | 70 | 147 | 220 | 702 | 461 | 563 | 664 | 212 |
| Taleh | 7 | 0 | 3 | 14 | 7 | 41 | 48 | 115 | 38 | 6 |
| Las-anod | 45 | 45 | 3 | 33 | 0 | 201 | 41 | 40 | 201 | 0 |
| Hudun | 52 | 0 | 0 | 35 | 37 | 227 | 126 | 138 | 226 | 1 |
| Sool total | 104 | 45 | 6 | 82 | 44 | 469 | 215 | 293 | 465 | 7 |
7th October 2004- Dr. Ibrahim Betelmal hosted the various UN agencies, partners and stakeholders in a week long workshop in a bid to develop a strategy to improve WHO's performance at the country level for the next 4-6 years. Invited guests included heads of the three former health authorities in Somalia who are joined in the cause for bringing better health to Somalia. Also present were representatives from the Eastern Mediterranean Regional office, Cairo and the WHO Head Office, Geneve.
"Somalia is the only country from the complex countries that the CCS is being started and will serve as a good example to others." Dr. Susan Basiri, head of tour delegation.
Since all the UN partners and WHO have a common goal, the meeting was designed to have open discussions in order to form a close relationship with WHO and improve its performance at a National level.
Source: http://www.emro.who.int/somalia/collaborativeprogrammes-aids.htm
WHO Collaborative Programmes: HIV/AIDS
Due to the HIV/AIDS scourge already hitting the disease-ridden countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, health-related agencies have decided to prioritize the HIV/AIDS program in Somalia.
It is estimated that among ante-natal clinic attendants at least 30% had one or more Sexually Transmitted Infections (STI) symptoms; out of which, according to a study carried out in Bosasso (north-east) and Hargeisa (north-west), the HIV prevalence rates among the attendants were 1% and 3% respectively.
A survey on Knowledge, Attitudes, Practices and Beliefs (KAPB) carried out in north-west Somalia in 1999 revealed a 0.9% HIV positivity in the general population, 4.6% among tuberculosis patients and 47% HIV prevalence among a number of voluntarily tested sex workers. Among antenatal women, HIV and syphilis positivities were 0.8% and 1.8% respectively.
In 2002, during blood screening tests carried out, almost 1% of blood donors tested positive for HIV infection. In the same year, prevalence of the virus in TB patients was known to increase to more than 10%, from 6.7% in 1999. In one TB centre, in fact, 15% of all patients were reported to be full-blown AIDS patients.
Modes of Transmission
Despite the fact that there is scant data on the disease, HIV in adults in Somalia is believed to be spread mainly due to heterosexual transmission.
In children, infections are known to have been acquired from the mother during pregnancy, delivery or at postnatal stage through breastfeeding. It can also be assumed that a small percentage of the Somali population has acquired HIV infection through blood transfusion or through injury with contaminated instruments.
Factors Fuelling the Spread of HIV/AIDS
Factors such as the civil strife, backed with poverty, low literacy levels and the extensive mobility of population - such as refugees/returnees from neighboring high-burden countries and internally displaced people - pose additional threats and risks to the increase in prevalence of the infection.
A behavioral survey carried out in 1999 in Somalia showed that although people are aware of the epidemic, there are a lot of misconceptions and specific preventive measures cannot be identified. Yet another survey carried out in 2000 supports this fact by stating that a mere two percent of women correctly knew of two ways of avoiding HIV infection.
Response towards the Epidemic
The Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB), through the defacto UN expanded country theme group for Somalia, has already embarked on the development of a strategic plan on HIV/AIDS; which is foreseen to be finalized later in 2003. WHO and UNICEF play a technical lead role in this process.
In its efforts to curb further spread of STIs, WHO has joined forces with other UN agencies (such as UNICEF, UNFPA, UNIFEM and UNDP), international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and local authorities to embark on a project to introduce syndromic management of STIs, surveillance and trainings. WHO also proposes to initiate trainings on treatment and care to AIDS patients.
Thirteen STI pilot sites identified in all three zones thus far have been supplied with STD kits, drugs, manuals, diagnostic flow charts, reporting forms and tally sheets, etc. To date, at the sentinel sites, a total of 50 health and community social workers have participated in a training course on counseling skills. Another 15 health workers were supported in undertaking a Training of Trainers course. In addition, WHO is ensuring blood safety in 27 hospitals, by the provision of Human Immuno-Deficiency Virus (HIV) rapid testing kits.
In 2001, WHO carried out a number of trainings on syndromic management for health professionals in facilities in Garowe, Baidoa and Mogadishu, while UNICEF carried out trainings in Hargeisa. An information package was developed and translated into Somali in order to complement the trainings. In addition, a workshop was held on the clinical management of HIV/AIDS in central and southern zones.
During meetings held in Nairobi with health authorities from Somalia in the first week of March 2003, it was unanimously agreed to develop one policy document on HIV/AIDS. Hopefully, this will act as a `springboard' for unified health policies in the future in Somalia.
In an aim to lobby for donor support, WHO plans to submit a proposal to the Global Fund for the HIV/AIDS programme, in addition to the malaria and TB programmes.
Contact Person: Dr. Abdulla Elgizoli, Medical Officer, HIV/AIDS, E-mail: abdulla.elgizoli@whosom.unon.org
Source: http://www.emro.who.int/somalia/collaborativeprogrammes-stb.htm
WHO Collaborative Programmes: Tuberculosis
TB is a major Public Health problem in Somalia. Some of the factors contributing to this are:
* No central authority for the last 10 years
* Complete collapse of the public health care and delivery system
* Large number of internally displaced persons and refugees living in harsh and sub-optional living conditions
* Uncontrolled private sector; leading to haphazard and incorrect diagnosis and treatment of TB
* Poverty and poor nutrition contribute as risk factors in many zones, especially in the Central and South
Epidemiology
* Estimated total population for Somalia is 6 million
* Estimated incidence rate of all forms of TB is 374/ 100,000 population
* Estimated incidence rate of smear positive cases is 162/ 100,000 population
* Estimated DOTS case detection rate of smear positive cases in 2001 is 46%
* DOTS expansion-DOTS coverage at the end of 1996 was 44% and at the end of 2000 was 73%. DOTS coverage at the end of 2001 was 100%
* As of December 2001, 15 international NGOs and 2 local authorities were known to support and operate 27 TB centres-in all 18 regions in Somalia. This brought the DOTS coverage to an impressive 100%
* The number of TB patients put under DOTS increased from 2504 cases in 1995 to 6619 in 2001
* The average smear conversion rates at most centres is 92%
* Success rates have increased from 71% in 1996 to 88% in 2000
* Cross-border movement of TB cases usually occurs between zones of Ethiopia, Djibouti and NW Somalia. A system of cross-border referrals and management of transferred cases has been developed and is in place
Operational Aspects
The key players that have been contributed to the success of implementing DOTS in a complex emergency country situation are:
1. Leadership role taken by WHO :
* In the absence of a central government to act as a partner, WHO has taken up the lead role in TB control
* WHO provides technical support through:
- production and implementation of standard TB treatment guidelines and standard
operating procedures adopted by all partners
- provision of good quality anti-TB drugs to all centres and maintenance of an
uninterrupted supply line
- provision of laboratory equipment and consumables to all centres including limited
quality control on smear microscopy
- maintenance of a central database in which all quarterly data is entered, compiled,
analyses and feedback provided through a TB newsletter and annual report
- technical support for all other aspects in TB control
2. Effective partnership and collaboration :
* There being no effective central authority, partnership and collaboration is maintained through the Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB). The SACB consists of UN agencies, NGOs, donors and local authorities
* The main donor providing support to NGOs is the European Commission (EC)
* Many local Somali NGOs support the community awareness and social mobilisation activities of TB centres
3. Highly motivated individuals :
All TB centres are manned and run by Somali nationals who are highly motivated and committed to serve their communities to address the major problem of TB. This is an important factor in the sustainability of the programme.
4. Facilitating social network system :
* One of the main factors of case holding of TB cases is the `Dameen' or `Guarantor system' which has been adopted at all TB centres in Somalia
* Before any case is taken on treatment the patient has to produce a guarantor-who will assure shelter, food and guarantee that the patient will come for regular treatment and that he/she will be responsible to retrieve the patient in case of default
* The Dameen is usually a relative, elder or responsible person in the community
* Implementation of the Dameen system varies from zone to zone, with certain zones taking legal action in case of default and others taking a refundable deposit as an assurance
Constraints
* Expansion and continuation of DOTS projects is dependent on the frequently changing security situation in the country
* TB projects are at times stopped due to discontinuation of donor support to the implementing NGO * Since there is no central government, there is no control over private practitioners or pharmacies. As a result, TB treatment in the private sector is haphazard and indiscriminate. This may contribute to multi drug resistance
* High cost of logistics and transportation of supplies and equipment
Conclusions
TB control in Somalia is challenging in the complex circumstances of political instability and insecurity. However, analysis of the DOTS outcome data, collaborated with field supervisory visits, suggests that DOTS is applied correctly at most centres and demonstrates that DOTS works just as effectively in complex emergency countries as Somalia
With this experience, countries in similar situations can adopt some of the key facilitating factors to their country situation and donors can have more confidence in funding TB control programmes in countries with similar conditions.
Source: http://www.emro.who.int/somalia/collaborativeprogrammes-water.htm
WHO Collaborative Programmes: Water and sanitation
UNICEF is the lead agency in the water and sanitation sector and is active in the rehabilitation and chlorination of wells, as well as in establishing urban water systems. Several NGOs - ACF, MSF Spain and IMC just to name a few - are also active and participate in the Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB) Water and Environmental Sanitation (WES). WHO's main thrust in the water and sanitation sector is technical support for in-line chlorination and water-harvesting systems and water testing.
Main achievements
1. Establishment of chlorination plants at Hargeisa, Berbera and Bosaso. Water testing laboratory equipment has been supplied to four regions in the country.
2. Provision of technical support through a full time sanitary engineer in the NW.
Main constraints
1. Deteriorating security situation in the Central and Southern zones, limits expansion efforts into these areas
2. Water contamination at household level which is aggravated by the loss of effectiveness of residual chlorine during transportation in metal drums which contributes to the continued transmission of cholera and other diarrhoeal diseases in major urban settings.
Objective
To ensure safe water supply in urban areas.
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ Nov 04 2004/ The Republican
"Somaliland Will get 1/3 of 2005 UN-partner Projects": Mr.Jan Egeland
Hargeisa (The Rep)- Mr. Jan Egeland UN Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator in a press conference held at Ambassador Hotel last night stated that he is carrying a message of solidarity from the international community to refugees, returnees and displaced people for whom the UN seeks funding from donor countries.
Mr. Egeland told the press that he met the displaced, returnees and Somaliland authorities and that he was impressed by the remarkable job done by UN and other international agencies, with little funding they had and also how Somaliland authorities managed to receive 400,000 returnees.
The delegation led by Mr. Egeland is the highest delegation from the UN to visit the country for many years.
The UN Undersecretary General for Humanitarian Affairs asserted that their achievements will be more remarkable next year and that he hopes the transitional government will establish itself in Somalia next year.
Mr. Egeland concluded his opening statement that he will have Hargeisa tomorrow, after meeting president Dahir Rayale Kahin (Last night) to visit different parts of Somalia and then proceed to Nairobi to launch a consolidated appeals process for Somalia and Somaliland in which UN and its partners are requesting $164,463,170 from donor countries.
In response to what prompted his visit at this time, he said, "This is a turning point for the whole region. Somaliland has been neglected by the international community for long. Returnees have been neglected. We are trying to change situation and advocate for more aid to Somalia and Somaliland. We hope that the leaders in the country will behave more responsibly in the future. On my return I will report back to the Secretary General and I wish you all a brighter future."
Mr. Jan Egeland told the press that 1/3 of the 93 projects, they are trying to get funds for, will be for Somaliland. He said, "We hope we will get 100% of the fund and not 50% as before".
In answer to whether UN will assist in the mechanism for drought removal Mr. Egeland stated that drought has caused great devastation and that many families lost everything that remained in the floods that followed. He said, "We will try to assist in changing the environment conditions. We will explain to the world about the changes needed and we hope we will get funding for that."
The UN Undersecretary General for Humanitarian told the press in answers to the role of the ARAB league that the Arab League is an important ally for the UN and Somaliland, and that Somaliland is in their own region.
The Arab League representative who is a member of the delegation added saying, "The ARAB League continues to support Somalia. At present $450,000,000 is in the ARAB League box for Somalia. In March, in another meeting in Tunis a special fund will be arranged for Somalia."
The League representative, who spoke fluent Somali declined to say how much of this aid will go to Somaliland in the last 14 years, but he said, "Your minister for livestock is in Saudi Arabia. He might reach an agreement today. Meat of your livestock is tasty. It is exported from Berbera and Bosaso go to Oman and the UAE".
In answer to what his delegation expected to accomplish in this visit Mr. Egeland said, "The visit was long overdue. I had frequent contact with the country. I provided [late] president Egal with the first satellite phone in the early 90's. We intend to achieve more attention to Somalia and Somaliland, to get more funding and more momentum to the peace process".
The UN Undersecretary General for Humanitarian Affairs and his delegation who will leave for Garowe today concluded his press conference at Ambassador Hotel hoping that new internal conflicts or clan fights will not start, for these fights belong to the middle ages.
International Day for Disabled persons
1. On 17 December 1991, the General Assembly adopted the principles for the Protection of the Persons with Mental illness and for the Improvement of Mental Health Care.
2. 3 December 1982, UN General Assembly adopted the "World Program of Action Concerning Disabled Persons".
3. 16 December 1976 the UN member States proclaimed the year 1981 as the International Year of Disabled Persons.
4. 9 December 1975, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the Rights of Disabled Persons emphasizing the civil and political rights of disabled persons.
5. 20 December 1971, the General Assembly adopted the Declaration on the rights of mentally retarded persons.
"We can have good relations with Somalia as other neighbours" - Rayale
Mr. Abdi Idiris Du'ale, spokesman for the presidency in a press release stated that president Dahir Rayale Kahin, welcomed the delegation and told them that the visit will enable them to see the real situation on the ground.
Speaking about the history of the country said, "Somaliland is not a region that succeeded from Somalia, but a country that united with Somalia to form greater Somalia. We reclaimed our sovereignty after a strong opposition to the formation of Greater Somalia and a lot of suffering of genocide against our people."
Mr. Rayale told the delegation about the reconciliation of Somaliland communities, the reclamation of sovereignty and the rebuilding of the country and the democratization process that will be completed with the parliamentary election scheduled for March 29/2005.
In response to Mbagathi process and the formation of government for Somalia, president Rayale said, "Somaliland's sovereignty is not negotiable, for the people have declared that in the referendum for the constitution. We can have good relations as neighboring states with Somalia; similar to the one Somaliland has with its other neighbors. Our rebuilding the nation with minimal support from outside, can be a good example for Africa."
Mr. Jan Egeland thanked for the warm reception he and his delegation were given and told the president that he will report back to the UN secretary General.
Parliamentary Election as top priority by politicians and intellectuals
President Dahir Riyale Kahin speaking to the Republican said, "The Parliamentary elections will be held as scheduled. Many people might doubt that. This is nothing new for many did not believe that the local government and presidential election will be held. They were held and with great success as well. The parliamentary will be held".
Spokesman for the main opposition party KULMIYE Mr. Mohamed Ahmed Kahin speaking at the end of a 4 day workshop - organized by Somaliland Journalists Association SOLJA ' financed by BBC and attended by The National Electoral Commission, the 3 political parties and the local media - said, " The parliamentary elections has to be held according to schedule. They cannot be postponed. Doing that means that Somaliland has abandoned its sovereignty as a separate state and is favouring reunion with Somalia once again. This should never happen and we won't allow it to happen".
An intellectual conference attended by more than 80 intellectuals from the six regions of the country, members of the state councils, political parties and civic societies discussed in great depth on the completion of the electoral law - which is a prerogative for it. As the main obstacle for completion of the law is how to share the seats, the conference discussed what had been proposed by the 3 parties and is regarded here to be logical alternatives. That is dividing the seats on the basis of the 1960 Somaliland election; having the same number of seats they have in parliament now or holding the election and then dividing the seats according to the number of votes in each region. The conference organized by the Academy for Peace and Development will continue its study in the regions before giving any final recommendation. It also proposed amendment of the constitution.
Chairman of the House of Elders Mr. Suleiman Mohamoud Aden said, "Members of this House should know that the parliamentary election is a national issue that must be given full prioritization. What has been done so far is not a lot and we have to unite to remove all obstacles, which can be done only through unity of purpose and working towards the same goal".
Mr. Abdilkadir Jirde, Deputy Chairman of the House of Representatives said, "The full responsibility of the completion of the election law is ours. It is the most important issue in the country. We have to give it top priority and remove all obstacles, for the recognition of the country depends on it".
Mr. Ahmed Hagi Ali Adami said, "We have brought an expert from El Salvador to help us hold this election, which is a transition from the community based system we used to depend upon, to multi-party system to complete our democratization process".
The Republican in its editorial last week stated some members (no names mentioned) to be sabotaging the completion of the election and other members -who believe that they have no chance to be elected - to be responsible for the delay .The paper also added that all tactics have been used to postpone completion of the electoral law and that the people will not accept any further delay.
Government for Somalia Denied Grace of honeymoon
Mogadishu (Rep)- People in Somaliland are not surprised that the true colours of the most notorious warlord and the monster who have continuously shed the blood of his clansmen in the late 70's or early 80's - when he led a movement - on in the late 90's and the beginning of this century as the absolute supreme despot of Puntland - in the first week of the formation of a government orchestrated by him.
The people of Somalia have not even given the government of Abdillahi Yusuf, the grace of honeymoon, which the majority of elected presidents enjoy.
The opposition against the new government for Somalia is being expressed in different way by members of his cabinet, the Mbagathi parliament members, politicians inside Somalia, intellectuals and the common people.
Ardent supporters of reunion who are on his bandwagon declare that the formation of his government has taken further the realization of his dream. Other members of the cabinet have stated that they will accept their clan, which regard that they have not got their rightful share, to oppose the new government for Somalia.
Members of the Mbagathi parliament has out-rightly stated that the new government of Abdillahi Yusuf will hasten the total collapse of what has come out of 2 years of efforts from the international community and IGAD member states.
Politicians say that clans who were not warmongers or did not have warlords to have been excluded from the government for Somalia. They point out that this will lead to the emergence of new warlords and new armament in communities, who used to advocate for peace.
Though the government of Abdillahi Yusuf is said to be formed on the basis of clans, politicians and members of factions say that it is not balanced, as most cabinet members are his political or clan aliens.
Intellectual in Somalia criticize the new government to be formed from warlords and their associates and weak personalities, who will have no say at all.
Those in the Diaspora say that there are very few new faces in the cabinet and most of the old faces are those who were part of the destruction of Somalia, in the last 13 years or even in the revolutionary era that preceded it.
Most of those who seem to give support or accept the government of Somalia are those who say, "Let us see what they do".
With less than 100 hours after nomination of the cabinet open opposition began in Somalia. In Baidoa, the new government in out-rightly informed in clear words, that they are not welcome. The warning goes as far as telling, members of the clan in Baidoa, that they are not welcome if they are members of the new government.
In Beledwein a large demonstration was held. It was attended by the Regional Authorities as well as members of the society. The demonstrators were shouting against the one cabinet post given to the Hawadleh and urged MP members to resign. They were shouting "Down with Abdillahi Yusuf and his government".
Last but not least, in the capital city of Somalia - Mogadishu - there is an under-current of dissatisfaction of the formation of the cabinet. It is feared that it might surface soon and cause the collapse of the government of the Warlords.
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ Nov 04 2004
Editorial: TIME IS SHORT
Somaliland has had a number of political opportunities, which it should have capitalized on, but did not. The most recent illustration of this squandering of opportunities was provided by the 'election' of Abdillahi Yusuf as the president of Somalia, following the long running 'peace' conference in Kenya. It was clear that the Somalis who gathered in Kenya shot themselves in the foot by opting for Mr Yusuf, by far the most divisive figure, amongst those seeking the office of the Somali presidency.
We watch in amazement as Mr Yusuf goes from a vicious warlord ill-versed in political niceties, "I did not go to Borama" (while commenting on his assault on Las Anod) to an elder statesman of Somali politics concerned only with the peaceful resolution of political disputes among Somalis while our government watches helplessly.
Our government has said nothing about this. No efforts have been made to point out to the international community that Mr Yusuf is a divisive figure whose conversion to democracy and peaceful dialogue is as unlikey a Damascene conversion as any ever propagated by other dictators anxious to project themselves as somehow worthy of office.
So far, thanks to our political leadership, Somaliland has been on the losing side of the political battles since the 'election' of Mr Yusuf. Time and again we have trumped by a more calculating political adversary, for the fact remains that he has been the one doing all the running, albeit without much succes. We can hardly afford to wait for him to become successful. The time has now come for this government to get its act together. It is time for Somaliland to secure its borders. It is time that this government presented a set of coherent policies as to how they intend to promote Somaliland and counter the problems caused by the 'election' of Mr Yusuf. The government was elected to defend the interests of Somaliland and its people. So far even the most attentive observer would find it difficult to conclude that it is doing just that.
Mr Ghedi has announced his cabinet. All the positions are filled by warlords. Yet our government has not pointed out this to the international community. We have grassroots democracy and a functioning political system. Mr Yusuf's government is unrepresentative and made up of the very people who have brought Somalia to its knees. Our government should protest to the world community that our efforts go unrecognised while those who murder, steal, rape and pillage are rewarded at every twisted turn with money, recognition and pledges of aid and support. It is the diplomacy of the madhouse.
If things do not change, Somaliland cannot afford to endure four more years of stagnation. The opposition parties should not let this government get away with the periodical reiteration of Somaliland sovereignty which just about sums the political program of this minimalist government. Neither this government nor its apologists can seek to justify this administration's inertia on democratic grounds alone.
For it is safe to assume that had the people of Somaliland known that what this president was offering was five years of corruption and inactivity, then they would not have voted for him. If this President and government do not get their act together and set out a comprehensive program of diplomatic action to win recognition from the world community then their sure reward will be the eternal contempt and vilification of the people of Somaliland. They have done nothing to support those Somaliland traditional leaders arrested in Las Anod by the occupying forces of Puntland. This craven failure to act is symptomatic of a government that seems to have no will to defend its borders or its citizens.
A terrible price was paid for the independence of Somaliland. The only way of safeguarding against a repetition of the earlier struggle is for Somaliland now to put forward well thought out measures to avert such a catastrophe from befalling us again.
We note with distaste that the news in Somaliland has been monopolized by the arrest of Samsam and the antics of the judge in her case. The judge arrested the lawyers in court. This caused enormous damage to our credibility in the world. This is hardly the most pressing issue facing our country. Our national survival and place in the world is under threat as never before, yet we are preoccupied with a matter of supreme unimportance. As the colonialists used to distract natives with beads and mirrors as they signed away their land and futures, we are distracted with baubles and beads while Mr Yusuf and his gang of crooks make all the international running.
Our government was elected to fight for the country and lead it to international recognition. It is hard to see what the government has done to achieve these objectives. The time has come for action and clear leadership. We cannot sit back and wait for the world to recognize us, we must take our case to them. It is sad that so little has been accomplished that our people are forced to draw false comfort from the lack of welcome Mr Yusuf received at Mr Arafat's funeral in Cairo, his failure to convince the African Union and others to provide him with the 20,000 troops needed to secure Somalia for him, or his impending expulsion from Kenya. Our government ignores the international realities while they engage in corruption and petty politicking. The government and people of Somaliland, including those in the Diaspora, must get smart and stop allowing Mr Yusuf to make the entire running. We are of the view that Dr Omar Dihod is not the only citizen of Somaliland, yet his is the only voice we hear, albeit occasionally. We fail to capitalize on those successes we do have. If we lose the diplomatic struggle now then another entirely avoidable war may engulf us. We have made so many sacrifices and worked so hard to create a viable democratic state. We cannot allow all that work to be squandered. Our national survival depends on resolute and effective political leadership and diplomacy from all sides of the Somaliland political spectrum. Time is short. We can afford no more mistakes. Only united, decisive leadership can save us from the gathering storm.
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ Nov 04 2004
Two Somali States Must be Allowed to co-exist
In March 2004, Somaliland president Dahir Rayale Kahin visited Britain and spoke with British parliamentarians pleading for the recognition of his country. In his speech he said, "in 1960 Somaliland was recognized by 35 countries including Egypt, Ghana and Libya. They had a good reason, then, to do so. They have as good a reason to do so today." Recently, Chris Mullin, the British ministers in charge of African Affairs, visited Somaliland and made a speech before the joint session of the two chambers of Somaliland parliament, promising that Britain will never be a party to any action that coerces Somaliland's return to a Union with Somalia.
In contrast, for the last 13 years Somalia has been into turmoil with various warlords fighting to advance their political agenda. Thirteen conferences financed by the international community to bring peace in Somalia all failed. Finally, the international community, spear-headed by member-countries of the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), put together a program of action which resulted in giving support to one warlord, Abdillahi Yusuf Ahmed. A former leader of Puntland, Abdillahi Yusuf is a military colonel who does not hide his contempt for the democratic process and human rights issues, as long as these principles do not work in his favour. Immediately, after he was crowned in Nairobi as the president of Somalia, he initiated a military result against Somaliland so as to bring it back, by force, to the Union. His forces, which ventured into Somaliland's territory, have caused unnecessary loss of life and bloodshed in the region of Sool, inside the Somaliland before border. This happened on 29 October. In an earlier incident, on 7 December 2002, while the Somaliland president was touring in the town of Las Anod, the forces of Abdillahi Yusuf attempted to assassinate him. This flamed more anger in Somaliland. The recent clashes between the forces of Abdillahi Yusuf and Somaliland have already made the situation more dangerous. At present, both sides are bringing in more reinforcements and for first, Somaliland, whose peace record has been praised by the international community, feels that its very existence in under threat.
Everyone knows the perils of war. The people of Somaliland do not want to see another war again. They have seen and lived through the worst of it. While the African Union (AU) and the IGAD countries have been working hard for two years to see peace and governance return to Somalia, the people of Somaliland are waiting for an answer from the AU and IGAD countries on what they are planning to do to the forces of Abdillahi Yusuf which are occupying parts of Somaliland, and what reward Somaliland deserves for building peace, governance and democracy in a part of the troubled Horn. If the AU and IGAD countries want to see peace and tranquility return to Somalia, and for that matter to the entire Somali Peninsula, they must urgently do two things:
- First, they must demand from Abdilahi Yusuf the immediate withdrawal of his forces from inside Somaliland.
- Second, they must take the lead in recognizing Somaliland, especially now when a recognized government is being established in Somalia - that is they must allow the existence of two Somali states living side by side in peace.
This is the only guarantee for peace in the Horn of Africa. The urgency that has been shown elsewhere in Africa - in Cote d'Ivoire or Darfur, for example - must also be applied to Somaliland. The AU must take the issue of the recognition of Somaliland much more seriously. Otherwise, it will be too late and more difficult when things get out of hand.
By: Dr.Mohamed-Rashid Sheikh Hassan
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ Nov 04 2004
Casting a Shadow Over the Legal System in Somaliland
Instead of addressing the issue, and tackling the mess the law enforcement bodies created in the first place, the human rights groups and individuals who have shown an interest in the case are now being blamed for the subsequent embarrassment. They are accused, by some quarters, of washing `our dirty linen in public'. No one is saying who dirtied the linen in public in the first place. Doing serious human rights work in Somaliland means working under difficult conditions. Those who choose to stay the course are not motivated by the desire to settle scores with anyone, but to make sure that our country is run in a manner that we can be proud of, and that our citizens get fair trials. Their voices are needed, by both the public and the government.
In this day and age, when there is electronic communication everywhere, whatever happens in one part of the world is immediately known everywhere. The government knows this as well as everyone else. It therefore must take full responsibility for the bad publicity which the case of Zamzam and Omer has brought about for Somaliland. But let me go back to the case and give a brief account of what the case is all about.
Zamzam is a 17 year-old girl who made a fateful trip to Hargeisa where she has a relative, the Minister of Sports for the Government of Somaliland. Upon arriving in Hargeisa, she ended up at the door of the residence of the Vice-President, Ahmed Yussuf Yassin. Some people say that she was looking for girls she met in Bosasso who are related to him. Others argue that she actually mistook the house to that of her uncle, the Minister. She, and Omer, the driver who brought her to Hargeisa, were arrested and accused of espionage and conspiracy to murder the Vice President. The case attracted the attention of some human rights organisations in Hargeisa, and the public, because it sounded too strange to be believed. Given her age, many people were doubtful that she could be engaged in the crime of espionage. However, it was for the courts to decide these issues, as well as the claims of torture that Zamzam and Omer say have levelled against the CID during their captivity, and in the case of Zamzam, of rape.
When concerned citizens and some human rights groups started to attended the trial, it was thought that this might help to ensure fair proceedings and outcome. On the third day of the court proceedings, on 14 October, we were confronted by heavy-handed crack units of the police force who imprisoned five men, including myself, for no reason other then their anger at our presence in court. One of the detainees, Ahmed Dirir, is a member of the Guurti, and as such he enjoys immunity from arrest. He showed his identification card, which he wore around his neck, doing his best to identify himself before he was thrown inside a waiting police car. The bullying tactics of the police, and their disrespect for the citizens in the court, was apparent to all of us who were present.
To my knowledge, nothing has been done up to now about those policemen who not only detained us for no reason, but who also assaulted the wife of the accused man, Omer Jama. On the contrary, the Commander of the Somaliland police forces deliberately falsified the events surrounding our arrest and the court proceedings. In an interview with the BBC, on October 15, he accused us, among other things, of creating a disturbance in the court and derailing the case for political reasons. He also, strangely enough, claimed that Zamzam had admitted the crimes she was accused of in the court. None of this is close to the truth. Zamzam had not pleaded guilty in court. What we do not know is whether she was pressured into a false confession in a secret underground court to which the Commander alone was privy. There are an unconfirmed reports that the sitting Judge etracted a confession from the girl in the police station, an infamous practice during the cruel dictatorship of Siad Barre.
Thereafter, things went from bad to worse. Ramadan came and the case was postponed for a month. But when it reopened, the world was astounded to learn that the four lawyers acting for Zamzam and Omer had themselves been arrested. Suddenly, we were thrown back to the dark moments of our past dictatorship, when our courts were used not dispense justice but to intimidate and suppress the nation.
Any society which fails to stop injustice in time will ultimately pay a high price for that failure. This reminds me a saying of a man who was living in Germany when the Nazis took power. He said something like this.
They came for the Jews and I did not react because I was not a Jew. Then they came for the trade unions and I did not react because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the communists and I did not react because I was not a communist. Then they came for the social democrats and I did not react because I was not social democrat. Then they came for me and there was nobody left to defend me.
We are very much aware of the underlying causes which destroyed the all-powerful state machinery of Said Barre. One of the causes was the deliberate flouting of laws by the State itself, when it chose to persecute people because of their clan origin. The other major contributing factor was the acceptance, by the public, of these injustices, no matter how often they occurred, provided their own relatives were not the victims. This indifference to injustice, even when it happens on our doorstep, was and still is, the bane of our society today.
If we do not learn from the mistakes of the past, we are bound to repeat them with devastating consequences. For the public to abide by the laws, the State should be seen to be upholding the justice system. Although many powerful people might not realize this, but it is in the interests of the government that a transparent system of justice is in place. If the public is not convinced that they will get justice within the system, then they will, as we have seen before, resort to whatever other means at their disposal to reach their goals. Only the most ignorant will not know which way that leads us.
Saeed Ahmed Mohamoud is a member of the Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland. E-mail address: Samoha17@hotmail.com
"This Is One Of The Most Forgotten Places In The World," Top UN Official Visiting Hargeisa
HARGEISA, Somaliland (Reuters) - Plagued by violence and drought, Somalia is mired in a humanitarian crisis forgotten by most of the world, a top U.N. official said on Friday as he led the world body's first high-level visit in a decade.
Jan Egeland, the U.N. undersecretary-general for humanitarian affairs and humanitarian relief coordinator, started a three-day trip to raise awareness of Somalia's problems by visiting the capital of Somaliland, an autonomous enclave which is unrecognized internationally.
The crisis in Darfur, in the west of Sudan, had drawn much of the world's attention and humanitarian aid, he said.
"This is one of the most forgotten places in the world. Darfur is privileged compared to this," Egeland said as he toured the Ayaha settlement for returning refugees.
Somalia, plunged into a lawless void of militia warfare since a 1991 coup toppled dictator Mohammed Siad Barre, has long been a black hole for many international donors who consider it "hopeless case of continuous conflict with no end in sight", he said.
Somaliland, however, has been relatively peaceful in recent years thanks to stable government and disarmament. Some 500,000 refugees have taken refuge there, but it is a harsh haven.
The Ayaha camp, on a stony slope above the military base from which former dictator Siad Barre's forces directed a 1991 bombing and assault on Hargeisa, is home to at least 700 families and more are soon to move there.
Refugees from the violence that has swept Somalia since 1991 live cramped into tiny huts, feats of rudimentary engineering built from cloth, plastic, flattened metal cans, rope, string, plastic tarpaulin shreds and thatched grass.
"What we have too little of is money and resources. If we could get more money, we could give them houses instead of these ramshackle huts," Egeland said.
He met with Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin and government ministers who complained their efforts to rebuild their shattered region and reintegrate returning refugees were ignored by the world. "We need a lot of assistance and to be credited for what we have done," Riyale said.
"We are ready to contribute to other communities and other Africans in solving their problems; it is a homemade solution."
Egeland urged Riyale to make peace with the new transitional government of Somalia, headed by President Abdullahi Yusuf, considered an enemy of Somaliland because of years of clashes with Yusuf's neighbouring Puntland region.
Somalilanders are vehemently opposed to joining the new government.
"The whole political issue is making it difficult for me to fund-raise because there are some who are reluctant to go beyond humanitarian work until there is a clearer political picture," Egeland told the president.
He remained optimistic, however, that both sides could seize the moment, referring to the formation of the transitional government and the progress made in Somaliland.
"It is the best hope in a decade and this momentum must be used. We hope to build on that momentum and get more attention to Somalia," he said.
http://www.awdalnews.com/ December 04, 2004 - 09:30
GHEDDI ABANDONS THE CHARADE OF UNITED SOMALIA
There was a concern in Hargeisa that he might give prominent positions to members from the Isaq and Gadabursi clans of Somaliland in a bid to de-stabilise this northwestern region which declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991 but is so far unrecognised by the outside world.
But the new interim Minister named his 31 member cabinet almost exclusively from the southern Somali clans in order to placate Mogadishu warlords and smooth the way for the return of his government to the Somali capital, something he and the President has so far been unable to do due to security fears.
This was seen as a humiliating snub to those who hail from Somaliland but campaign for a united Somalia. Ismail Hurre `Buba', a prominent member in the last Transitional National Government(TNG) is one of the few northerners in named in Mr. Gheddi's newly appointed cabinet. But he is incandescent that his remit is to run the ministry of `co-operation between the regions', a post he dubbed as `non-existent'. Mr. Buba was widely tipped for the foreign ministry, a portfolio he held with some panache in the last failed TNG government under President Abdul-Qassim Salad Hassan. Instead that post went to yet another southerner - so did the Defense, Finance, Internal affairs, Transport, Education and Trade portfolios. The President, the Prime Minster and the Speaker of the Parliament are also all from the South.
Many in Somaliland recall with bitterness that Southerners dominated the country's politics ever since Ex-British Somaliland voluntarily joined with former Italian Somalia in July 1960 to form a united Somalia.
Others, including some from the South, see an Ethiopian hand in the sidelining of Somalilanders from the new national government. They believe that arch regional foe wants Somaliland to remain separate with the view of preventing the re-emergence of a strong Somalia that can revive the Somali irredentist movements in Ethiopia's eastern regions which led to two major wars between the neighbouring countries in the last forty years.
But others see Mr. Gheddi as a pragmatist who simply realised that Somaliland is unlikely to re-unite with Somalia no matter whom he chooses to his new cabinet. He knows that those Somalilanders participating in the All-Somalia talks in Nairobi do not have much public support in Hargeisa - indeed they are widely seen as irrelevant, even treacherous.
Whatever the truth is Mr. Gheddi abandoned the pretence that his government represents the whole of Somalia thus playing into the hands of those in Somaliland who always claimed the talks in Nairobi were Southern affairs with no relevance for their "country".
Gulaid Ismail, halyey@btinternet.com
Source: World Food Programme, 3 Dec 2004
WFP Emergency Report No. 49 of 2004
(a) Heavy rains continued in most parts of Somalia and humanitarian workers in that country have reported that flash floods have resulted in thousands of victims. A joint mission of aid agencies and members from the Local Authority visited affected villages in Middle Shabelle Region. Most roads in the area are completely impassable and thousands of Somali are reported to be in need of food assistance. The team, travelling by boat on the Shabelle River, visited six of the most affected villages along the river and reported that some 2,000 families are in need of immediate assistance, including food.
(b) The Flood Working Group established by the Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB) sustained its work inside and outside Somalia reviewing reports on the floods coming from the field and taking appropriate measures. WFP continued to assist the flood victims in Somalia, reaching some 31,000 beneficiaries in Puntland with 550 tons of food and also assisting around 1,080 beneficiaries in Hudur town, South Central Somalia.
(c) The lower/middle Juba region in South Somalia remained with limited access to humanitarian workers due to high insecurity and poor road conditions. Despite these difficulties, WFP continued its efforts in assisting the population. Thus far, more than 1,050 tons of food commodities have been delivered to Kismayo. The final delivery to distribution points in Merere is pending improved road conditions.
(d) The School Feeding Survey carried out by WFP in Somalia for the expansion of the School Feeding programme is completed. A total of 10,000 additional pupils in 44 schools will be supported by WFP starting January 2005.
(e) A high-level UN mission led by Mr Jan Egeland, the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, will visit Somalia between 3 and 6 December. The mission plans to visit Hargisa in North Somalia, Growe in Puntland and Wajid in South Somalia and to hold meetings with local authorities, UN Agencies and NGOs. The mission programme also includes site-visits of returnees, IDP settlements and drought-affected areas.
Djibouti
(a) The 14th repatriation convoy to Somaliland this year left Djibouti on 24 November, with 511 persons (79 families). This brings the total number of persons repatriated to Somaliland this year from the two camps in Djibouti ? Ali Addeh and Holl-Holl - to about 8,085 persons (1,632 families). The total number of refugees remaining in three camps in Djibouti amounts to 17,585 ( Ali Added 6,955; Holl-Holl (6,855); and Aour Aoussa (3,775).The next repatriation is scheduled for December.
Ethiopia
(b) In Somali Region, further rain in late November has eased the previously critical situation in Gashamo and Aware districts of Degehabour and the southern districts of Boh and Geladin in Warder zone. However, for pastoralists who lost a lot of animals in the extended severe dry season, even these rains will not relieve a very difficult situation in which livelihoods are threatened. Rains have not been sufficient in Denan and East Imi in Gode zone, and needed flooding for agriculture has not happened along the Shabele River and rivers in Afder and Liben zones, despite heavy flooding further downstream in Somalia.
(c) There is growing concern for conditions in the pastoralist Afar region, where the June-September rains were very poor, especially in Zones 1, 2 and 4. Already, unusual livestock movements are taking place much ahead of the usual end of the dry season migration. As in other pastoralist areas, the most vulnerable will be those who have suffered large animal losses in recent years.
(d) Currently WFP is covering approximately half of the needs of the total beneficiaries for November (3.7 million people, 70,000 tons) and December (2.8 million people, 57,000 tons).
Somaliland Appeals For Duch Intervention To Resolve Dispute With Puntland
Text of report by Somaliland's Radio Hargeysa on 30 November
A high-powered Somaliland delegation headed by Foreign Minister Ms Edna Adan Isma'il today held talks with senior officials of the Dutch Foreign Ministry. The delegation met ministry officials in charge of Africa and the Horn of Africa regions. The two sides discussed bilateral cooperation.
The Somaliland delegation also raised issues concerning Puntland's interference in Somaliland territories, and urged the government of the Netherlands to intervene.
The Dutch Foreign Ministry officials pledged to raise the issue at the forthcoming African Union-EU joint meeting, scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa soon.
The Somaliland delegation has been touring a number of European countries in the past few days.
The Somaliland delegation officially invited Dutch Foreign Ministry officials to visit Somaliland and familiarize themselves with the situation in Somaliland.
The delegation comprised ministers of foreign affairs, information, the Somaliland ambassador to the Netherlands, chairman of the Somaliland community in the Netherlands and officials of the Netherlands-Somaliland Friendship Society.
S/LAND: Amnesty International Concerned About 16-year Old Girl's Trial And Rape Allegations,and Summary Imprisonment Of Her Defence Lawyers
Amnesty International is deeply concerned about the current espionage trial, in the Somaliland capital of Hargeisa, of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, a 16-year-old school-leaver, and Omar Jama Warsame, a taxi-driver.
They were both arrested in Hargeisa on 15 August 2004 at the residence of the Vice-President, Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, and originally charged with conspiracy to assassinate him, which they denied. Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh has complained she was raped and beaten by police officers, and Omar Jama Warsame has complained he was beaten. The judge dismissed their complaints without any investigation, when they were first brought to court on 4 October.
At the latest court hearing on 24 November, the judge jailed their four defence lawyers for three years for contempt of court, after they requested him to withdraw from the case due to alleged bias.
Amnesty International is concerned that Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh was allegedly tortured by rape and beatings by police officers; that she is being detained and tried as an adult; that Omar Jama Warsame was allegedly tortured by beatings; and that their trial has already fallen far short of international standards of fairness.
Arrest and trial
Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh reportedly claims she went to the Vice-President's residence by mistake when she was looking for the residence of a Vice-Minister to whom she is related. She and her taxi-driver, Omar Jama Warsame, were arrested by security guards. Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh was transferred to the Central Police Station, and later in September to Hargeisa Central Prison, where she is currently detained. Omar Jama Warsame was released soon after arrest but re-arrested a few days later, taken to police custody, and is currently held in the Central Prison.
On 4 October, Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh and Omar Jama Warsame were brought to court in Hargeisa for trial, without legal representation. In the first hearing in court, Zamzam Ahmed Duale is said to have alleged that she was raped and subjected to other torture and ill-treatment by Criminal Investigation Department (CID) officers. She reportedly identified some of the six CID officers whom she claimed had raped her, who were in court as prosecution witnesses. The judge dismissed her allegations of rape and other torture, without ordering any investigation. The judge adjourned the trial to enable both defendants to have legal representation.
The court re-convened on 9 October with four defence lawyers arranged by local human rights defenders to represent them. The prosecution changed the main charge against them to espionage, which carries a maximum 10-year prison sentence. The judge refused bail and adjourned the case until after the court recess during the month of Ramadan.
The trial resumed on 24 November. CID officers who had interrogated Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh are reported to have stated that she had "confessed" to the espionage charge. The charge apparently concerned her role in an alleged conspiracy originating in Puntland, where she had recently left school. However, after verbal exchanges between the defence lawyers and the judge which led to the defence lawyers asking the judge to withdraw from the case on account of alleged bias, the judge convicted the defence lawyers of the offence of "insult to a judge during a hearing". He sentenced all four - Yusuf Ismail Ali, Fawzi Sheikh Yunis Hassan, Abdirahman Ibrahim Alin and Mohamed Said Hirsi - to three years' imprisonment. They were immediately arrested in court and taken to the Central Prison. Their case is now under appeal.
The judge adjourned the trial of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh and Omar Jama Warsame indefinitely.
Human rights defenders in Somaliland are also themselves at risk of human rights violations on account of their criticisms of this case. During the court hearings in October, three human rights activists from Samo Talis human rights organization and the Academy for Peace and Development were detained outside the court, together with a law professor from the new Hargeisa University and a member of the Somaliland Upper House of Parliament (Gurti). They were released after some hours without being charged. A Samo Talis official was almost arrested at the 24 November court hearing, when he was apparently wrongly accused of speaking in court.
Amnesty International's appeals to the Somaliland authorities
1. The child rights issue
According to her identity document, Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh was born on 14 August 1988 and is thus 16 years old. She is therefore a child, who should, under international human rights standards, be dealt with through procedures specifically applicable to children.
Amnesty International is concerned that Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh as a child of less than 18 years of age is being detained in an adult prison and tried as an adult. International child rights standards require that she be treated in a manner which takes into account her needs and age, and that she be held separately from adults, unless it is considered in her best interest not to do so. In addition, she should be tried under a system of juvenile justice. Amnesty International is requesting that, in order to uphold the principles of child rights protection, and also to ensure that she has all necessary medical treatment, Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh should be provisionally released, rather than detained in an adult prison for a prolonged and indefinite period.
2. Rape and torture allegations
Amnesty International is concerned that the judge arbitrarily dismissed Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh's allegations of rape and other torture in custody, and also Omar Jama Warsame's allegations of torture by beatings. International standards require that their complaints of torture or ill-treatment be promptly and impartially examined by the competent authorities, and that evidence should be obtained and presented in court from medical doctors who have treated or examined them. Two medical examinations were later undertaken by the authorities. The findings of the first have not been disclosed, and the report of the second was reportedly read out in court but not provided to defence counsel.
Amnesty International is requesting that a fully independent inquiry should be established into the rape allegations, in particular, including one or more medical professionals experienced in rape investigations. The international community could be asked to assist with the relevant expertise and access to forensic facilities unavailable locally. The findings of the inquiry should be provided to the court, including defence counsel, and if the allegations are substantiated, those alleged to be responsible for this serious crime must be brought to justice, in procedures which meet international standards of fair trial, and Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh should be adequately compensated.
3. Fair trial
Amnesty International is urgently calling on those responsible for the administration of justice in Somaliland to ensure that Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh and Omar Jama Warsame are given a fair trial by an impartial court in accordance with international standards of fairness.
Amnesty International is concerned about failures of the court up to now to respect international standards of fair trial. International standards of fair trial include the non-admissibility of statements obtained as a result of torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment; the right to legal defence representation from the time of arrest; the right of lawyers to perform all of their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference; and the right to trial by a competent and impartial court.
Amnesty International is appealing for a review of the case against the four defence lawyers, and the heavy prison sentences imposed on them, when they were reportedly peacefully carrying out their professional functions.
BACKGROUND
Somaliland declared unilateral independence from the former Somali Republic when Somalia collapsed into civil wars in 1991 after the overthrow of the Siad Barre government, which had committed massive human rights violations, including war crimes, in this north-western part of the country. Somaliland has not so far achieved its objective of international recognition and refused to take part in the Somalia peace talks in Kenya or the Transitional Federal Government about to be established (which includes Puntland).
Since 1991 Somaliland has been the only part of the former Somali Republic to have achieved a broad measure of peace and stability under a civilian multi-party system, although there have been cases of human rights violations.
The Somaliland authorities have been generally welcoming to the development of several active non-governmental human rights organizations. The late President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal and his cabinet of ministers signed Amnesty International's worldwide "Get Up-Sign Up" human rights campaign commitment on the 50th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1998. The current President Dahir Riyaale Kahin also attended a reception during an Amnesty International workshop in Hargeisa in 2003 for Somali Human Rights Defenders.
Source: Qaran News, Dec 1 2004
The Shoe Face Duo
President: Mr Galib I thought you were one of the most principled nationalist in Somalia. I never questioned your patriotism to your motherland. Why do you question my patriotism? Recently, I read a piece of news attributed to you, that considers me unpatriotic, and that I have put the nail on the coffin of Somali unity. If you are honest with me and with yourself, you can't deny the fact that both of us worked hard for the unity of Somalia albeit in different capacities. You disowned your peaceful and democratic Somaliland in principle and chose the chaotic and unstable Somalia. On my part, I created Puntland to forestall recognition of Somaliland by claiming half of its territory as my Isir land. It was an effective strategy. If I had not done so Somaliland would have been today an independent sovereign recognized country. Thanks to my patriotism and wisdom, the question of recognition of Somaliland will be far fetched or at best remain a dream for those who do not see the light.
Galib: As you have rightly said I consider myself a true patriotic Somali. I hold to my principles under all circumstances. I do not change with the wind, and self greed does not sway me like some of our warlords like you. I opposed the cession of Somaliland on principle and on the premises that unity is power and Somaliland would be better off with all Somalis together including the three missing Somalis. The five star flag will always remain my idol as long as there is blood in my veins. SHANTA OO ISWAHESHADA EE WACNEYDA CALAN INAY WADAAGAANEE WANAAGSANAYDA, is still rigging in my ears. What about you Mr. president, you claim to be a nationalist, do you still uphold the principle of the five stared flag?
President: Please Mr. Galib, don't you say that loudly lest the Ethiopians intelligence who are constantly eavesdropping us hear that. I will be in hot soup if this song and this conversation come to light in the press. Nowadays it is difficult to hide anything from those who call themselves the press. I can get away if I betray my people, but not them. I owe everything to them. Please have a little common sense or political wisdom . don't discuss the five star thing with me here now. Clinging or upholding to the principle of the five stared flag was the source of all our troubles. You know as much as I know, the most difficult task facing us now, is how to keep the two together, let alone bringing three more headaches. Senseless attempts to bring the five Somalis under one flag, put us in this pitiful, bottomless pit. It is a political aberration or call it nemesis that Zenawi is closer to me than Rayale due to this lopsided principle.
Galib: That is where we differ Mr. President, I love my country and I will do all I can for its unity and independence, but in complete contrast, you don't have an ounce or an iota of nationalism. By definition you are a traitor, because you allied with foreign forces to extract concessions detrimental to the interests of the nation. Who could have ever thought a Somali would consider Somaliland as an enemy and an Ethiopian as a friend. It is a reflection of our sorrowful state of affairs and the tortuous prevalent mentality of our people, but I will stick to my guns.
President: No Mr. Galib you miss the point completely and the gun you are sticking to, is a self destroying gun. Ethiopia, whom you are alluding to, is not our enemy, but our staunch friend. Ethiopia would not have elected me, if they have the slightest doubt, that I will not be in the best interest of Somalia. By throwing their heavy weight behind the strongest man in the race, had all the good intentions and good will for our people. I have been tested to be strong on terrorism in all its forms. I handed a couple of terrorist to Ethiopia and America. None of the aspirant presidential candidates had the guts to do so. They knew, that Somalia needed a man with that track record on cracking down on terror groups with courage and determination, who can at the same time, satisfy the legitimate concerns of our people and our neighbors. Our country is porous and unmanageable at present, and only a strong man with strong ties with the neighboring countries, stands a chance of forming a lasting government. We have to learn history in order to avoid the mistakes of the past. The history that should not repeat itself is the Arta history or legacy. Arta government was a stillbirth, because it did not address one important concern. the legitimate concerns of our neighboring countries. An extremist Islamic state with porous boundary was dangerous and was unacceptable to both Ethiopia and Kenya. Abdulqassim should have known better. He wanted to use Islam for his own nefarious worldly ends. It backfired on him. I'm a political animal and I believe in power, my religion is the magic chair that is the dream of every Somali warlord. Among the 70 or so presidential candidates however, I was the only acceptable choice that satisfied the majority of our parliamentarians as well as our neighbors. The most striking and the most unexpected absurdity, was that almost all Somaliland parliamentarians voted for me, knowing very well, how I fought single handedly with Somaliland's independence. This is to me a clear and unequivocal declaration, that secession is unacceptable to the majority of Somalilanders. Only the guys from Djibouti, did not vote for me. I have a political beef with their leader.a Somali who refuses to be a Somali. Interference of Djibouti in the internal affairs of our country is deplorable. I assure you my friend, as long as I `m your president, I will only allow Ethiopia and Kenya to meddle in our internal affairs, and that will be in our best interest. Otherwise, I will be fiercely independent in our national decision making. Tell me Mr. Galib, how can you build a nation based on trust and harmony between us and our neighboring countries whom we share a common destiny, if you want part of their country. That is not nationalism but greed beyond the legitimate boundary.
Galib: Now that you are the president elect, would you stop fighting with Somaliland? You have already undertaken an unprovoked attack on Somaliland, killing many innocent people. A lot of people firmly believe that the leopard is not changing his stripes in spite of what you said in your acceptance speech. President: In order to rally and rekindle the nationalist sentiment, Somaliland will always remain the common enemy. Since our neighborly enemies expanded into thin air, Somaliland will replace Ethiopia as the only rallying point for the nationalists like you. You see I have to create an enemy to survive, since Ethiopia is out from our enemy list. As far as the leopard skin is concerned, I ever had one. You see me black from top to toe.
Galib: It is not politically sound to put all your eggs in the Ethiopian basket Mr. President?
President: the Ethiopian basket is excellent for me. It worked for me and I better stick with it.
Galib: Mr. President there is a Somali saying, if you want to buy shoes, see the shoes of the guy you are buying the shoes from him. Have you seen the shoes Mr. Zenawi is wearing? It is a fact that Ethiopia is an old kingdom and a military power in the area, yet it is the only government on earth that will never be able to feed its people according to recent reports. It is also one of the most despotic and violent regimes in the area. The per capita of armies are higher than food per capita. The situation in Ethiopia is more deplorable than Somalia. It is the home of famine and depravation. Will that be a role model for you Mr. President? Do you like to wear the same shoes Zenawi is wearing?
President: It is none of my business whether Ethiopia is the home of famine or whether the regime is despotic, as long as I can get as much weapons as I want. I don't tell Ethiopia what type of government they should have. They tell me what type of government I should have.
On the other hand, I'm not worried about humanity, I'm only worried about power and Ethiopia can deliver that. I leave human rights issues to those who thrive in that business. I'm a president not human rights advocate. You tend to confuse things Mr. Galib. Mr. Zenawi rules Ethiopia with an iron fist, and I want to do the same in Somalia. The shoes I am wearing now were made by Zenawi himself. Your question tells me you are not well informed Mr. Galib.
Galib: How good or bad is your relationship with Arab countries, in particular Egypt and Saudi Arabia, the two leading Arab countries?
President: Very bad. Both Presidents of Egypt and Saudi Arabia refused to meet me officially when I was there for Yassir Arfat's funeral in Cairo and when I went for Omra in Jedda. I think they have a beef with my boss. However I am not worried because too many bosses will only spoil the broth for me.
Galib: You were very apologetic about not being able to communicate with Arab leaders in Arabic language. You went as far as saying that you have already appointed an Arab language teacher to teach you Arabic. Why? You can't be a student of Arabic language and a president at the same time. You are not even that healthy to undertake such an arduous task.
President: I know I can't learn sufficient Arabic language while I'm in office, but I said that only to appease them. They were shocked to see the first Somali president unable to communicate in Arabic language. I wanted their support.
As far as my health is concerned, well taken, but don't worry, I have a Japanese liver, more efficient and easily replaceable.
Galib: I really do not believe you were unable to communicate in Arabic. Didn't you go to Quranic school before you went to formal schooling? What type of school that did not teach you Islamic studies and Arabic language ? If you have been to either or both of those schools, you should be able to communicate with them. We studied Arabic in schools.
Even if you didn't learn Arabic, don't be ashamed of yourself, because you are a Somali not an Arab. You could have told them that your mother tongue is Somali and you do speak it fluently. They were not ashamed to communicate with you in Somali, were they? Do the Ethiopians and Kenyans insist that you communicate with them in their languages? Why such a demeaning concessions to Arab leaders? I thought you said you are a strong man.
President: Yes I'm a very strong man, but to the Somalis only. To others I'm a mouse, because I need their help and support. You witnessed my acceptance speech, how shaky and troubled I was when fear got the best part of me in front of world leaders. I am an operational man , speech making particularly to foreign dignitaries is not my cup of tea. I am terribly short in that respect. In complete contrast, when I address the Somali parliament I don't feel that fear and I act like the lion I am.
On the Arabic language side, the situation is different, we are in the Arab league Mr. Galib. A bona fide member of the Arab league should speak the language of the league. Otherwise our membership will be considered farce at a time I am asking for military and financial support.
Galib: That should be the case Mr. President, the best known union or league is the European one, member states are not required to speak the language of other member states. To force a member to speak the language of another member state will not be a genuine union, but more like a colony. Are suggesting then that we are an Arab colony? Imagine Mr. President, that you paid an official state visit to France or China, and their leaders insisted you communicate with them in their language, would you tell them that you will hire someone to teach you their language to be able to communicate with them? If you do so, you will be hiring more language teachers for yourself than the Ministry of Education. Why do you need to learn Arabic at this age and at this time, as a President you will be entitled to interpreters every where?
President: The need for an interpreter is precisely why I want to learn Arabic, because each and every transaction between me and the Arab leaders will be otherwise in public. With Arabic interpreters all around, I will be a president without secrets. Secretaries usually leak secrets, but one can hide top secrets from them. But how one can hide secrets if one can not communicate with his counterpart and an interpreter is always placed in the middle. I plan to have a lot of secrets with Arab leaders, and lack of personal communication will spoil all my Arab plans. The Arabs also divide the world into two camps.. the Arab and the Ajam and I like to be on the Arab camp to keep our Arab league membership intact.
Galib: I do not think you need to learn Arabic to keep secrets from everybody. You have to know secrets are not all that secrets after all. Secrets are only secrets to some but not to all. All you need is a trusted interpreter. I am curious Mr. President, what languages do you speak and what type of school did you attend by the way?
President: I attended war academies for killing and destruction, and I speak only, the language of the gun. My professional experience is even worse. The stern, stone face you see, is a reflection of my often violent and treacherous past.
But I will not take you seriously Mr. Qalib, because you are not a warlord in the first place and secondly you were one of Somalilanders who have betted with the wrong horse during the presidential race due to their political naivet. That makes you politically unwise and unworthy to be consulted.
Galib: But I'm not politically as dump as you are. If you believe you were elected as president of all Somalia, you should have taken the grievances and rights of the people of Somaliland into consideration, when you were selecting the Prime minister, fully aware that the chairman of the parliament and his first deputy and the president elect all from the South. It was dump, unfair and pure regionalism to have selected a prime minister from the South. I thought we came to Nairobi as full partners, but that was a wishful thinking on my part. Those of us who opposed the secession of Somaliland took a heavy beating. In fact we are seen as foolish in the eyes of our people. Now I came to know what they already knew that South is South and North is North and thou never shall meet. I was working under the wrong premises that Somaliland seceded from Somalia, but now it is obvious that Somalia wants to secede from Somaliland or from the union. The action of the parliament and your action as elected president are a clear testimony to that. The truth of the matter is, as I see now, Somaliland is forced to secede. Now the people of Somaliland are laughing at us saying at the bottom of their hearts .. you fools we told you so. Unfortunately they are right, because of you and what you have done.
President: Nobody has to tell me that, I know you are politically naive, because you did not elect me. On the other hand what was the point of coming to Nairobi without bringing Somaliland in the first place. Mr. Galib you are virtual prisoner of your own here in Kenya. You can't go back to Somaliland and there is no place for you in Somalia. We expected you and your likes to bring Somaliland with you, but you have only deserted your country. Without bringing along Somaliland, do not expect anything from me. We do not have foreign contracts. Even if I consider some foreign contracts for Somalilanders, only the heroic Issir people of Sool will be considered. The Dervishes have already been inducted into the national army, and some 850 of them are already there in Baidoa paused for the eventful assault on Mogadishu in conjunction with the expected African army.
If you wanted the presidency or a premiership, you should have first known the size of your shoes. In fact you are not even wearing shoes, you are bare footed. Your shoes could only be made in Somaliland. To be a little more blunt you are politically as dump as I am. I consider you and the lot of Somalilanders here in Nairobi, as deserters and the question of trust will not faint away easily. If you have deserted Somaliland, what guarantee I have that you will not desert me. If you ever thought of convincing us that you represent the people of Somaliland, you are in reality dumper than me. But all is not gloom here Mr. Galib, I promise to nominate one Somalilander as Minister of foreign Affairs preferably Buubaa, to deal with the vexed question of denying Somaliland's imminent recognition. I think a Somalilander and Buubaa in person, can do that better than we can do, to convince his people the futility of seeking recognition from me and the world community.
For your information Mr. Galib I am not dump as you say, but I am a political genius. In politics all that matters is the political survivability, I survived the last 40 years under the most difficult and daunting circumstances. Only a dummy will call that a dump man.
Galib: Mr. President you have an image problem. Look at you, you hardly smile. You have a stone face - what we call shoe face, why? Open up Mr. President a heavy responsibility is placed on your shoulders. Public relationship should play an important part in the presidency.
President: Mr. Galib you have another point there. I have to stop having what Somalis call the shoe face. I am the president elect now and I have a lot to smile about. In fact before the last election there was hardly anything to smile about. However my past is constantly haunting me, but I know, somehow, I have to throw my past into the trash cane of history. It is high time I lived the future and left the past behind, however breaking with the past is easier said than done for me. One also has to remember the responsibility that I have undertaken is not a laughing matter. Although purely accidental, my prime minister also has a shoe face. I have never seen him laugh even at the time I nominated him a prime minister. I was not aware, but may be birds of the same feather flock together. The other day Mr. Sudi Yallohow told me that I have nothing in common with the prime minister, but at least, we share the same stone face and look. Thank you anyway for reminding me that. I truly appreciate your sense of patriotism and loyalty to Somali nationalism, but nationalism of your type is a thing of the past. Your nationalism should have a logical boundary. Somali speaking can not be the basis of a political boundary.
Galib; Look who is talking, if Issir is your political boundary (Puntland), Somali speaking boundary should make a lot of sense to you.
President: It was good to discuss a number of burning issues with you Mr. Galib, but I remain helpless, I cannot appoint you even a junior minister, because our beloved parliament legislated anybody who is not in parliament is not worth a dime. The parliamentarians want to monopolize, both the legislative and the executive power of the government. They want my government to be the government, of the parliament by the parliament for the parliament. They want to have the sole monopoly of force to guarantee order, like governments do. Those parliamentarians are power hungry. I thought I was the only power hungry guy in Somalia. But now I see it is an infectious disease that all Somalis are affected. The uncalled and unfortunate action of the parliament will negatively affect the performance of my government, as it will tie my hands, and the government you get will be as good or as bad as the members of parliament. They will expect me to distribute the government ministers on the basis of the clan based formula of 4.5. To give you a feel of the dismal formula. Suppose for simplicity, I make a government by selecting one from each clan to satisfy the formula. Then the government will be composed of four full persons and half a person. If I increase the size of the government six fold, then I will have 24 full persons and six half persons. Half a person plus half a person will not make one full person. Then, where am I supposed to get half a person or half persons. The whole thing is crazy.
Galib: I am totally inclined to agree with you on that point Mr. President, the people who elected you with such a big majority have the ill will and the audacity of doing so. I have no doubt in my mind that they don't know the right size of their shoes. We have to look at their shoes before we expect anything positive from them.
Galib: The three people arrested for the assassination attempt on your life, are said to be Islamic fundamentalists. Why do they want to kill you?
President: To tell you the truth, the whole thing is a hoax. It is staged by us to get the attention and support of those governments who fight Islamic fundamentalists. The support of the foreign army I have requested is dwindling fast, and this act is intended to rally international support for the foreign troops request. This is high politics and you will see how much support I will get due to this incident alone.
Jamaomar2000@yahoo.com
Source: Qaran News, Dec 1 2004
The Somaliland delegation officially invited Dutch Foreign Ministry officials to visit Somaliland
A high-powered Somaliland delegation headed by Foreign Minister Ms Edna Adan Isma'il today held talks with senior officials of the Dutch Foreign Ministry. The delegation met ministry officials in charge of Africa and the Horn of Africa regions. The two sides discussed bilateral cooperation.
The Somaliland delegation also raised issues concerning Somalia Majeerteen's interference in Somaliland territories, and urged the government of the Netherlands to intervene.
The Dutch Foreign Ministry officials pledged to raise the issue at the forthcoming African Union-EU joint meeting, scheduled to take place in Addis Ababa soon.
The Somaliland delegation has been touring a number of European countries in the past few days.
The Somaliland delegation officially invited Dutch Foreign Ministry officials to visit Somaliland and familiarize themselves with the situation in Somaliland.
The delegation comprised ministers of foreign affairs, information, the Somaliland ambassador to the Netherlands, chairman of the Somaliland community in the Netherlands and officials of the Netherlands-Somaliland Friendship Society.
Source: Qaran News, Nov 29 2004
SOMALIS SHOULD NOT FORGET ONE THING: TO FOLLOW SOMALILAND'S FOOTSTEPS
Ever since the Somali national reconciliation conference got under way in Mbagathi suburbs of Nairobi the Somaliland government and its people have been keeping a close eye on the potential political repercussion that the Somali peace conference could have on the integrity of Somaliland once a government emerges from the conference.
The conference passed through difficult stages sometimes there was a row and misconception that overshadowed summit which could contribute to complete collapse. Following long acrimony and bitter wrangling the participants of peace talks have unanimously agreed on the division of delegates representing each clan in the legislative council which is composed some two hundred seventy five members.
The formation of the legislative council was the first turning point for the Mbagathi conference. The election of the speaker of the parliament and his deputy was another turning point for the Somali peace process. The major turning point was the election of the new head of Somali state which was the culmination of two year marathon conference aiming at achieving peaceful solution in Somali which has been without a central government since the removal of dictator Siad bare of Somali in 1991.
Yusuf's election was shocked by many Somalis living in and outside of the country on account of his past and present military records. During the election campaign in Mbagathi the prime theme of his crusade was about his military record. And he is a man who is widely regarded as a warlord. He is a hawk - a person who strongly supports the use of force in political relationships rather than discussion or other more peaceful solutions. He is a man who ruled his regional government of Puntland with iron first and that assassinated his political opponents at will. How a man who has such daunting records can be elected the presidency for the Somali transitional federal government if Somalis are committed to achieving a peaceful solution in Somalia?
This indicates that he had used slush fund to attain his longstanding dream that was to become one day the president of Somali, Worst of all Mr Yusuf the newly elect president of Somali who is chosen by the Somali provisional law makers has been the Somaliland's long time adversary since the establishment of the neighboring Somali regional government of Puntland in 1998.
Mr. Yusuf the former leader of the semi autonous regional of Puntland has been at the logger heads with Somaliland over the eastern Sanaag and Sool region which is in effect in the Somaliland territory which was the British legally during the colonial Period.
He claims that the inhabitants of the Eastern Sanaag and Sool region are his clan affiliation which is extremely absurd.
His election has prompted emotional responses from the government of Somaliland, the opposition political parties and the population themselves. Yusuf's election not only provoked angry responses from the Somaliland government and its opposition parties but also it resulted in hostels reaction from Mogadishu base war mongers and demonstrations against his election.
Abulkazim's transitional national government was undermined by the challenges of Mogadishu base warlords that were allegedly backed by the neighboring Ethiopia- something the Ethiopian government repeatedly, dismissed and described it as baseless..
The factional leaders in Mogadishu collectively opposed to the legitimacy of abulkazim's presidency as he was one of the long serving, ministers in the late Siad's Military Regime as he had been the closest associate of president Barre.
One of the main factional leaders in Mogadishu Mr.Muse Sudi Yalahow was the chief stumbling block of the transitional national government knowing that Abdulkazim belongs to Mogadishu and that he was unable to extend his writ across his hometown despite the diplomatic recognition extended to his TNG.
Since the collapse at the military junta of Somaliland a complete chaos anarchy and social brake downs ensued in Somalia's Mogadishu the former capital of Somalia is considered by the international community that is it is the most and the dangerous place in the entire Somalia and that it could be a safe haven for the terrorist organizations and this is why the international community is helping Somali people to revitalize their national identity.
The newly elect president of Somalia is facing the very tough challenges that handicapped his predecessor's outgoing transitional national government that was created in Arta four years ago. The key question is how will Mr.Yusuf overcome the momuntal task laying him a head?
No sooner he was elected as the Somali head of state than the went unexpected visit to the capital of Ethiopia - Addis Ababa to ask the African some twenty thousand forces to disarm the warlords in Somali. This move apposed by some of the powerful warlords as well as the people in Mogadishu. The members of Somalia provisional parliament described Mr. Yusuf as being dictator because of this move.
The people in the south notably those in Mogadishu experienced considerable devastation at the hands of foreign troops led by the Americans in 1993.
Abdilahu yusuf's move indicates a looming civil war in Somalia that will undermine the Somali peace process. All in all gunpoint is not a solution but the solution lies with the Somali people.
The only way out for the political turmoil and at the same time achieve peaceful solution in Somali is that Somali's should not forget one thing - to follow the Somaliland's footsteps.
We have rebuilt a nation from the grass roots, we started from the ruler nomadic settlement, the village and on to the district, and then regional head quarters, and from there we brought together representatives with legitimate popular credentials to a national conference.
Then we made a peace between the people and we established co-existence between the clans. This in summary form was the essence of the Somaliland peaceful state, its political stability and visible economic progress. It pointed the way forward it Somalia where ever to achieve equally impressive results.
Source: Qaran News, Nov 29 2004
Somaliland's Parliamentary Election: A Matter of Do or Die!
The Somaliland parlimentary election has been scheduled to be held in March 2005, the importance of that election can not be overstressed, it is a matter of DO or Die for Somaliland. If the parliamentary elections are not held then that would mean Somaliland is a dictatorship and the world will start treating it like one. If on the other hand Somaliland holds the parliamentary election then that would mean that Somaliland has fullfilled all the requirements needed for being a democracy and the world will start treating Somaliland like the other members of the democratic club of nations, the nations who are part of that democratic club include India, Britain, South Africa, Australia, New Zealand and other nations that conduct free and fair elections on a regular basis every four or five years. Somaliland will join this club of democratic nations, Somaliland with its hardwork and determination will conduct a free and fair parliamentary election, InshaAllah(God Willing)!
Somaliland's people both inside and outside the country are determined to make everything they can to make sure that the parliamentary elections are held on time, are free and fair, and that the outcome will be a strong parliament made up of members from the three different politica parties: Kulmiye(Main opposition party), UCID(Justice and wellfare party) and UDUB(currently in power). The powers of the parliament will include legislation(making laws) and supervision of the executive branch(government), the end result of the parliamentary elections will be a Somaliland that is stronger, safer, more democratic and less politically shaky.
The Somaliland media(newspapers, television stations, radio stations, internet websites,political pundits etc) must all start to cover how the preparations for the parliamentary elections are going so far, this topic must be on everyones lips, the debate over the election must start now not later, NOW! We cannot afford to reach March, 2005 and then realise that "oops" we are not ready for the elections. Because the media is the agenda setter for what becomes news and what does not I urge the Somaliland media outlets to put a heavy emphasis on the parliamentary election preparations in their news coverage as well as in their political analysis. I also urge the media to not report negativly but to report positivly concerning the March, 2005 parliamentary election, the Somaliland media must not forget that our name is the Republic of Somaliland and Somalilander's are known to keep their promises and we as a people have promised ourselves that we are going to hold the parliamentary election and so we will, Insha Allah!
Somaliland's enemies are most scared of one thing and that is that Somaliland will hold the parliamentary election. The enemies of Somaliland are trying their hardest to stop Somaliland from being peaceful enough to hold its parliamentary elections. As we all know the enemies of Somaliland killed the foreign aid workers residing in Somaliland and recently Somaliland's enemies invaded parts of south-eastern Somaliland and they are currently occupying small pockets of Sool region, the enemy think that this will hurt Somaliland's chances of holding its election, not so. In fact: come rain or drought, come war or peace, no matter what happens, Somaliland will go ahead and hold its parliamentary election. The parliamentary election is the last step in Somaliland's democratiation process and as such it is the death punch against our enemies in Somalia and elsewhere who are trying their hardest from stopping democracy from taking root in the Horn of Africa. The matter of Somaliland's parliamentary elections is a matter of: Do or Die and Somaliland has choosen to Do, Somaliland has choosen to to hold the parliamentary elections in March, 2005 and to become a full fledged member of the democratic club of nations!
Viva Somaliland!!! - Somaliland Ha noolato!!! - Victory to Somaliland!!!
Cumar Caydiid (cumar_caydiid@accountant.com)
Source: Qaran News, Nov 29 2004
Press Release: Somaliland Justice Minister leads Human Rights Delegation
Somaliland Justice Minister Mr. Ahmed Ali and his delegation concluded a successful 7-day study tour of South African Human Rights institutions, which was coordinated by the United Nations Development Programme's Mrs Fatima Ibrahim. This is the 3rd UNDP facilitated visit of Somaliland delegations to South Africa in 2004.
The delegation met with the head of the South African Human Rights Commission, leading South African Human rights NGO's and the director of the EU funded Foundation for Human Rights in Pretoria.
Highlights of this delegation's visit to South Africa included a valuable meeting with Mr. Rolf Meyer, one of top architects of South Africa's democracy and former Minister of Constitutional Affairs in Mr. Nelson Mandela's government. The delegation also participated in a Pretoria seminar on Human Rights, Truth and Sustainable Leadership, led by the internationally acclaimed Islamic scholar, Shaykh Fadhllah Haeri. The visit also included visiting the Western Cape province to study the South African parliamentary system and ruling party's ANC experience there.
"We leave South Africa inspired by President Thabo Mbeki's leadership and the way South Africa had developed a culture of human rights. Our visit comes, as South Africa celebrates 10 years of democracy in South Africa, the youngest and strongest democracy in Africa. We are also touched by the way the small Muslim community has developed a distinct and fine balance between Islamic values of identity and the South African Bill of Rights. In these South African experiences, are many valuable lessons for us, which we hope to implement and share with Somalilanders and our neighbours in the Horn of Africa", said Somaliland Justice Minister Mr. Ahmed Ali.
Awdalnews
Source: Jamhuuriya Online, "The Republican", Nov 28 2004
Human Rights Organization demand immediate release of 4 defence lawyers
The 4 lawyers were immediately taken to the central prison of Hargeisa, soon after their emergency sentence.
Mr. Abdirahman Artan, Chairman of SAMO-TALIS, a local human rights organizations told Jamhuuriya/Republican that an argument erupted the judge and the defence lawyers, and the judge accused them that they refused to accept the court's order.
He said, "This is a violation of justice aimed to divert the case. We urge all institutions responsible for the constitution for immediate interference and stop the diversion of the case of the girl".
The Coalition for Justice and Peace for Somaliland condemned the sentence of the 4 defence lawyers, Mohamed Said Hirsi (Morgan), Abdirahman Ibrahim Alin, Fozi Sheikh Yusuf and Yusuf Ismail Ali.
Rakiya Abdillaahi Ommar, Director of East African Human Rights organization strongly condemned the sentence and requests that the government of Somaliland:
- To Release the 4 lawyers immediately and unconditionally
- To resume, without delay, the case against Zamzam and Omer
- To remove the judge and the prosecutor from the case
- To begin an immediate and impartial investigation into the handling of the case by the prosecutor and the judge.
The presiding judge, who sentenced the 4 lawyers to 3 years prison told the BBC that the 4 became an obstacle to the procedures of the court and that the law allows, the sentence he passed.
Human Rights organizations in Somaliland were interested in the case of Zamzam and have been appearing in great members in all court hearings.
British Foreign Ministry officials meet Somalilanders in UK
The discussion, which included British officials from other agencies, was centered on the current situation of the country and the quest for recognition.
According to our London correspondent, the two sides agreed on the formation of a joint committee - including British parliamentarians and the other personalities interested and concerned in the cause of Somaliland - to earnestly search for recognition.
They also agreed that Somaliland community in the UK to meet MP's in their constituency, inform them on Somaliland's cause and try to get their support in the quest from recognition. (There are some MP's that ardently support the case of Somaliland).
According to our correspondent, Britain's aid to Somaliland will be separated from that of Somalia and that Somaliland's effort to lift the ban on its livestock, will be supported.
Unemployment is our main problem
According to a press release from the presidency, the president urged his ministers, to consider the issue seriously and search for creating jobs, based on the natural resources of the country.
The president's statement was in conclusion of recommendations by cabinet members, on how to attract foreign investment to create jobs.
Some of the recommendations by the cabinet were studying the natural resources that can contribute towards this goal, the foreign investment law and studying the availability of local skills.
Mr. Rayale, according to the press release, told his cabinet that a committee would be formed.
Military Hospital opened in Ainabo
According to our regional reporter, Mr. kayse Ahmed Digale, Mr. Qodah, speaking at the opening ceremony said, "This is a day to rejoice for we are opening a hospital that will serve the national army, in the frontline, but will also be used by the people of the district."
Mr. Ismail Omer Aden (Boss), Minister of Defence, who also spoke at the ceremony said, "Hostility is forced on us and the hospital as planned will be used by the army, but its benefits will be for the people in the district."
Mr. Said Sulub, Minister of Public Works, told those who attended the opening ceremony that Ainabo - Og road would be rehabilitated. He said, "We are in a hostile-peace-development situation. Hostility is being forced on us, although we are trying for peace."
The Mayor of Ainabo told the ministers who are on a working tour in the east, that the people of the district are ready for national diefence.
NEC, political parties and media discuss elections
Chairman of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) Mr. Ahmed Hagi Ali Adami opening the conference being attended by NEC, the 3 political parties and the local media reminded the participants that it was a courageous act to hold the local and presidential elections.
He said, "Democracy is a parcel that you have to take fully or leave. You cannot take some and discard the rest. You cannot refuse to vacate your seat if you are beater in election."
The chairman in his speech emphasized that democratic elections are not new to the country and the benefits gained, in the eyes of the international community from the 2 elections. He said, "The exclusion of Somaliland from the Mbagathi conference, by the international community is one of the successes achieved".
Mr. Adami commended the local press, stated that he is against any press law, but called on the press to show responsibility.
Mr. Abdillahi Geeljire from the ruling party spoke of the conflict between the government and the media in developing countries.
He said, "The government should respect the press, give equal time in public media and the free media to show responsibility. I remind all of the delicate and sensitive situation during elections".
Mr. Mohamed Kahin Ahmed from the opposition party KULMIYE spoke about the relation between the media and election and how the media is the backbone of democratic elections.
He said, "Let us avoid what the country has inherited from the late Mohamed Siad Barre. We should remember that suppressing the media brings about the fall of those who come to power through force. The media should be objective and neutral."
Mr. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (IRRO) from Justice and Welfare party (UCID) urged the House of Representatives in his speech. He said, "We are ready for the elections but we are waiting to complete, what remains from your part."
He added that is the first time SOLJA is using Somalilanders as instructors and this great step forward.
The representatives of the political parties spoke about how each party is going to take part in the elections and the mistakes and shortcoming of the local and presidential elections.
Confrontation between Abdillahai Yusuf and Adde
The 2 military men, who are in Nairobi and Canada collided when Mohamed Abdi Hashi, the man who replaced Abdillahi Yusuf as president of Puntand, wanted his term in office to be extended on the pretext that war is going in Puntland territory and General Adde refused the postponement of the election that is due in Jan./05.
According to agencies and sources contacted in Bosaso and Garowe, Abdillahi Yusuf supported his former deputy and ordered the immediate arrest of General Adde, on his return from Canada.
The sources added that the General contacted his supporters in Bosaso, including the former Mayor of the town and told them to mobilize all supporters, to oppose the postponements of the election.
Abdillahi Yusuf and Adde Muse fought a bitter war, in which the latter was defeated and forced to flee to Somaliland, where he was given refuge with his militia.
The Black Mountains a traditional leader mediated between the 2 men; a mediation, which brought about the return of Adde Muse and his supporters to Puntland.
Adde Muse is said to be campaigning for the post held by his former enemy.
SOMALILAND EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM ANALYSIS
INTRODUCTION
First education or the academic institution may be defined as a set of organized processes designed to transmit knowledge and skills and to develop mental abilities. Really education in modern societies serves at least 8 different purposes namely:
- Transmission of culture
- Teaching of values
- The promotion of social mobility
- Certification
- Job training
- Establishing social relationship
- Political socialization
- And baby sitting
Education is a sound investment for many reasons including economic grounds. In the third world governments spend a large proportion of their budget on education, which seemed to them the most profitable form of investment. In Somaliland by contrast government spends half of its budget (50%) on security and very small portion to the schooling especially primary schooling to produce basic literacy and numeracy through out the population.
Actually the education system of the country was copied from the previous colonial experience and this hindered the country's educational policy since adjustment compatible with our indigenous needs requires lengthy and torturous attitudinal institutional change.
SOLSA argues that the key to better future for our country depends on government's control of our own educational system.
It is clear as crystal that the ministry of education has no touchable policy for our education and ministry's directorate of planning which is in charge of formulating educational policy is not working and this made our own educational system haphazard.
The statement of Arnold Anderson in the book Economic Development and Post Primary Education should be applicable to the educational policy of our country.
In formulating educational policy, every society must compromise among three goals:
- Efficiency in allocating training to individuals most likely to profit from it.
- Equity in opening opportunities for education impartially to various groups
- And free choice of educational careers to maximize motivation and flexibility.
"Compromise" suggests that efficiency, equity and freedom of choice are in that sequence, the important element necessary for sound educational system.
If these three elements can't be attained in equal proportions, priority must be given to the criteria of efficiency.
In our country the financial realities and sometimes poor budgetment make it impossible for our educational system to balance effectively these three elements for instance Somaliland education system. In implementing equity and freedom of choice for student's sacrificed efficiency. This result was of course not intentional on the part of our educational policy makers but was unavoidable. In adequate financial resources and the crippling factor of mismanagement compounded the disparity between intention and achievement.
The efficient element sometimes necessitates the hiring of educational personal from distant countries.
Heavy financial requirements involved in such a case makes impossible for our country to fulfill the policy although it's the country's ultimate benefit contributing to the fulfillment of our education goals.
The equity element is also achieved by having a free educational system open to all citizens at all levels such as the university in order to maintain high standard a student must possess specified academic qualification for admission.
"Editorial" Pressure Destiny of the Nation
The country, thanks to its people, has gone through two elections, that of the local government and the presidency with bright colours, regardless of many shortcomings. With a little more plan and far sightedness, they could have been held together, to save for its meager economy.
At present, a government with its president democratically elected by the people is working with a parliament, whose honourable members have been nominated by their communities to represent them. Their cooperation is satisfactory, but it is evident that the democratic process is still incomplete and the election law is still in the House of Representatives, with only 4 months remaining for voting day.
Different reasons can be given for the bill that is still in the House. Every conceivable reason has been given as to why the election law is incomplete. Honourable members have repeatedly informed the people that it will be passed during this or that preliminary session. That it will be finalized soon.
An Adjournment of a session followed another. The executive and the legislation blamed each other. Deadlines have been given but passed, with no change as voting day comes closer.
Personalities with high integrity were blamed. Some of them were to be made scapegoats. Rumours began to circulate that there is a hidden conspiracy aimed at not completing the democratization process. Members of the House are blamed for the incompletion. They are suspected of trying to get extension when their term expires.
New rumours have emerged that parliamentary Election Day is to be postponed, giving the reason, as the situation in Las Anod and the Easter Border.
People argue that this can not be a valid reason, for election - that is fair and free election - can be held at a time, when the wind is calmer and the sailing can be safer for those in the territory, who are being harassed on daily basis, by the insurgents who occupied their regional capital. Some of those who serve the occupying militia are beating the drum of war, not for the good of his kinsmen or community but for personal ambition and that is to postpone election in the administration he serves.
Members of the House of Representatives who just returned from one-month adjournment should not forget that the people would not accept any extension of their term. They are also fed up of why things are being postponed.
The honourable members and all those who have a say should not forget, that parliamentary elections is one of the pillars, on which the destiny of this nation depends. A destiny for which a lot has been sacrificed.
Friendly states have promised to provide logistic and technical support. The people's patience is on the verge of being exhausted. The destiny of the nation should not be endangered. The election law has to be completed and the polling day should not be postponed.
A Black Man Like Me
I don't want to push the panic button but there are questions echoed to our ears. We have to wait for the thermometer to dip before starting our furnace. Most couples divorce because of religious difference. The man thinks that he is the God to all that under the roof, while the wife knows that she is. I have opted for now not to read my reviews and write-ups, good or bad. They already have come with all sorts of weird and wonderful masterpieces. I can't tell you exactly what they are. But our fridge has never been more colorful than it is right now. They want us to be sheep with the help of some ghosts that stand with feet made of clay. Not all my e-mail correctly points out that I have no new ideas whatsoever to raise a child. Besides that I am open for suggestions. But in the meantime, the one thing most parents have in common is that. They don't want to have more kids. I told him in many occasions. " Don't run through life so fast that you forget where you going". Ask him now please! How many roads must a man travel down before he admits that he is lost? Regardless of your relationship with your cousin, you will miss him when he is gone. A clumsy wife should always get someone to hold the baby while she is chopping the vegetables. Beer is as exciting for men as shoes are for women. Making a living is not like making a life.
And failure is not an option but it comes bundled with the software. Two things are difficult to say when you get with money and power. Indubitably and specifically. And one thing is impossible to say. " I think it is best if I keep my opinion to myself."
Dear reader, I am sorry to keep you stranded and waiting long for a sober opinion. But you know what! It is a common instinct that Newfoundlanders are distorting the facts. How can it be called a premarital sex, if I don't have the intention of getting married? The face is familiar but I can't remember her name.
Without being invited, I sneaked secretly to a Fair of jewellery, gold, and fashions held by the UDUP Empire on 17th November instant at the Ambassador Hotel. The wives of our ministers attended the Fair dressed up like film stars of Hollywood. Surrounded by Secret - Agents and escorted by Police body - guards. Things seemed like a Hollywood party and a fashion - show in Paris. The noticeable too much makeup and heavy lip - stick of one minister's wife strongly irritated the audience. She was wearing necklaces of heavy gold that could be used as a camel - bell. Her arms and tiny legs were all encircled with bracelets and chains of gold that looked like shackles and handcuffs. A paint of Arab - women tattoos included. Wide smiles, laughing - minutes and applausive - remarks were exchanged by the beauty - queens of Somaliland. An atmosphere full of joy and an ovation that represents a world of Utopia, not the true picture of this starving nation. Zahra who is my neighbor and an old friend of my wife attended the festival. She has tipped us privately that the above mentioned minister's wife, one year ago before the appointment of her husband, had borrowed a pair of shoes and never has returned it up to now. "This is disgusting and it is not a laughing matter. It is a show of corruption and fraud of the National Treasury. I promise you to see that lady barefooted when President Riyaale fires her husband. Amazing indeed! How money and power corrupts and blinds people! " Zahra ended with her remarks. Most of the spectators were deeply impressed with the personality and character of the Minister of the Family Affairs, Honourabe Fathimo Sudi. She showed shrewd in mind and thought. Dressing up the chastity - belt. Addressing her audience as an Ambassador of good faith. Not teaching the hate of men like the authoritarian lady, the princess of Wales. A pure and perfect typical Somali - mother. Your honor, we owe you all our respect and gratitude. By reading your mind as a genuine interpreter, I could convey your feelings of annoyance and distress to the characters of those nasty - die - actors that were running that concert of dismay.
Dirty diapers are disgusting. Rotten eggs smell rancid. But skunks {xoor} really stinks more. A stunning finding in a Survey sponsored by UFO group elites in Hargeisa, chaired by Dr. Taani, released this survey result late yesterday. Skunks first led the list for the first few minutes of the bad odour in the survey. Then a wave of a stronger stinking smell that has caused vomiting and throw-ups has taken the lead. Then the committee had decided to rerun the matching and rank the survey again. Dirty diabers came the fourth. Rotten eggs were the third. Skunks were the second. But the stinkiest in rating was prejudice and ethnic segregation. The chairman of the survey Dr. Taani announced the result few minutes after the poll.
He was a good singer with a golden voice. He was a helpful friend full of love and joy. He was a brave knight with a lion's guts. He was handsome; he was clean both in body and soul. He was a man of wisdom with a witty remark. He was a kind hero with a generous blood. He was smart literally more than I can say. But I had killed him with my ugly gun. I shot him in the heart and he trashed his legs like an injured racehorse in front of the police station. I am a fool and cold-blooded na‹ve in the past and at the present right now. I committed this first-degree murder with the collaboration of the arms of the law. With the go-head and the nod - consent of the traditional leaders. And got the final authorization of the Immam of my Mosque. They all ululated with a tongue- ringing for this awful homicide. He was a peace-loving dove who had a million reason to stay alive. You can see my hands all smeathered with blood of that innocent victim. He had a heart full of love and pride. That is Hussein Yusuf my supper star. My rock and roll. He was having a guitar not a gun. My blues and juz, he was my rap. I will miss his sense of humour and broad smile, and his socializing with friends and family. That jerk police - man licensed me to kill. That sheikh with the heavy turbine in his head and reciting the quran. Promised me to redeem my sins if I kill Hussein. Those traditional leaders and my think-tanks supported me with muscle and word. That stigma and shame haunting me all night, all day. Memories of guilt and wrong-doing will pursue me wherever I go. Fear, and cold, and teeth chattering is my destiny. He was my class-mate. He was a warm hearted friend and a genial host. I live by the sword, I die by the sword. I must wear mourning clothes and chant prayers for my dead friend. Illuminate candles and a shrine of flowers. I must trash inside my sleeping bag and cry every night to deliver his eulogy. I have long failed the point in my life, where I was doing every thing for selfish reasons, greed and ignorance. It was a kick in the face of a dear friend. I will remain repentant for the rest of my life. I will entertain that thought, pausing occasionally to sniffle and fight back tears of blood. Let these nightmares haunt me for years and live with my guilt forever.
Some geographical evolutions or man-made events stands out as a pivotal that had changed the whole course of history. Some great events and wars with an explosive impact of altering the trends of man's life on the earth planet. Some were single, brief and some were shattering events with immediate and obvious impact. Events or developments that significantly altered social customs, statistics and census, ideas, beliefs, home - life and the human conditions as general. For instance, first and second world war, developments of Agriculture, and the American Civil Rights Movement. Like everywhere else, Horn of Africa had gone through many upheavals, uprisings and evolutions. I will try my best to make things brief and impartial as well as digestible.
He was a magician, he was a rapist, he was an absolute tyrant dictator. A mountain swallowed him because of the prayers of Sheikh Yusuf Konain, and yet we had paid a heavy price as compensations for the dead fool. A compromise of a heavy head tax that stands forever. My sweetie put the shoe on the right foot. That is a powerful contradiction that is well worth thinking again and urges us to pause for a second thought. We have to tell the truth, nothing but the truth to ourselves. Instead of hoarding and narrating tailored biased stories that have no legs to stand on. This scheme is unlikely to fly with the common sense, and real stars don't ask permission to shine. Why did we accept such a costy compromise as far as the magician rapist is dead? As simple as that. That is legendary tales from grandma. The dead fact is that his people were having the upper hand and they were dictating the deal. A bloody coup with the white sword, and tough fight with the teeth and nails had taken place somewhere sometime. Some old masters became captives and some slaves turned to be new masters. Defying the capture of the past by insulting and alienating all civics and civilization of their opponent. Pointing out an accusing finger at and practicing all sorts of savage revenge. Disregarding high-tech and science medicine that once surpassed that of the Western World right now. A history all twisted and swallowed with a grain of salt. Narrating to our children, a history based on rumours and second hand information. No figures no facts. The right of the might. It does not work. As we are in a campus of labs and we are treated as lab-rats prepared to die for science. We are all in unnatural quiet rooms with wires attached to our head and a control panel is bathing our brains in a complex magnetic field, driven by illogic remote control. Running through traumatic stress syndrome with a senseless presence. We are a true temporal-lobe epileptic nation that had lost consciousness. A dog eating dog, and if you can't run with the big dogs, just stay on the porch. Archeological data with lucky fossils and stone-tools are abundant at people's fingertips. While facts can cater to any one who has a thirst for a true history. But nobody wants to buy the truth, when it is sour and against him. All men are created equal. He born naked, he grows old and then he dies. Who controls the present, claims the past and the future. An Egyptian archaeologist and philologist at Cairo University Dr. Farouk classify the word Gabooye as a lineal descendant of a noble blood and ruling junta. While pharaoh is the title of a king in a specific period of time. We have to standup and speak good of our minds, face to face with the gap between the egalitarian ideals and biased ethnic prejudice and segregation. If you ask my divorcee widow about me. She will shower me with million dirty names, but few are true. We must stop the scourge of oppression and discrimination not only in marriage, but in all aspects of life. I am a born loser desperate for attention and help. Methodical with a God complex but had grownup insane. We need yard stick for the color-blind in injustices and ethnic humiliation with no apparent reason. Every body must pay the price for his moral-lapse in judgment. Because justice gives no one a second chance. MR.MALCOLM X said, my mother used to say when I was a teenager. If you burn your ass, you sit on the blister. History has been whitened, and blacks has been left out. The lie that has been told to generations of blacks and whites. Little innocent black children born of parents who believed that their race had no history, while they own a civilization as magnificent as the pyramids. Little black children seeing before they could talk, that their parents considered themselves inferior. Mr. Malcolm continued saying, innocent little black children grown up, living their lives, dying old age and all their lives ashamed of being black. Debating is like being on a battlefield with intellectual and philosophical bullets. There is no place for moderation or disinterested objectivity when one's freedom is at stake. You can't negotiate upon freedom. You either fight for it , or shut up.
The culmination and ethnic cleansing, segregation of the Gabooye community that had resulted a loss of genius generations, is the most crossly shame in our social, political and cultural upheaval in the modern history. A thorn in our hearts that reflects our injustices and inhumanity. The heavy lie that have been passed from one generation to another. Which proves that we are our own worst enemy. Reciting verses of our dark and bleak pages in front of the International community without feeling shame of ourselves. Even our old colonial - masters from Mogadishu are less severe and more moderate than we do. Regarding the practice of ethnic segregation. There is an old saying, "it is better to remain silent and be thought a fool than to open one's mouth and remove all doubt." Our minds are playing tricks on us. A Niger claiming that he is more whiter than another Niger. That is disgusting and a pitiful situation. What do you expect from a white judge and black man in court? Say, Guilty. Truth is God Mr. Ghandi said. We must tell our kids, our neighbors, our relatives, our students and ourselves. That we had lied up to the teeth. Destroyed the evidences and twisted the paths of history with dressings of hate, oppression and a dreadful tangle of life. We must recognize the repugnant segregation that we did, and feel regret and remorse for committing an awful crime against the humanity.
Islam is not a religion that needs publicity or any commercial ads for promotion on television and newspapers. Islam is a religion of equality and social justice. It is the cradle of peace and forgiveness, as it cleared on the verses of the Quran and the prophet's saying. But it has been polluted and associated with the Arab culture, which is full of contradictions, bigotry, injustice and discrimination. After the sixteenth century, we have been dominated by the Arab culture and regarded it as a Godfather since then. What is good for the goose, good for the gander. In the old days we used to say that South Africa teaches what it practices and practices what it teaches. America teaches one thing and practices another. So let me ask the Moslem scholars who does not believe that segregation of the Gabooye community is not a sin, and not a grave crime in God's legislation. Does that mean that Islam teaches one thing and practices another? If you dare to say yes. Then I tip you with an option of a striptease as a part time job after the isha prayer and good-bye with a kiss and a ring. If your answer is a plain No. Then why you never had condemned the teachings and practicing of segregation and discrimination of this silent majority ? Our Imams and scholars must be taken to a legal court. Charged with seduction of ethnic cleansing, kidnapping and distorting religion's teachings and concepts. Manipulation of illiterate minds and polluting culture and ethics, for the purpose of the extermination of an ethnic group. Charges of cover up and corruption of conduct. Serious mischiefs of aggravated assault and genocide.
Man shall not live by bread alone, but by every word that proceed out of the month of the good. I grew up in Hargeisa where ignorance and ethnic segregation, injustice, humiliation and contempt are practiced on daily bases. I was raised like most of you in a society that segregation and discrimination was taken for granted. Recalling and rewarding those old tapes of the past is a mind numbing. There are people who will say. We have to discuss and debate until we are dead. Instead of doing the right thing and redressing the old cuts and wounds of the moral-sapping neglect. Some may feel uncomfortable with this cause; others may see it as a fruitless publicity hound. But I will remain faithful and a new darling for this holy cause of emancipating free-born babies of my next neighbor. As my second assignment to the deserted orphans of my deceased heroes.
It is not too late yet and the time is ripe to introduce stabilization of good God's teachings. Things need to move faster with more lofty vision. It is a cleanup time. That Immam that sentences my girl friend to death by stone throwing, when she wears a transparent bra for her breasts and a tight sweater to charge my sexual desire. Or condemns the lab dancing of my cute girl next door. Had never said a word to condemn the ethnic cleansing and the humiliation of a genius generation of the Gabooye community. That is a sharp truth that cuts and causes a great pain. But if you take the truth, it will cure you and save you from an otherwise certain death. The Gabooye community are walking dead people who had been cut off from all their rights. They have been robbed deaf, dumb and blind to the true knowledge of themselves. Accepting a society and a religion, it's Imam teaches that being a Gabooye is a curse. That is a bitter pill hard to swallow. A resurrected upright people will be able to standup and do something for them, and for this country that has buried them alive. A racit nation in which no color, no religion, no culture, no language is dividing them. But an immoral conduct and abuse of human dignity separates us from one another for centuries. Our budget of human dignity is in red ink. Let us cross our fingers and take a deep breath and remember Allah. Their Sultans and chiefs are denied of their merits and are not recognized up to now. While other few numbered families were given a special status in the political arena. Simply because those few nuts have roots with some paper tigers of the past. One can't unite bananas with scattered leaves. They are very peaceful and law-abiding people. But to fight back in self-defense wherever and whenever they are unjustly and unlawfully attacked, is a holy task for every serious Somali-Lander. if the Government thinks that I am wrong for saying this. Then let the gov't starts doing it's job for protection. No body will respect the system that excludes him. I disregard that idea that teaches, to love your enemy. When the Immam of the Mosque, the traditional leaders and the Government bodies condemns segregation and discrimination. Then we will hear out of those mountains of despair, a stone of hope. Transform the jangling of discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. Then we will pray together with good will and standup together for our freedom. John F Kennedy said, this nation was founded by men and women of many nations. It was founded on the principles that all men are equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened. This nation is a place of cheap political leaders who build their careers on immoral compromises and ally themselves with open forms of political, economical and social exploitation. This is the same thing here in Somali-land nowadays. sweltering with the heat of injustices and with the heat of oppression. Judging people by the muscle of his tribe, not by the qualities of his character and noble ideas. What I am offering is a fairly substantial change in our way of thinking towards the Gabooye community. Enough is enough. But members of the ruling families don't like the change. Because it might affect their property values, and they don't have the guts to face the truth.
I suggest that some of the traditional leaders, religion dignitaries, and members of parliament must break the ice by getting married from the Gabooye community. That may start the wheel of integration and act as a jesture of healing those old wounds of our brothers that we have buried them alive for centuries. To feel genuinely sorry is not enough for all that has been done to those broken hearts. I am not teaching hate. But an integration cup of milk is an insufficient pay for eight hundred years of slave labor and humiliation. The Mosque and the Imam must standup and say loudly. Gabooye is handsome, Gabooye is smart, Gabooye is my brother, and I owe him mountains of gold. Then the dark shadow will be replaced with a big honest smile. Some times it is difficult to separate the treasure from the trash. A Niger enslaving a Niger through the reasons of bigotry and ignorance. But by now, no more trespassing on the rights of a black man like me, a Moslem man like me, with a language like mine, and a culture like mine. It is not a matter of segregation alone, but a serious crime against the human dignity.
I close my remarks by saying to you what Martin Luther King believed, that physical death was the price he had to pay to rid America of prejudice and injustices, nothing could be more redemptive. To paraphrase the words of the immortal John F Kennedy, permit me to say that Martin Luther King work on the earth must truly be our own.
Yusef Deyr, Hargeisa
http://www.somalilandnet.com/news/wnews/headline/13011.shtml/ Nov 27 2004
Peace and Development (APD)plans a 2-day meeting for Somaliland leaders
The Hargeisa meeting is expected to gather politicians, academicians and development experts to discuss parliamentary elections, constitutional reform and the decentralisation of power to local governance institutions.
Participants at the 28-29 November will also focus on the causes of conflicts that have raged in the Horn of Africa for nearly 15 years, according to a statement released by APD.
The meeting seeks to prepare the Somaliland political elite through the sharing of information through the release of various educational facilities and presentation of papers and documentary films.
Source: http://somaliland.org/opinions.asp?ID=04112701/ 27 November, 2004
Somaliland: The Rule By The Fearful
It is easy to dismiss the comical farce of a senior judge dishing out three year sentences on the spot for coughing in court as the antics of one particularly excitable and ill-trained legislator. Unfortunately his churlish act is part of wider malaise in Somaliland's body-politic that has to be dealt with and soon if Somaliland is to stand a chance of being taken seriously as a viable and modern nation state. At the core of this lies a state that distrusts and fears its citizens and essentially sees them as potential threats that has to be controlled or even intimidated. Some might say this reflects the background of those in power both in the legislature and the executive. After all, this opinion goes, the President himself cut his political teeth as a `security' man whose job it was to protect the government of the time from its citizenry.
But history shows us that good leaders change when they realise the political climate has shifted and that the national interest called for a new approach. That is why many former Stalinist bush fighters metamorphosed into clean-cut liberal democrats with impeccable capitalist credentials. Just look at Meles Zenawi and his once Enver Hoxha admiring EPRDF in Ethiopia and the former Marxist guerillas in Mozambique.
But in the case of Somaliland at least it appears that old habits die hard if at all. This remains a government with unshakeable dictatorial instincts. Perhaps nothing illuminates this insecure mindset more than the rationale given for banning all private broadcasting in the country. The government claims that free for all broadcasting will lead to some stations inciting clan or regional hatred and that in turn could threaten the country's peace and unity. This thought process is so outlandishly bizarre it is hard to take it seriously. For starters Somalis do not need FM broadcasts to indulge in a spot internecine clan feuding. All it takes for clan hate-fest to kick off big time is few well-placed words from few khat-stained mouths. Contrary to government claims, free-for-all broadcasting is likely to lead to the exact opposite of social discord as Somalis sink their teeth into their second most cherished sport after clan quarrelling: talking. It is well known that clan warriors in Mogadishu take a break from their fratricidal escapades during BBC broadcasting hours. Tiny FM outfits in the most anarchic parts of Somalia are doing roaring trade in discussing the latest clan meetings and dissecting the ins and outs of who is falling out with who in the fluid politics of the Khat trade. None of them seem to be inciting hatred among their listeners perhaps because no one wants their customers to kill each other. Dead customers do not listen to FM radios!
This dim-witted ban is damaging in other more tangible ways too. In a country where most people are illiterate radio is the main source of information, public education and entertainment. Somalilanders are probably some of the most imaginative and creative artists with the spoken word anywhere in the world. Radio Hargeisa in its heyday used to produce memorable radio dramas like Daabad the Horse Traveller and Balwo Time. It virtually created the modern Somali art and Music from scratch. It is therefore cruelly painful to see this once most loved of broadcasters and one of Africa's oldest media houses reduced to a measly six hour a day mouthpiece for this least imaginative of governments.
Free radio is essential for education on public health; nurturing journalistic talent, encouraging debate, challenging prejudices and entertaining the masses. It can generate wealth through advertising and nourishing small businesses at grassroots level. It can be used for local fund-raising and engendering civic pride among poorer communities. Only radio can reach areas and social groups otherwise cut-off from the 21st century world.
But Riyale's government is not swayed by rational arguments about the arts and the need for educating the masses. His maybe a government by the people but is one scared by its people too- what they might say, how they might think. It is a government by the insecure and the fearful. It needs to change or it will be made to go by the people.
Gulaid Ismail, halyey@btinternet.com
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=4268/ November 26, 2004
Burao University launches fund raising campaign among Somalilanders in the Arabian Gulf region
As part of worldwide fund raising drive to secure US$ 212,000 needed for the construction of a purpose-built campus for the nascent university, the Campaign representative Muuse Idigaa said that the plan was to obtain the targeted funds by the end of 2004, start the construction by January and aim for completion by May 2005.
Opening the meeting held in Abu Dhabi and attended by a selected group of Somalilanders, Adan Idigaa, a UAE resident, said the event was the second to be held in the UAE. The first was held earlier in the week in the scenic University City of Al Ain where Dr. Sa'ad Ali Shire, the man behind the Burao University project and Manager of the London office of Dahab Shiil, the global money transfer company, met with a number of Somaliland intellectuals and prominent community members.
Briefing the audience on the history of the project, Muuse Idigaa, also a staffer of Dahab Shiil, London, said the history of the University of Burao went way back to 1998 when the University of Hargeisa was at the planning stage.
"The intention was then to establish in Burao a Veterinary Department and a Centre for Arid Land and Rural Development Studies, which would be part of the University of Hargeisa. The Mayor of Burao at the time was keen on the idea and showed commitment to facilitate their establishment. But the plan did not materialize for various reasons until June 19th 2004, when the university was officially inaugurated as an independent institution of higher education," he said.
Talking on behalf of Dr. Shire who departed earlier in the day for Djibouti, Muuse Idigaa said that the research carried out prior to the university's establishment had illustrated the need for a university for the city of Burao, the second largest city in Somaliland and the country's livestock commercial hub.
Responding to questions raised by some skeptics on the need for a university for a town that possesses less number of secondary and primary schools than its counterparts in the western regions of the country, Muuse Idigaa affirmed that the research had shown that with a population estimated at between 250 and 300,000 people, 11,000 students in the various levels of schools and two secondary schools with enrolment of 500 students, it was concluded that there was a great need for a university in Burao and the whole of Togdheer region.
"With the absence of boarding facilities in the current two universities of Amoud and Hargeisa, the first high school graduates of Burao couldn't find a university education," Muuse Idigaa said, noting that within the coming few years more students will be completing the high school and without a university they will only contribute to swell the already over saturated ranks of the jobless youth loitering around in the streets.
Further highlighting the need for the establishment of Burao University any other higher education institution in Somaliland, Idigaa said that through their research the pioneers of the project found that research was the key factor for any country's development and that no credible and scientific research could be conducted in the absence of higher education institutions.
Elaborating the picture of the bleak future that was approaching fast if the current situation of lack of higher education institutions was allowed to continue, Idigaa said "With 95% of the country's educated class living abroad and the remaining 5% either taking lucrative government jobs or joining the ranks of the graying generation, there will be a big hole in our education system and a wide knowledge gap between the educated class and the young generation", underlining such development will only contribute to the gravity of the current situation of a society deprived of doctors, engineers, teachers and professionals in the various walks of life.
The audience raised the issue of the recognition of the degrees issued by Somaliland universities. With three batches graduated from Amoud and the first class graduated from Hargeisa University, it worries many people that the lack of recognition of their degrees may have a negative effect in Somaliland universities' credibility and discourage the disapora Somalilanders from sending their children back home for higher learning.
Muuse Idigaa, however, said that Burao University had benefited from the experience of the other two universities before it, Amoud and Hargeisa universities, and was working to avoid all the pitfalls. He added that the university, started in the academic year 2004/5, was offering two degree courses and a non-degree program in four departments including:
- The Department of Veterinary Medicine
- The Department of Education
- The Department of Business and Finance
- The Department of continuing education and community development
Muuse Idigaa added the university campus would be constructed at the seat of the former Forestry and Range Management School, located in the North-Western suburbs (Shab) about two Kilometres from the centre of the city.
Explaining the current status of the university's allocated structure, Muuse Idigaa said as per information he gleaned from the University's Website, the campus site covers an area of about 17 hectares, and consists of 14 desolate structures including a sports ground, a lecture hall, classes, offices, a Library, a computer room, laboratories, a mosque and toilet facilities
All the buildings stand without roof and windows, and some of them have been badly damaged. They need to be repaired, rebuilt and reinforced so that more floors can be added on top to make room for additional classrooms, laboratories and offices. While building work is under way, the university will be located temporarily at Burao regional headquarter compound of the Ministry of Pastoral Development and Environment, where five rooms - 2 classes, 2 offices and a library room have been allocated to the university. A lecture/seminar/conference which is shared with the Ministry is also available.
There was a lively participation of the attendants in the discussions that followed the briefings. The audience also included three educated Somaliland women, Rhoda Rage, Amina Ali and Hinda Mohammed Jama whose input and enthusiasm had added a much needed voice and momentum to the campaign. Rhoda pledged to single-handedly raise US$1000. It was also announced in the meeting that Adan Idigaa had obtained more than 4000 books for the university.
Later, Dr. Shire who spoke to the audience through a telephone call from Djibouti emphasized the role the university would play in the development of Burao and the Togdheer region, underlining that investment on research was the key for development.
At the end the floor was given to Ismail Ali Abokor, a former Somali Vice President, political prisoner and a respected elder.
Abokor said that he was glad to have lived to see his country's people building universities and enthusiastically working on educational projects. "Good educational institutions are vital for the return of our people and our children from the diaspora," he said.
Remembering the days when education started in the former British Protectorate, Abokor said that he was enrolled in school in 1947 in Sheikh, as the second in-take of students since the inception of the modern school system in Somaliland in 1945, and graduated from Amoud Secondary school in 1954.
"It took 57 years for me to see a university to be built in my hometown of Burao. This is the beginning of the end of our life in the diaspora. Soon our children will be learning at home and growing up among their people and in their culture," he said.
He, however, encouraged the audience to work equally and diligently for the recognition of Somaliland.
"We have to know that without the recognition of Somaliland as a sovereign state and recognized member of the international community our universities will not be recognized," he added, noting that working robustly for the recognition of Somaliland should be a top priority for every Somalilander.
The meeting was concluded with the announcement of the names of the Committee assigned to carry out the fund raising campaign.
A similar two-tier committee was earlier formed in Al Ain including a fund raising committee and a technical committee consisting of Somali teachers working in Al Ain University who will advise Burao University on academic issues.
Somaliland Leaders Prepare For Peace Building Talks
Nairobi, Kenya, 11/26 - The Geneva-based Academy for Peace and Development (APD) plans a two-day meeting for over 100 leaders from the breakaway Somaliland to discuss recent democratic changes and create dialogue as their presidential elections remained un-recognised.
The Hargeisa meeting is expected to gather politicians, academicians and development experts to discuss parliamentary elections, constitutional reform and the decentralisation of power to local governance institutions.
Participants at the 28-29 November will also focus on the causes of conflicts that have raged in the Horn of Africa for nearly 15 years, according to a statement released by APD.
The meeting seeks to prepare the Somaliland political elite through the sharing of information through the release of various educational facilities and presentation of papers and documentary films.
Source: World Food Programme (http://www.wfp.org), 26 Nov 2004
WFP Emergency Report No. 48 of 2004
(a) Most parts of the country continue to experience heavy rains resulting in floods with rivers breaking their banks, disrupting livelihood systems and endangering communities. These floods are affecting communities in both the north and south, which have had to cope with more than three consecutive years of devastating droughts.
(b) In Las Qoray, Sanag region in north Somalia, serious flash floods combined with mudslides cut off road access and destroyed some 50 houses, leaving hundreds of households in need of humanitarian assistance. WFP is preparing for an emergency intervention together with UNICEF and local NGOs.
(c) In Jowhar, Middle Shabelle region in the south, floods have seriously affected two-thirds of the town isolating some sections where the only means of movement is by boat. Moreover, in the rural areas of Jowhar, floods are covering farmlands that had been prepared and are now rendered untilled and inaccessible. The coping mechanisms of the affected farmers were over-stretched before the onset of the present crisis due to drought, insecurity and lack of government institutions. Begging on the streets of Jowhar and Mogadishu is increasing dramatically, while those left behind are surviving on wild fruits, unripe mangos and bananas. WFP and UNICEF, with support from local authorities, assessed the situation for possible relief intervention.
(d) Large areas of Juba Valley in southern Somalia have also been flooded, with thousands of hectares of farmland covered by stagnant floodwaters. A lot of farms and properties have been destroyed with loss of crops and housing. The districts most affected are Jamaame, Buale and Marere. According to a local residents, the Deyr rains (Sept. - Dec.) not only started early this year, but have been the heaviest reported in years. The cause of the present crisis in Juba Valley is a combination of protracted insecurity, marginalisation and recent flash floods caused by heavy rains and overflow from the Juba River cutting off roads and therefore stopping business activities between the towns and villages. WFP has pre-positioned 824 tons for general relief distribution in the port city of Kismayu, while transport to the lower Juba Valley is delayed due to impassable muddy roads and the prevailing insecurity.
(e) Despite the heavy rains and floods in most parts of the country, WFP Somalia continued its emergency relief distributions targeting flood victims in the northwest and northeast with some 550 tons of assorted food commodities, reaching 26,000 beneficiaries in areas that have been heavily affected by years of drought and that are now facing further massive livestock losses.
Source: Awdal News, November 26, 2004
FORWARD TO THE PAST? FOUR LAWYERS SENTENCED TO PRISON IN SOMALILAND
African Rights strongly condemns the sentence without trial and imprisonment for three years of four lawyers working on a human rights case in Hargeisa, Somaliland yesterday. Of immediate concern, is the personal safety of the lawyers and the individuals they were defending-one of their clients is a 17-year-old girl, who had previously accused the police of having raped her in custody. Past experience suggests both the lawyers and their clients, all currently in Hargeisa central prison, may be at risk of ill treatment in detention and that the prospects of their receiving a fair trial is limited. Moreover, we regard their imprisonment as a blatant injustice and an attempt to silence a number of local civic organizations who have become increasingly united in their struggle for improvements in the administration of justice and women's rights. We therefore urge all concerned about the future of human rights in Somaliland, and in the region as a whole, to publicly condemn this abuse.
To understand the wider significance of the imprisonment of the four lawyers-Fawzi Sheikh Yunis Hassan, Abdirahman Ibrahim Alin, Mohamed Saeed Hirsi and Yusuf Ismail Ali-it is important to set out the details of the case they were in the process of defending. The case has already caused some controversy in Somaliland, largely because of the surprising claim, based on flimsy evidence, that the young defendant, Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, and Omer Jama Warsame, a driver who had brought her from her home region of Sanaag in eastern Somaliland, were involved in espionage and a conspiracy, emanating from Puntland, to murder the Vice President of Somaliland, Ahmed Yusuf Yassin. Zamzam and Omer were arrested on 15 August 2004 at the gates of the Vice-Presidents' residence, unarmed. Zamzam had come to Hargeisa for the first time, looking for two girls related to the Vice-President whom she had previously met, and who she believed were living in his home. She was then arrested, initially accused of involvement in "terrorism" and both she and Omer were immediately transferred to the headquarters of the CID and detained. The charges were later changed to espionage. Omer was released after a few days, but was re-arrested after he complained that the CID had damaged his vehicle and sought compensation.
Zamzam and Omer's trial began on 4 October, and once in court Zamzam accused 6 CID officers of rape, sexual violence and beatings, including some of those who had been called to testify against her, pointing them out. Omer also accused the CID of torture and beatings. These accusations were ignored by the court and the judicial process proceeded extremely slowly. A recently formed Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland, with which African Rights is associated, has since sought to offer support to Zamzam and Omer, including by hiring the four lawyers to defend the prisoners.
The Coalition brings together organizations and individuals that share a common interest in safeguarding human rights and in promoting justice, peace, the culture of dialogue and the establishment of democratic institutions in Somaliland. In addition to hiring these four lawyers, it has lobbied the government to provide the two detainees with medical care and its members have attended all the court sessions.
The hearings were suspended during the month of Ramadan, and the court re-convened yesterday, 24 November. It was during this session that the lawyers were sentenced. As in the past, the court was surrounded by heavily armed soldiers, police officers and traffic wardens, who were intimidating, rough and abusive in their treatment of the public.
While questioning one of the State witnesses, a CID officers who had just given his evidence, the lead prosecutor, who had his back turned to the public gallery, accused someone of speaking aloud and insisted that the person be charged. He had not seen who it was, but pointed his finger at one man, Ali Mohamed Kaar, the secretary for a human rights organization linked to the Coalition, Samo Talis. He ordered the police to remove him from his bench and to seat him among the accused. No one had in fact spoken. A man had coughed, and it was not Ali.
The four lawyers challenged the prosecutor's actions and questioned his authority to behave as he did. They appealed to the judge, advising him to take charge of his court, act in a neutral manner and to make the appropriate decisions. Fearful of the consequences if the prosecutor was not restrained by the judge, they pointed out that there would be nothing to prevent him from ordering the arrest of the lawyers themselves. When he failed to act, they expressed their lack of confidence in the judge's impartiality, and suggested that he remove himself from the case. The lawyers, prosecutor and judge argued among themselves, and the prosecutor, accusing the lawyers of contempt of court, directed the judge to take a stand against them. The lawyers requested the right to defend themselves, which was denied to them.
After a few minutes, the judge announced that he had sentenced the lawyers to three years imprisonment, and that he had suspended the case against Zamzam and Omer "indefinitely." The lawyers were immediately taken to Hargeisa central prison where they remain. Ali himself was later released.
African Rights has repeatedly drawn attention to the disastrous situation of the judiciary in Somaliland, which is not merely crippled by inadequate human and financial resources, lack of training and the legacy of being used as a tool for repression, but is characterised by a routine disregard for judicial process and suffers from open political interference, as this incident illustrates. This indifference to basic human rights is sadly not an exception, but an every day occurrence and indicates the deteriorating human rights situation in Somaliland today.
Today, 25 November, is International Day to End Violence Against Women. It should have been an occasion to mark the steps which the Government of Somaliland is taking to protect women against violence and injustice. Instead, it is the beginning of a three year prison sentence for four lawyers who had the courage to bring a prosecution against police officers for rape and sexual violence against a young girl of 17, and to defend her against the charge of espionage and murder.
African Rights is asking the Government of Somaliland:
- To release the four lawyers immediately and unconditionally;
- To resume, without delay, the case against Zamzam and Omer;
- To remove the judge and the prosecutor from the case;
- To begin an immediate and impartial investigation into the handling of the case by the prosecutor and the judge.
Without immediate steps to address this injustice, this case will be seen as a major setback for human rights in a nation which has fought hard to overcome its legacy of past conflict.
Source: Somaliland.org.
For additional information contact: Rakiya Omaar in Hargeisa: Mobile (252 2) 428 330 or (252 2) 30 25 00
Source: Qaran News, Nov 26 2004
Is President Riyaale Finally Building Infrastructure in Caynaba, Xuddun and Taalex?
The Somaliland's government's latest intiative in the Sool region was to build a hospital in Ainabo town, a military hospital intended to treat injured soldiers in case further violence breks out on the eastern front, the hospital will in times of peace be used by the inhabitants of Aianbo town and the rest of Sool's population. This hospital building initiative seems minor to us in the diaspora(qurba-jooga) but for the people of Sool region this is a huge qualitative improvement to their life and to their wellbeing as citizen's of Somaliland who want to enjoy their life with health and vigour. The Riyaale Administration has finally found the right formula for sucess in the Sool region of Somaliland and that formula is called: developing Sool's infrastructure and qualitativly improving the lives of the people in Sool, this is the best peace formula and the one formula that will turn the few disgruntled Soolians over to our side.
II. Poverty Stricken Sool Region
Sool region consists of four districts: Ainabo(Caynabo), Huddun(Xuddun), Las Anod, and finally Taleh(Taalex). Of all the poverty stricken regions of SomaliIand none is as deprived of the basic neccessisities of life as is the Sool region. Imagine that you are driving around in Sool region of Somaliland and you get into an automobile accident(ALLAH forbidd) and you are in need of surgery, imagine further that in the entire region of Sool there is no hospital, what would you do? Cry out for help? But to who will you cry out in the endless accacia desert of Sool region? Your only hope as an injured person in Sool used to be that someone drives you to Burco hospital in the central Togdheer region or across the border to Gaalkayo hospital in Somalia, this long journey usually means that the injured person is dead before he or she can be treated. The people of Sool region not only endure grinding poverty,lack of clean drinking water, lack of hospitals, lack of schools etc, but they also lack one of the most important things in life: HOPE! Ofcourse as good muslims should they always have trust in Almighty ALLAH but they have lost hope that the rest of Somaliland cares about their region, the Sool people feel somewhat like the people of Siberia feels about the Moscovites(people of Moscow), they feel the government is to distant from them, they ask the Somaliland government what it has done for them? The government did not use to have an answer but this has all changed now.
III. President Riyaale Turns His Eye's on Sool Region
The Riyaale administration has focused its eye's sharply on Sool region. A road is being built between Burco city in Togdheer region and Oog town of Ainabo district in Sool region, this road when completed will have a positive effect on the people of Sool, it will facilitate increased trade, it will facilitate increased interaction between the people of Sool and the people of the Somaliland heartland(Togdheer) and beyond, this increased intraction and trade will lead to higher living standards in Sool region. This latest hospital constructed in Ainabo town of Ainabo district(Sool region) will also have a tremendous impact immediately on Ainabo town and the people of Sool, many lives will be saved and many injured treated in their region instead of in far away regions of the country. Is this new road construction under way enough for Sool? Is this new hospital being constructed enough for Sool? NO it is not enough, this should only be the beginning of a Great Infrastructure Development Program(GIDP) targeting Sool region(My Hope is that a nationwide infrastructure program could be intitiated). More specifically districts of Sool that are under Somaliland administration should be developed infrastructure wise, obviously Las Anod district should not recieve money for development as the district is not under the control of Somaliland but rather in the hands of the criminal invaders from Majerteenia.
IV. Minister of Rural Affairs, Fuad Addan Ade, a Patriot Who Should be listened To
Minister Fuad Adan Ade who hails from the Huddun(Xuddun) district of Sool region explained to a reporter interviewing him that even modest amounts of development and help to the people of his home-district could bring tremendous goodwill towards Somaliland from the people of the district. Minister Fuad Adan Adde who is known in the country as a true patriot always working tirelessly in the defense and improvement of the nation resently returned to the capital, Hargeysa, after having visited the two districts of Ainabo and Huddun in Sool region. It would seem prudent for president Riyaale to listen carefully to the advice of Minister Fuad A.Adde, the minister for Rural Affairs not only knows the powerbrokers in the region extremely well but he also knows the complex political situation in Sool very well and he knows how to best solve that crisis situation. In particular minister Fuad Addan Adde is absolutely crucial to the securing, stabilization and development of Huddun district since this is where he hails from. It is time Fuad Addan Adde was given a more prominent role when it comes to creating a strategy for engagement with Sool by the Somaliland government. Many Somalilander's both inside and outside the countrywho have knowledge about Sool region's political intricacies are starting to ask if it is not better for president Riyaale to make Fuad Addan Adde: "Minister of National Reconciliation" with an emphasis on Sool and eastern Sanaag areas. Fuad Adden Adde in this role could be given powers second only to the president in matters concering Sool. The role of Fuad Addan Adde as a minister of National reconciliation would be to identify the grievances some communities in Sool hold against the rest of Somaliland or the Somaliland government and to come up with strategies and programs for addressing those grievances so that the nation can once and for all lay to rest what is today known as the "The Chaos in the East" (Eastern Somaliland that is).
V. Time For Action and Results in Sool Region of Somaliland
In my opinion the Somaliland government, the Somaliland diaspora(Qurbajooga), the Somaliland business community, the Somaliland civili society and the Somaliland public together with international assistance(if forthcoming) should try to build more hospitals, schools, wells, libraries, roads etc in the three Sool districts of Ainabo(Caynaba) and Huddun(Xuddun) and Taleh(Taalex). Notice that I left out Las Anod district, this district is under foreign military occupation at the moment. The government and people of Somaliland must forget Las Anod for the moment and focus all their energy on securing, stabilizing and developing the three remaining districts of Sool region: Ainabo-Huddun-Taleh. Once these three districts are doing well under Somaliland administration the people of Las anod district will see the benefits of joining and they will expell the invaders from Majerteenia, with Somaliland help if required, this should be Somaliland's policy in Sool region. The military's role in all this should be nothing more than defensive, the military should make sure that Ainabo and Huddun are safe enough for development programms to take place, Taleh district borders Somalia and is a more complex issue. Most important of all is that the official voice of Somaliland is heard on the airwaves in Sool region, Radio Sool should quickly start operating from either Huddun or Ainabo district and should serve to counteract the propoganda that is being spread by the invaders from Majerteenia. Without control of the airwaves nothing can be done in Sool, no development no nothing, the ability to communicate with the people of the region is crucial.
VI. Conclusion
Sool is poverty stricken. The policy of Somaliland's government in the Sool region should be to secure, stabilize and develop the three districts of Ainabo, Huddun and Taleh. Making Fuad Adan Adde minister of National Reconciliation with an emphasis on Sool and eastern Sanaag and giving him the tools to do an effective job in the region could turn out to be the thing that turns the tide for the Riyaale administration in the Sool region. The Somaliland diaspora, business community, civil society and international partners and friends should alll unite to improve the lives for the people of these three districts of Sool region: Caynabo-Xuudun iyo Taalex.The Riyaale Administration has finally found the right formula for sucess in the Sool region of Somaliland and that formula is called: developing Sool's infrastructure and qualitativly improving the lives of the people in Sool, this is the best peace formula and the one formula that will turn the few disgruntled Soolians over to our side.
Omar AIDEED,
cumar_caydiid@accountant.com
Source: http://www.somalilandnet.com/news/wnews/headline/13005.shtml/Nov 25 2004 (By Joe De Capua, Voice of America, 26 November, 2004)
Voice of America interview with Rakiya Omaar in the case of 17 years old girl
The case centers on a 17-year-old girl, represented by the lawyers, who is accused of terrorism, espionage and conspiracy. The girl says the charges are false and that she was repeatedly raped by police while in custody. She says she only came to Hargeisa to visit with relatives of the vice-president. The guards at the vice-president's home said she looked and acted suspicious. The girl's driver was also arrested.
Rakiya Omaar is head of the group Africa Rights and was in the courtroom when the lawyers were arrested. From Hargeisa, she spoke to English to Africa reporter Joe De Capua about the case.
She says the arrests followed an exchange in the courtroom that was triggered by the prosecutor accusing a human rights worker of making an outburst. She says someone in the courtroom coughed, that is all, and it wasn't even the man accused by the prosecutor. Ms. Omaar says when the lawyers argued that the prosecutor had no authority to order the man charged, the judged sided with the prosecutor and ordered the lawyers detained. In the meantime, the trial of the girl has been indefinitely suspended.
Africa Rights is asking the Somaliland government to release the lawyers immediately and unconditionally; resume, without delay, the case against the girl and her driver; remove the judge and the prosecutor in the case; and begin an immediate and impartial investigation into the handling of the case by the prosecutor and judge.
Source:Norwegian Refugee Council
Date: 24 Nov 2004
Internally displaced Somalis face uncertain future after years of state collapse
Executive summary
An enormous task confronts the new President of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, if he is to restore security and a functioning government after 13 years of total state collapse. Despite rising expectations in the new government, Somalis continue to flee warfare, which has lasted for over a decade, claimed up to half a million lives and left the country with some of the lowest development indicators in the world. The north-western region has declared itself independent since 1991 and various autonomous administrations have since mushroomed. An estimated 370,000-400,000 people remain internally displaced, more than five per cent of the population. Despite a ceasefire agreed in October 2002, fighting continues intermittently. The security situation is so volatile that President Abdullahi Yusuf, elected in October 2004, cannot work from his own capital and has remained in exile in Kenya. The violence has forced tens of thousands of people to flee their homes again and prevented cultivation in 2004, mainly in the regions of Mogadishu, Gedo, Juba, Shabelle and Galgadud. In addition, some regions are suffering from the worst and longest drought ever experienced since 1974, often with irreversible effects.
The fragmentation of the state has its roots in a military coup in 1969, led by Mohamed Siad Barre; he installed a dictatorial regime, whose divide-and-rule policy succeeded in polarising grievances into clan-based wars and eventually splintered its own support-base. Barre was overthrown in 1991, but the loose anti-government coalition quickly fell apart and proved incapable of changing pre-established war patterns. Since the early 1990s, various warlords have fought to establish hegemony over Somalia's most fertile lands - between the Juba and the Shabelle rivers - and key ports such as Mogadishu. These fertile regions were traditionally inhabited by minorities who today account for most of the displaced population.
Control over power and resources, notably land, has been the main driving force behind conflict in Somalia. The ethnic map of some areas was redrawn by strong clan militias who dispossessed farmers of valuable and fertile riverine lands in the south. The legitimate inhabitants were killed, evicted or conscripted as forced labour on the lands they once owned. Unless property issues are carefully addressed in the process of peace-building and reconstruction, patterns of illegal occupation will be consolidated and the return of displaced people will be seriously undermined.
Internally displaced people (IDPs) in Somalia are the most vulnerable of the vulnerable as they have lost all their assets and are subject to multiple human rights violations. They do not enjoy protection through clan affiliation; in some parts of the country the de facto authorities do not protect them and often divert humanitarian assistance. Most displaced from southern minority groups continue to suffer political and economic discrimination. Often they are denied access to the most basic services such as water, latrines and education. Women and girls are at risk of being raped by armed men when collecting water or firewood and their makeshift huts offer no protection from assailants.
In the insalubrious urban slums where they flee, they receive little or no assistance and most survive through casual work and begging. Income is barely sufficient for one meal a day, resulting in high malnutrition and mortality rates. Paradoxically, the largest IDP population lives in the country's most dangerous place, Mogadishu, where they are often forced to flee militia clashes and are exploited and abused by the gunmen who control their camps. These "gatekeepers" extort aid rations or money from IDPs and force them to work or evict them when they cannot pay.
In Somaliland, the self-proclaimed Republic in the north-west, displaced people are at risk of deportation from an October 2003 decree. Following a series of killings of foreign aid workers, authorities vowed to expel all "illegal immigrants" who were not of Somaliland origin. Since late 2003, the IDPs have lived in fear of being returned to the conflict-ridden south. In response, local ministries with UN support are planning a registration campaign which is hoped to raise awareness of and ensure respect for the rights of IDPs.
Somaliland, which proclaimed its independence from Somalia in 1991 but has not yet gained international recognition, has been the most successful in establishing peace and moving towards reconstruction. However, authorities there are unlikely to be willing to integrate IDPs locally unless substantial international support is forthcoming. It had to absorb over half a million returning refugees in the past decade with very little external support and is seriously short of water and most basic services.
The new Somali government has a huge task ahead, particularly with regard to sustaining reconciliation and reconstruction throughout the country; demobilising and reintegrating about 55,000 militiamen; controlling weapons; forming a police and military force; re-building a functioning judicial system and establishing mechanisms to share internal revenues, among others. The new President has also asked the African Union to deploy 20,000 peacekeeping troops to consolidate the repeatedly violated 2002 ceasefire.
In addition, the President - and former leader of the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland in the north-east since 1998 - has yet another conflict to manage. Soon after he was sworn in an unconfirmed number of people were killed in clashes over the contested status of the Sool and Sanaag regions. These regions fall within the boundaries of former British Somaliland, but are claimed by Puntland as part of its territory on the basis of clan-affiliation.
Consolidating a functional government and restoring peace and security in a country largely controlled by warlords and free-lance gunmen will surely take time. As long as insecurity prevails, IDPs face an uncertain future and foreign assistance will remain inadequate. However, assistance to communities in existing pockets of security is possible and should be encouraged. Local efforts by civil society, elders and businessmen interested in establishing a more peaceful and secure environment deserve particular support. Unless international financial support for peace and reconstruction is raised drastically, the chances for IDPs to return to their homes and reintegrate will remain illusory.
Key recommendations
To the new government and local authorities of Somalia:
- Once the new Federal Somali Government is operational and exerting authority, it should:
- Abide by their commitments and national obligations towards ensuring adequate protection and assistance of all citizens, including internally displaced people
- provide particular protection to displaced women and IDPs from minority groups not belonging to the clan system or seeking refuge far away from their clan-home area, who are particularly exposed to serious human rights abuses
- establish a functioning judicial system to protect the rights and freedoms of the Somali citizens, including the different minority groups, ethnicities, gender, and clans.
- develop strategies for, and implement, the demobilisation and reintegration of militias in order to restore security and create conditions conducive to the return of IDPs
- develop a national strategy for the return and reintegration of IDPs, which should be based on a needs assessment determining the preferred durable solution of the displaced
- address the complex issue of property restitution to IDPs, to avoid the consolidation of the illegal occupation of land, create conditions for sustainable return, and revive the agricultural sector ensuring food self-reliance
- contribute to the creation of conditions conducive to return and reintegration, including by
- increasing support to communities in stable and secure areas of the country
- decentralising aid flows to local authorities showing commitment to good governance, as well as to grassroots organisations
- identifying civil society actors including elders, members of local business communities, who have an interest in work for a more peaceful and secure environment and supporting their efforts as way to promote peace, stability and reconstruction
- provide financial assistance, capacity-building and training to local human rights, humanitarian and development organisations
- significantly raise development assistance to facilitate the integration of the 800,000 returning refugees in Somaliland in order to ease social tensions
- ensure that assistance actually reaches IDPs in Somaliland by designing projects which positively discriminate displaced people from south and central Somalia who are often denied access to their rights and to the most basic services
- ensure that projects be designed and implemented on the basis of needs assessments and sound socio-cultural and economic analysis in order to provide IDPs with adequate assistance
- mainstream protection throughout assistance and development activities targeted at IDPs
- implement the planned registration of IDPs as a step towards recognising them as uprooted people in need of assistance and having the right to stay or return when conditions have improved in their areas of origin
- train and sensitize authorities about IDPs' rights and their responsibility towards the displaced
- train and properly inform IDPs about the registration so that they can be fully involved in the process
The fragmentation of the Somali state has its roots in a military coup in 1969, led by General Mohamed Siad Barre; he installed a dictatorial regime, whose divide-and-rule policy succeeded in polarising grievances into clan-based wars and eventually splintered its own support-base. In 1991, the state collapsed and Barre was overthrown, but the loose anti-government coalition quickly fell apart and proved incapable of changing pre-established war patterns. Thereafter, the country descended into a full-fledged civil war and has remained without an effective central government for 13 years. Various warlords fought over the control of key resources, embedded in the capital Mogadishu, port-towns, and the fertile lands between the Juba and Shabelle rivers. A short-lived US-led military peacekeeping operation in Somalia (UNOSOM), ended in a fiasco. Serious misjudgement in 1993 embroiled the UN in the war and culminated in the killing of hundreds of Somali civilians and tens of foreign peacekeepers in Mogadishu. The UN eventually pulled out in 1995.
In 2000, a Transitional National Government (TNG) was created at peace talks in the Djibouti town of Arta. The TNG never gained broad-based recognition and faced continued opposition from all sides. It was unable to assert control over Mogadishu and attempts to impose its authority outside the capital have been unsuccessful. For the past four years, clans and factions grouped under the umbrella of the Somalia Restoration and Reconciliation Council (SRRC) as well as Mogadishu-based warlords have fought against TNG forces and its allied militias, resulting in heightened armed conflict in southern and central Somalia.
After more than a dozen failed peace initiatives, a National Reconciliation Conference was launched in late 2002, under the mediation of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD). After two years of negotiations in Mbagathi, Kenya, the conference agreed on the composition of a new parliament, which in October 2004 elected Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the former leader of the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, as President of Somalia for a transitional period of five years. However, the President, his Prime Minister - who will form the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) - and the Transitional Federal Parliament remained in exile in Kenya because of the volatile security situation in the capital Mogadishu. The parliament is composed of 275 members, with an equal share of seats allocated to the main clans of southern/central Somalia (Darood, Hawiye, Digil-Mirifle and Dir) and the 31 remaining seats to the minorities. The planned 12 per cent ratio for women was not met. During the interim period, until a representative government is elected, the TFG faces enormous tasks. It will have to sustain reconciliation and reconstruction throughout the country, consolidate the ceasefire, demobilise and reintegrate about 55,000 militiamen, re-build a functioning judicial system, control weapons, form a police and military force and establish mechanisms to share internal revenues, among others (IRIN, 26 October 2004; IRIN, 8 September 2004). It will also need to prove to the Somali population that a revived state is not just an instrument of predatory accumulation, repression, expropriation and clan hegemony.
In order to monitor the October 2002 ceasefire between faction leaders and the TNG, which has been repeatedly violated, the new President requested the African Union to supply up to 20,000 peacekeeping troops. However, many Somalis who remember the UN intervention in Somalia are uneasy about the prospect of another peacekeeping force, and free-lance gunmen see it as a threat to their employment (IRIN, 8 September 2004). In such a context, the consolidation of a functional government, peace and security will take time. Meanwhile, more assistance should be provided to existing pockets of security. Efforts of civil society, elders and businessmen interested in establishing a more peaceful and secure environment deserve particular support
(Menkhaus, forthcoming).
While the southern and central regions of Somalia have been plunged in civil war and lawlessness, the self-declared, internationally not recognised Somaliland in the north-west has been the most successful in establishing peace and moving towards reconstruction. Somaliland proclaimed its independence from Somalia in 1991, following a brutal campaign of repression of the region's rebel movement by the Barre regime, during which up to 1.5 million people were displaced and hundred of thousands fled abroad (USCR, 2001). The regime's counter-insurgency operation had culminated in a civil war in 1988, and the systematic targeting of the regions' Isaaq clan members, seen as supporters of the insurgency, led to charges of genocide (IGAD/UNHCR/UNDP, December 2000, p.7). Since 1991, Somaliland has reintegrated 800,000 returning refugees, rebuilt cities and established a government with hardly any external support (UN, 18 November 2004, p.7). Its people reaffirmed their vote for independence in a referendum in 2001 and held peaceful presidential elections in 2003, laying the basis for a multi-party system. Somaliland has refused to take part in the Mbagathi negotiations, reiterating its claim of independence.
In the north-east, the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland was established in 1998. It was led by Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed (now President of Somalia) and went into a political crisis in 2001 when he refused to hand over power to his successor. The ensuing armed conflict was settled in May 2003 by a power-sharing agreement through which cabinet posts were assigned to the opposition and rival militias were integrated into the army. However, Abdullahi who seems to derive most of his power from military strength, appears to have devoted most of his energies to his presidential ambitions; and the Puntland administration has never been really functional, including for reasons of limited resources and capacity (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003). During September and October 2004, an unconfirmed number of people died in clashes between Puntland and Somaliland over the contested status of two border regions (IRIN, 1 November 2004). Puntland claimed the Sool and Sanaag regions as part of its territory on the basis of clan-affiliation. While they fall geographically within the borders of pre-independence British Somaliland, most of their inhabitants belong to the clan associated with Puntland but are sharply divided in their loyalties. The ascension to the presidency of the former Puntland leader has changed the balance of power; pressure on Somaliland to reunite with Somalia will increase and the two regions could become another flashpoint for conflict (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003, p.23). It is hoped that the aspirations for peace existing in both regions will counterbalance these tensions.
Somalia's neighbours have played ambivalent roles, at times mediating peace negotiations and at times involved in virtual proxy wars in Somalia (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003, p.15). The UN Security Council has repeatedly condemned the continued flows of weapons to Somali factions from all neighbouring countries, which violate the 1992 arms embargo, fuel conflict and risk jeopardising lengthy negotiation efforts. To tackle the problem, the UN Secretary-General extended the mandate of a monitoring group until March 2005 (UN News, 26 August 2004).
Causes and patterns of displacement
Since the 1970s, Somalia has drifted from one emergency to another, running the whole gamut of civil and inter-state wars, fragmentation, repression and famine. The conflict, which has claimed up to half a million lives since 1991, has centred on control over power and resources, notably land, water, the livestock trade and aid. Warlords have deliberately displaced people, looted and destroyed food stocks, mined watering places, grazing lands and major trading roads, and destroyed medical and administrative infrastructures, in order to prevent people from other clans from sustaining a livelihood. The most ravaged regions have been the southern and central areas and the main ports of Mogadishu and Kismayo. Armed factions have fought to gain control over their supposed "native territories", often forcing local minority groups and clans to either become subservient, or to escape before being killed. Occupying militias commonly levy taxes at gunpoint in areas and routes under their control, forcing many poor farmers to move out of their lands. It is the farming minorities traditionally inhabiting the fertile riverine lands in the south, who have been worst affected by these scorched earth policies. While they constitute one-fifth of the Somali population, they account today for most of the displaced (UN, 18 November 2004, p.9).
It is unusually hard to give meaningful figures for displacement in a country where two- thirds of the population led a nomadic or semi-nomadic existence, traditionally moving with their herds to and from grazing and agricultural lands, water sources and trading centres. Wars and natural disasters have complicated and hampered these seasonal migrations. Since the 1990s people have increasingly moved to the main towns such as Mogadishu, Kismayo, Bosaso or Hargeisa, in search of work, food, water and medical assistance.
In 2004, rough estimates were that up to 400,000 people were internally displaced in Somalia, out of a total population of 6.8 million (UN, 18 November 2004; UNDP, 2004). At the height of fighting in 1992, up to two million people were internally displaced and another million had fled to neighbouring countries (UNICEF, 10 December 2003). Tracking displaced populations in Somalia is particularly difficult as virtually all Somalis have been displaced by violence at least once in their life. In addition, many IDPs are dispersed, or living in unplanned settlements alongside destitute rural and urban populations rather than in camps (UN November 2001).
In the first place, people tend to flee within their region of origin and seek protection where their clan is dominant. However, the protracted nature of conflict which has changed the ethnic map of certain areas, has forced many people to flee far away from their kin. Many reached the relatively secure areas of Somaliland and Puntland in northern Somalia, where they mingled with other indigent groups and waves of returning refugees.
As a result of the recurrent insecurity in the south and centre of the country, very few IDPs have gone back to their areas of origin and many have lived for over ten years in overcrowded and unsanitary urban slums. There, they tend to regroup in unplanned settlements along ethnic lines. An estimated 40,000 IDPs lived in Somaliland, most of them in Hargeisa (UN, 15 June 2004). Puntland hosted some 70,000 IDPs, including a recent influx of IDPs from Somaliland among which about 28,000 lived in Bosaso port in about 13 settlements (UN, 15 June 2004; 18 November 2003). Ironically, the most dangerous place in the country, Mogadishu, has attracted the largest population of displaced people, up to 250,000, mainly due to perceived economic opportunities the capital offers (UN, 18 November 2004).
Recent displacements
Since 1995, there have been few large-scale displacements in Somalia. However, tens of thousands of people are temporarily displaced by localised conflicts every year. Despite the peace process launched in 2002, intermittent conflicts have made the ceasefire meaningless, preventing people from cultivating their lands and forcing thousands of Somalis to flee again, mostly in the regions of Mogadishu, Gedo, Juba, Shabelle and Galgadud.
Another wave of inter-clan violence in Gedo during May-June 2004 may have displaced up to 10,000 people, who sought refuge in Beletamin camp, already hosting about 4,000 people. Thousands fled across the borders to Kenya and Ethiopia (ACT, 17 September 2004). Meanwhile, reconciliation efforts among Rahanweyn elders have improved security in the Bay and Bakool regions and triggered the return of thousands of people who had been displaced by power-struggles among the higher ranks of the Rahanweyn Resistance Army in October 2003 (UN, 15 June 2004, p.3).
In Mogadishu violent conflicts between Abgaal sub-clans over the control of the northern part of the city forced about 7,500 families to flee and over 100 people were killed in May 2004 (OCHA, 31 May 2004; 9 July 2004).
In the Lower Juba region, General Mohamed Said Hersi's forces clashed with the Juba Valley Alliance (JVA), the militia coalition that controls Kismayo, causing temporary displacements in September 2004 (IRIN, 20 September 2004). These two sides fought over control of this port in 1999 and 2001. It has become southern Somalia's main market for food, especially as Mogadishu port remains closed due to insecurity.
Since April 2003, clan conflicts over control of grazing lands and water in the Galgadud region have continued intermittently into 2004, displacing between 5,000 and 9,000 people. The IDPs whose houses and water stores have been destroyed and livestock killed had little to survive on. And local communities' ability to cope with the influx was compounded by serious shortages of food and water due to current drought conditions (UN, 15 June 2004, p.2; UN SC, 12 February 2004).
Critical lack of protection
For over a decade, IDPs in Somalia have been among the most vulnerable in the world. Somalis have been deliberately displaced by warlords and militias aiming at gaining or maintaining control over resources and power. Civilians continue to be deliberate targets of militia attacks as most warring parties are unwilling to recognise any rule of law or unable to implement it (UN, November 2002, p.14). International protection standards as set forth in the UN Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement have proven difficult to implement during the past 13 years of state collapse. Under these conditions IDPs have not been protected by local or de facto authorities, nor do they have access to due process of law in the absence of a properly functioning legal system (UNCHR, 30 November 2003). Now that a new President has been elected, there is an embryonic state to be held accountable for the fate of its people and responsible for the protection of its displaced citizens. However, state building and the establishment of law and order will take years to consolidate, in a country whose southern and central regions are still mostly controlled by warlords and militias.
Most IDPs in Somalia belong to ethnic minorities such as the Bantu and Bajuni communities or minor clans with a low social status, and have suffered a long history of discrimination, land dispossession and forced displacement. Since protection is granted through clan affiliation in Somalia, displaced people from minority groups, not belonging to the clan system or seeking refuge far away from their clan-home area, have been particularly exposed to serious human rights abuses including physical violence, rape, forced labour, evictions and theft.
Mogadishu, home to the majority of Somalia's IDPs, is divided by a "green line" separating the north and the south of the city, dominated by the Abgal and Haber Gedir clans respectively, with each part being fragmented into smaller fiefdoms controlled by seven to ten rivalling warlords fighting each other. As a result, IDPs and local residents are often caught in the cross-fire of violent conflicts and are forced to flee again, putting their lives at risk when trying to cross from one part of town to another.
IDP settlements in Mogadishu and other southern towns are often controlled by "black-cats" or "gatekeepers", who sometimes offer some degree of security to camp residents but in exchange extort money and food aid rations from IDPs. Some reportedly extorted as much as 75 per cent of aid destined for IDPs (ODI, 31 December 2003, p.13-4). In case the inhabitants cannot pay, they are forced to work for the gatekeepers for free. Rape and forced labour at gunpoint are common occurrences in these IDP settlements (OCHA IDP Unit, 16 April 2004).
Particularly vulnerable are women and children who constitute three-quarters of the displaced population in Somalia (UNCU, 30 July 2002). Rape has been used frequently as a weapon of war by militias in retaliation or to humiliate a subjugated ethnic group (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003; UNCU/OCHA, 1 August 2002). The level of assault reported by IDPs in camps clearly confirms that women and girls are not adequately protected in this environment; about one-third of children reported rape as a common problem within their family, a significantly higher proportion than the 17 per cent recorded among the general population (UNICEF, 10 December 2003, p.29). Women and girls are at particular risk of rape when they walk long distances away from the camps in search of water or firewood. At night, the lack of latrines forces them to walk to the margins of the settlements where they are at great risk of attack. As a result of war, many households are headed by women. Their small huts made of cloths with often no proper door offer no protection against assaults by men stealing belongings and raping women at gunpoint with impunity (Interviews conducted by the Global IDP Project, Bosaso, August 2004). Displaced women from minority groups or outside their clan home area pose no threat of retaliation let alone punishment. Women have often little recourse to systems of justice - whether through clan customary law (xeer) or Islamic law (sharia). They are also afraid to report sexual abuses because they are often not welcome in the areas where they have taken refuge and because of the social stigma associated with rape.
Fires in IDP settlements are recurrent in northern Somalia. Some 1,200 IDPs were left homeless and five were killed after a fire broke out in a Bosaso camp in July 2003, probably due to the fact that women use cooking fires in small huts made out of old rags, cardboard and sticks. In addition to losing all their belongings, many of them cannot afford to rebuild their huts and end up even more deprived, without assistance, living in the open or temporarily with friends. Another fire incident in a settlement in Hargeisa left hundreds of mostly women and children without shelter in late 2003 (UNCHR, 30 November 2003, para.59).
The protection of IDPs in the north-west has been further threatened since October 2003, when the Somaliland administration issued a decree by which it would deport all "illegal immigrants" who were not of Somaliland origin (UNSC, 12 February 2004, para.35). This raised particular concern for people displaced from southern and central Somalia, who are considered "foreigners" by the Somaliland authorities and would face high insecurity were they to return to their areas of origin. These IDPs are often stigmatised for coming from the region associated with the crimes of the Barre dictatorship (Ibrahim, 15 August 2002, p.5). Northern authorities have not treated IDPs as citizens with equal rights, nor have they facilitated their socio-economic and political integration. Today, they live in the most squalid slum and waste areas on the outskirts of main towns. IDPs have been denied access to basic services and subject to forced relocations. They have also suffered harassment and human rights violations when competing with local labour or begging on the streets (OCHA, 23 April 2004; UN, 18 November 2003, p.13). Although the decree has not been implemented, IDPs are living in constant fear of deportation from Somaliland and many have sought safety in Puntland (OCHA, 23 April 2004).
Supported by the UN, the Somaliland authorities are planning to register all "illegal immigrants", including people displaced from southern and central Somalia, in order to define which categories would be entitled to protection under international refugee law, humanitarian standards or human rights law. The registration could result in the recognition of the displaced as uprooted people in need of assistance who have the right to stay or return when conditions improve in their areas of origin. Documentation issued as part of the registration could help IDPs filing claims to regain their land upon their return home. The registration campaign would also give a better picture of their numbers, needs and location. It could significantly improve their humanitarian and protection situation, provided the authorities are properly trained and sensitised about IDP rights, the displaced are fully informed about the purpose of the registration and involved in the process, and that it leads to an increase in assistance (Interviews, Hargeisa, August 2004).
Property, return and resettlement - the cornerstones of peace
Control over power and resources, notably land, is the main driving force behind conflict in Somalia. The war has redrawn the ethnic map of some areas, as strong clan militias took possession of valuable and fertile lands in the south. The legitimate inhabitants were often evicted or fled massacres and sometimes were conscripted as forced labour onto the lands they once owned (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003, p.32). To cite only a few examples, militias of the Hawiye clan occupied areas of Mogadishu, Lower Shabelle and Juba valley. The Marehan clan occupied areas once inhabited by the Rahanweyn and Aulihan clans; in turn the Aulihan displaced Bantu communities and Hawiye clansmen in the Buaale area. In 1999 militias loyal to the Haber Gedir clan carried out a scorched earth policy against Rahanweyn villages in the Bay region (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003, p.18-19). The illegal occupation of property and farmland is a key problem to be addressed in the process of peace-building and reconstruction in Somalia. Until then, it will seriously constrain the ability of IDPs to return to their areas of origin.
Despite hopes of stability and potential return raised by the election of a new President, internally displaced people from south and central Somalia still have few real incentives to go back to their home areas. For most of those who were originally residents of Mogadishu, Juba, Shabelle or Gedo regions, return is neither safe nor viable yet (OCHA, 5 August 2004). As mentioned above, most of their lands have been occupied by other clans, their villages were sometimes burnt to the ground - such as in Bu'ale, Middle Juba during the clashes of the past two years. Over 80 per cent of southern Somalis in Hargeisa cited war and insecurity as the main obstacle to return (Clark, June 2002, p.31). The lack of viable return opportunities consolidates the illegal, nepotistic and violent transfer of property started under the Barre dictatorship, undermines prospects for durable solutions and ultimately is an obstacle to reconciliation.
Land dispossession in areas of origin and lack of access to land in areas of refuge are the most serious problems affecting IDPs. IDPs from minority groups and outside their clan home area usually do not have access to land other than rented plots. Land in Somalia tends to belong to specific clans. The dominant clans inhabiting the regions where IDPs seek safety would not easily sell land to "outsiders" or members of other clans (Lindgaard, 23 March 2001). Even where possible, buying land would increase the risk of IDPs being dragged into conflicts which they normally want to avoid given their particular vulnerability. In addition, there mostly is no or not enough public land available that could be allocated to IDPs by local authorities. As a result, the vast majority of IDPs rent plots on privately-owned land while the rest squat temporarily on government sites or abandoned buildings. Most IDPs are unprotected and can be evicted by landlords or authorities at any time. The insecurity of land tenure and ownership was cited as the primary concern of IDPs during a survey conducted in 2002 (UNCU, 30 July 2002, p.19).
In Somaliland, the land problem is exacerbated by the fact that authorities have had to absorb 800,000 returning refuges in the past decade, out of which 470,000 were assisted by UNHCR. However, the vast majority returned to the capital Hargeisa rather than to their areas of origin and had to be provided with land to resettle. Somaliland, like most of Somalia, has received hardly any external support despite suffering from great poverty, unemployment and lacking most basic services. Ninety-five per cent of the returnees are unable to meet their basic needs, according to UNHCR, and there is fierce competition for land with access to basic facilities. Water, for instance, is extremely scarce, even for local residents. The government has started relocating returning refugees who had settled spontaneously on government and private land alongside IDPs, to Aw Aden and Ayaha permanent sites. While returning refugees were registered for relocation on the presentation of a refugee card, IDPs appeared not to be included in the relocation programme. Although a few of the displaced managed to rent plots from returning refugees who had multiple refugee cards, most were stranded on the street with their huts dismantled having nowhere to resettle (Interviews, Hargeisa, August 2004).
In Bosaso (Puntland), the issue of land tenure of IDPs is largely related to urban planning. IDP settlements are built on privately-owned land, and since the municipality owns hardly any land, it is difficult to find a plot to relocate IDPs. An attempt in 2002 failed, due to disagreements among the Bosaso authorities, on whether to return or integrate IDPs locally, as well as disagreement with UN agencies who have provided hardly any support to the IDPs in the past decade (UNCU, 30 July 2002, pp.18-9). The land was far from town, lacked transport facilities and job opportunities. The lack of cadastral surveys made it difficult to determine who the land belonged to, therefore agencies were reluctant to provide services to it. The Bosaso authorities were still trying to find land closer to town to relocate IDPs as of August 2004 (Interviews, Bosaso, August 2004). However, they are by and large reluctant to allocate land to displaced people from the south to avoid attracting more people. Bosaso has seen its population increase nearly 30-fold in the past 15 years, mostly due to war- and drought-induced in-migration, and has become a major port and trading city (Interviews, Bosaso, August 2004).
Despite the frequent outbreak of fires in IDP settlements, the displaced continue to build their huts with cheap and highly inflammable materials. Fear of eviction, hopes to be resettled and the wish to return to their home areas once the security situation allows, have deterred many of them from investing in their housing (Interviews, Hargeisa and Bosaso, August 2004; Clark, June 2002, p.28).
International agencies have also been reluctant to invest in water points, latrines or other infrastructure development projects in IDP settlements situated on privately owned land, as there have been numerous cases of landlords or militias appropriating and privatising such facilities in order to charge fees from IDPs for their use (UNCU, 30 July 2002, p.19). Displaced people from southern/central Somalia in Hargeisa (Somaliland) were discriminated against by returnees originating from Somaliland who sometimes restricted their access to resources and services as they did not consider these "outsiders" as being entitled to assistance, according to observers (Interviews, Hargeisa, August 2004).
No access to most basic services and low nutritional status
IDPs' access to the most basic services was said to be close to non-existent in Somalia, one of the world's poorest countries. Intermittent fighting and drought mean that conditions in IDP settlements are more crowded than ever, with associated high levels of disease. Dehydration from diarrhoea is one of the main causes of death, reflecting the fact that close to 80 per cent of the Somali population have no access to safe water and nearly half have no access to sanitation (UN, 18 November 2004, p.22). Moreover, IDPs often have to pay to use latrines in addition to paying rent, in the insalubrious settlements where they live. As a result most camps are littered with garbage and faeces, increasing the incidence of disease.
In Gedo, women and girls displaced within and outside Belet Hawo town walked 10 km daily to fetch water, increasing the risk of being raped by militias. This is why most families lived on less than 10 litres of water per day per person, far below the minimum recommended of 15 litres (ACT, 17 September 2004). In a desert environment, water has been a highly coveted resource; as a result, most existing water sources have been destroyed or contaminated by warring factions in order to deprive the enemy; for example, out of 175 wells in Bay and Bakool, over 100 have been damaged beyond repair (UNICEF, 6 September 2000). When available, water is often sold at prices unaffordable to IDPs, who have no choice but to drink from contaminated streams. In Hargeisa IDPs paid three times as much as local residents for water (ACC/SCN 41, April 2003). Due to the lack of safe drinking water and sanitation in IDP camps, there are endemic outbreaks of cholera every dry season in the main towns like Mogadishu. In the rainy season, floods are common and about 1,000 displaced families in Mogadishu had their huts washed away and destroyed in June 2004 (OCHA, 9 July 2004).
At least 1.3 million people require emergency food assistance in Somalia until early 2005 (FEWS, 27 September 2004). The North is suffering a fourth consecutive year of drought in 2004, something not experienced since 1974. Many pastoralists have lost up to 90 per cent of their stocks and seen their livelihood and way of life destroyed, often irreversibly. Despite the comparative fertility of their lands, the southern and central regions are also seriously food insecure, mostly due to intermittent fighting and consecutive years of below normal rainfall. As concerns the nutritional status of the displaced, they are at three times greater risk of malnutrition than resident populations (ACC/SCN 39, 31 October 2002, p.16). IDP malnutrition rates at about 20 per cent in 2004 far exceeded the emergency threshold, particularly affecting Bosaso, the Juba riverine areas and Galgadud (FSAU, 13 October 2004). Malnutrition among displaced children in Mogadishu, where high insecurity impedes the conducting of regular assessments, peaked at 39 per cent in 2002, falling to 15 per cent in 2004 (FSAU, 31 May 2004; 31 August 2002). The southern riverine areas, once Somalia's breadbaskets, are the most affected by conflict-induced food insecurity, with Gedo registering the worst malnutrition rates at 34 per cent in 2004 mainly due to insecurity (ACT, 17 September 2004). In 2004, the riverine areas are suffering from unusual crop losses of between 60-80 per cent in some parts (FEWS, 27 September 2004). As a result, food prices reached record highs and with purchases being the main source of food for 99 per cent of IDPs, their nutritional intake seriously shrank (FSAU, 31 May 2004).
High malnutrition rates among IDPs not only reflect low purchasing power but also the poor quality of the intake of nutrients and early weaning practices. In Bosaso and Somaliland for example, two-thirds of displaced children were weaned before the age of six months, resulting in high incidence of diseases. This was often due to the fact that poor women, often the main bread-winners, engage in petty trade and casual work, at the expense of child care practices (FSAU, 31 May 2004).
Health services and infrastructures have been ravaged by war and only one-fifth of the Somali population have access to health care. Most hospitals lack equipment and drugs and there are fewer than 15 qualified doctors per million people (MSF, 9 December 2002). Nearly a quarter of Somali children die before they reach the age of five and mortality rates among displaced children are up to 60 per cent higher than among the local population (UNICEF, 10 December 2003; UN, 18 November 2003, p.12). The maternal mortality rate is one of the highest in the world due to the fact that most deliveries take place at home and the widespread practice of female genital mutilation increases the incidence of maternal mortality. The health status of IDPs is considered to be even worse as most of them lack access and/or cannot pay for medical care. For example, Bosaso has only one mother and child health centre for a population of over 120,000 people including about 28,000 IDPs (UN, 18 November 2003, p.153).
IDPs' self-reliance stretched by war, economic shocks and drought
During the past 13 years of protracted war, Somalis have survived in one of the most extreme environments, lacking a functioning government or basic services, and with hardly any foreign assistance. Today recurrent droughts and war have stretched their coping mechanisms to the limit. The fine socio-economic balance between pastoral and agricultural communities based on the exchange of milk and meat products against cereals and the right to seasonally graze on fallow lands has been greatly disrupted. Somalia is the third poorest country in the world, with nearly half of the population living in extreme poverty, on less than $1 per day (UNDP, 2004; UNHCR, 30 January 2004). Displaced people live in even poorer conditions as they have lost their properties and productive assets, are in a difficult social and political environment and lack relief food and assistance from aid agencies.
War, displacement and the collapse of the industry and service sectors have resulted in unemployment rates affecting 65 per cent of the urban work force (UNDP, 2004). In Somalia, the division of labour is established along identity. Each clan or ethnic group has specific skills adapted to their survival needs and environment. For example, the Galgala are traditionally wood craftsmen, other minority groups like the Tumal are blacksmiths, the Midgan work with hides. The Bantu are traditionally small-scale farmers whose agricultural skills are not transferable to the urban environment where they flee; the same applies to displaced agro-pastoralists and nomads. These groups usually work in labour-intensive, low-skill and low-income jobs. The men find irregular employment as porters, builders, latrine-diggers or casual labourers and the women work as domestic servants, garbage collectors, cleaners or petty traders (UNCU, 30 July 2002, p.26).
The labour market is also regulated by clan and sub-clan networks. IDPs lack the capital and the social connections to have access to trade and market activities which tend to be dominated by sub-clans of the Isaaq in Somaliland and by Majerteen and other Harti sub-clans in Puntland. In both regions, IDPs competing with local labour or begging on the streets have been subject to beatings, robberies, and other harassments, and as "guests" they do not enjoy full legal rights and protection (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003, p.24).
IDPs from the south living in the slums of north-western Somalia have had hardly any access to gainful employment and most find it difficult to integrate into the lucrative informal economy. In some parts of Somaliland, up to 93 per cent of displaced households depended exclusively on begging to survive and the little income they raised was often barely sufficient to provide one meal per day (UNCU, 30 July 2002, pp.15, 27). Most IDPs are unable to access any assistance or business opportunities, unlike returnees, who are able to get small income-generating loans from international organisations, and draw support from their clan and the council of elders. It is unlikely that southerners displaced in Somaliland will be socially and economically integrated, according to analysts, due to the fact that they are associated with the crimes of the Barre regime committed against the people of Somaliland, and are easily identifiable by their different speech and look to northerners (Ibrahim F., 15 August 2002).
While IDPs in Puntland tend also to be viewed as undesirables by the local community, they have more job opportunities, especially in Bosaso where the building sector is booming and port activity is thriving. Displaced families in Bosaso generally earn about $1 a day, over twice what most displaced earn in Hargeisa (UNCU, 30 July 2002, p.20-21). Casual work and borrowing were the main sources of income for 95 per cent of displaced households in Bosaso (FSAU, 30 September 2004). Similarly in Juba (southern Somalia), nearly half of the displaced households surveyed had to borrow income or food in order to cope. As women in IDP settlements often outnumber men, they are the primary bread-winners, often at the expense of childcare. But since the income earned is very limited, displaced households depend heavily on the income of children who often beg or shine shoes instead of attending school (UNICEF, 10 December 2003).
Food shortages and poor health and water access in southern and central Somalia undermine host communities' ability to cope with the influx of displaced people. The price of imported food remained high as transport costs between Mogadishu and the Juba Valley were inflated by many 'tax-collecting' militia checkpoints (FEWS, 8 May 2003). People displaced also lacked cooking utensils and coped by sharing the few available ones, which limited meal preparation to once a day in Bakool (FSAU, 20 February 2004). In addition, IDPs' coping mechanisms, such as cutting trees to sell for charcoal and firewood, are causing further long-term damage to the environment (UN, 15 June 2004, p.2).
Unlike returnees and local residents, IDPs do not benefit from remittances - amounting to up to $1 billion in 2000 - or from kin support, therefore they are more vulnerable to economic shocks. The prolonged and continued livestock import ban imposed by the Gulf States since 2000, as well as the closure of the Al-Barakaat Bank (main channel for remittances), following accusations of abetting terrorism in 2002, seriously reduced income levels and purchasing power. The ban seriously affects nomadic pastoralists, who comprise nearly half of the population, and particularly north-western and north-eastern Somalia, where the livestock trade is the main source of livelihood for 70 per cent of the population (UN, 18 November 2003, p.10; IGAD/UNDP/UNHCR June 2002, p.17). At the same time, opportunities for casual labour at the ports have diminished, affecting IDPs who traditionally worked as porters in places such as Bosaso. Consequently, competition over scarce jobs increased sharply between urban residents and the displaced from the south who have been increasingly excluded and discriminated against. This discrimination affects IDPs' standard of living as it determines the degree of access to income, which in turn affects their access to other rights, such as the right to food, health and education.
Very few displaced children attend school
Despite some improvements in recent years, Somalia's Primary Gross Enrolment ratio is the lowest in the world. Only one in five children are enrolled in primary schools with girls constituting only about one-third of the pupils (UN, 18 November 2004, p.13). Yet education remains one of the most chronically under-funded sectors in the Somalia UN Consolidated Appeal (CAP); at mid-2004, this sector was only four per cent funded (UN, 15 June 2004, p.8). Less than 40 per cent of teachers have gone through training and many have not completed their own primary education (UN, 18 November 2004, p.10). Whole generations of Somalis have little to no formal education and few marketable skills and are easily drawn into militia activities, posing serious threats to the security and socio-economic development of the country.
As a result of the war, virtually all school facilities have been either completely or partially destroyed and when classroom space is scarce, local children are given priority over displaced children. Furthermore, the social discrimination of minority groups, particularly in Somaliland, is one of the main reasons why IDP children from the south are often not at school (Clark, June 2002, p.46).
As the whole public school system has collapsed, the few operational primary schools are private, functioning mainly through community and parental support. As for secondary education, it remains confined to highly urbanised areas. Either way, displaced families have often no money to pay for the fees, even in the cheaper Koranic schools (ODI, 31 December 2003, p.13). In this respect girls are particularly disadvantaged as they must remain at home to help since many mothers run small-scale businesses outside the home (UNICEF, 30 October 2003). Besides, parents often need their children to work or beg to bring in some income at the expense of their education (UNCU, 30 July 2002, p.27).
Somali identities and culture
Based on their patrilineal kinship, the Somali people are divided into five major clans, which split into numerous sub-clans and minority groups. The major clans are the Darood, Dir, Hawiye and Isaaq known as the Samale group, and the Digil-Mirifle categorised as the Sab group. Clans have formed alliances which provide their members physical security and a social welfare safety net. Exogamous marriages into another clan are ways to establish alliances which can be drawn on in times of hardship. Conflicts are minimised and managed by customary law (xeer), and the tradition of blood payment (diya) serves to deter crime and prevent retaliation (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003, p.2). However, elders' conflict mediation mechanisms and the traditional systems of reciprocal help have been seriously eroded by conflict in many parts of the country, and the clan system has proven to be a divisive and destructive force when manipulated for economic and political gain. Now, free-lance militiamen rule at gunpoint and communities have grown mistrustful. On the other hand, in the absence of a state structure the clan system has been virtually the only source of law and order. The interest of businessmen in creating conditions conducive to market activities in a secure environment has become an increasingly important stabilising force, cutting across clan differences (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003).
Minorities make up about 20 per cent of the population. They are outside the clan system, and have been marginalised and subject to attacks and violations by the dominant clans (UN, 18 November 2004, p.9). They are divided into two main groups. The first includes the Midgan, Tumal, Yibir, Gaheyle, Galgale and Boni. Each of these caste-like groups is specialised on a specific profession like hunting, crafts, leather and metal work, which are considered "polluting" by the Somali clans. A second group includes the Bantu, Benadiri and Eyle who are not considered "ethnic Somalis". Some are believed to come from early non-Somali agricultural communities and others to be descendents of Tanzanians, Mozambicans and Malawians who were taken to Somalia in the 19th century by Arab slave traders. They are small-scale farmers and come from the riverine areas of southern Somalia. Bantus have never been recognised as "real" Somalis and thus have been discriminated against and placed in servitude, treated as second-class citizens (UNCU, 30 July 2002, pp 5-6).
IDPs from these groups have hardly any access to the judicial system. The three systems of law in Somalia (secular, sharia and customary (xeer) law), coexist in a chaotic and gender-discriminatory way. The legal framework throughout the country remains poor and minorities or displaced people, either outside the clan system or outside their area of origin are not protected by customary law. Besides, sharia courts do not adhere to international standards and militias generally enjoy impunity for the human rights abuses they commit (AI, January 2003).
Problems of humanitarian access
Insecurity has been so acute in Somalia, that it has been difficult to provide adequate and timely assistance, let alone to effectively monitor the humanitarian condition of IDPs. In Mogadishu and other regions, humanitarian workers have been kidnapped or killed by militias, and the ambush and looting of humanitarian vehicles are common occurrences. As a result of this volatile security, there is no permanent international presence in the country. Since the withdrawal of UNOSOM in 1995, virtually all humanitarian agencies are based in Nairobi and fly in only for short missions. ICRC is one of the only agencies which since the 1990s has maintained access to most southern and central regions of Somalia, through negotiations with more or less legitimate authorities and warlords. The security situation however, cannot be generalised and several areas in the north of the country have sustained relative stability and peace for many years.
Humanitarian access has also been hindered from outside, when in 2004 Kenya denied Somali passport holders entry. This ban is not only impeding freedom of movement but also information exchange and participation of Somali staff working for humanitarian agencies, all of which are based in Nairobi (UN, 15 June 2004).
The interest of some warlords to regain or consolidate power during the Mbagathi negotiations ensured that violence and armed conflict continued throughout much of southern and central Somalia. In 2004, the worst affected regions included Mogadishu, Shabelle, Juba and Gedo. Intermittent sub-clan militia clashes continued to hinder access to displaced populations, forcing agencies to temporarily pull out, for example, of Belet-Weyne (Hiran) and Belet-Hawo (Gedo) (OCHA, 31 August 2004). A notable exception was the Bay region where peace and reconciliation among the Rahanweyn improved access, allowing the return of IDPs who had fled clashes in 2002-2003.
Humanitarian relief delivery and access to IDPs by road was greatly reduced by militia road blocks and armed attacks, which doubled in 2004 on the roads leading to Mogadishu (OCHA, 9 July 2004). For instance, transporters avoided the only tarmac road linking Mogadishu port with Belet-Weyne due to increased taxation by militias, robberies and lootings. This created additional food shortages, which doubled the price of locally-produced crops within a week in July (OCHA, 31 July 2004). The Juba Valley and Lower Shabelle were affected by the same phenomena, which raised transport and food prices and lowered the food security of deprived displaced people. In such a situation, it has been claimed that some sub-clans have benefited from humanitarian aid more than the intended target groups, by manipulating the delivery of assistance through the granting of security or "safe passage" only to areas that will benefit their clan militias (UNCU, 30 July 2002, p.35).
Most of the population, including IDPs, critically suffer from militia roadblocks and extortion. As they cannot afford to pay the illegal taxes, they lose their freedom of movement; this situation of siege puts their nutritional and health conditions at risk as they are unable to access assistance, fetch water, go to the market or graze animals. In Qoryoley (Lower Shabelle) for example, militias taxed anyone who wanted to draw water from the river, effectively denying poor IDPs access to water (UNCU, 30 July 2002, p.34).
Heightened threats against humanitarian workers have resulted in tighter security measures in 2004. In Somaliland, traditionally the most secure region in Somalia, five NGO workers were killed between October 2003 and March 2004, allegedly by Islamic fundamentalists or other groups with an interest in destabilising the region. As a result, some agencies temporarily pulled out of the region (UN, 18 November 2004).
In central and southern Somalia, aid organisations - which are often the only service providers - must negotiate access with a host of non-state actors. Crime, banditry, extortion and kidnapping threats are rife in the absence of an authority to enforce law and order. In this context, national and international staff have increasingly been the target of attacks due to clan rivalries or disputes over allocation of employment contracts, property rental or project site location, adding to the ongoing risks of working in Somalia (Menkhaus, UNHCR, August 2003, p.47-8).
Mogadishu, where most IDPs live, has offered uniquely complex operational and security environments. Since the fall of the Barre regime in 1991, the city has been divided between north and south, by the green line controlled by militias and very risky to cross. Each part is further divided into a chaotic mosaic of militias and warlord fiefdoms between which movement is also very dangerous. As a result, the few humanitarian agencies operating in town, such as MSF Spain, ACF and ICRC, have separate programmes for the north and south and are often forced to resort to the protection of armed escorts (ICRC, 9 March 2004). Even so, ACF, for example, was forced to scale down its water and sanitation activities in IDP camps in 2004, because of extortion from militias demanding money to allow agencies access to the displaced (OCHA, 30 June 2004). As expatriate workers are at great risk of being abducted, most programmes in Mogadishu are implemented through national staff. The delivery of humanitarian assistance to Mogadishu is further complicated by the fact that continuous fighting has kept the port and the airport out of reach for most of the past decade.
Humanitarian assistance, a drop in the ocean
Given the scale of war and destruction and the volatile security situation in Somalia, it may be premature to expect that the transitional government will be in the position to have an impact on the humanitarian, socio-economic and political situation in the short term, let alone that it will have the capacity to establish authority throughout the country and achieve durable peace (UN, 18 November 2004, p.10). It is therefore likely that most of the southern and central regions of the country will stay in a state of chronic complex emergency: little authoritative government, high levels of criminality, sporadic armed conflict, lack of economic recovery, endemic humanitarian needs, minimal health care and education, and population displacement. As a result, most operational humanitarian activities will remain ad hoc, lack sustainability and depend on security.
At national level, the Somali Aid Coordination Body (SACB) was set up in 1993 to coordinate the activities of UN agencies, NGOs and the Red Cross/Red Crescent Movement. In south and central Somalia, OCHA fielded a number of national humanitarian affairs officers in 2003 in order to strengthen its coordination role, managed from Nairobi. In Somaliland, the Ministry of National Planning and Co-ordination is the focal point for UN organisations, but there is no national framework to guide their planning and implementation. The Somaliland authorities stressed the need for international organisations to improve coordination and better involve them in the design and management of projects. In Puntland, insecurity and the high turnover of top administration posts hampered coordination efforts.
In the absence of a functioning government, community-based organisations and individuals have sporadically taken up the responsibility to provide security and assistance to vulnerable populations. For example businessmen paid the fees of some displaced children in Bosaso to enable them to attend school (Interviews, Bosaso, August 2004). The Somali Red Crescent is the only national humanitarian institution represented across the country, providing health care, disaster preparedness and relief. A number of local NGOs, such as Gashan in Hargeisa, are also active in supporting IDP communities, despite serious lack of funding. In addition, Islamic charities provide assistance to IDPs in Mogadishu and throughout the country, mainly with school and health facilities.
As long as functioning and accountable government structures are not established in southern and central Somalia, and pending the elaboration of IDP programmes in the north, humanitarian assistance to IDPs will remain almost entirely dependent upon the international community. The UN Resident/Humanitarian Coordinator is responsible for overseeing the international response. While there is no one single agency specifically mandated to protect and assist IDPs, their needs have been included in the programmes of various agencies according to their respective sectoral or thematic focus. During 2005 UN agencies and NGOs will continue to work with local authorities and communities towards three strategic goals outlined in the UN Consolidated Appeal: first, to save lives through emergency aid and helping vulnerable communities become more resilient to crises; second, to enhance the protection of and respect for human rights, particularly those of IDPs and minorities; and third, to support emerging governance structures and civil society through capacity-building, and to provide and enhance access to basic services to vulnerable communities, in order to foster peace building, reconstruction and development. Throughout, agencies will aim at maintaining a strong link between relief assistance and long-term recovery activities. The 2005 Consolidated Appeal for Somalia seeks $164.5 million for 93 projects in eleven sectors (UN, 18 November 2004, p.1).
The UN Internal Displacement Division, which selected Somalia as one of its priority countries in 2004, assists the UN Country Team in its efforts to improve the UN's response to the displacement crisis. In order to support the protection work of the Humanitarian Coordinator, a Protection Coordinator was also appointed in mid-2004. A workshop on the Guiding Principles for Internally Displaced Persons was facilitated by UNHCR and OCHA in Hargeisa in June 2004; two other workshops organised by OCHA and NRC were held in Bosaso and Hargeisa in August 2004.
Among the international NGOs, MSF Spain, Action Contre la Faim (ACF) and CARE have been the most active in assisting IDPs in south and central Somalia. MSF and ACF are among the few organisations maintaining operations in Mogadishu. The ICRC has delivered assistance to war-affected populations throughout the conflict and runs the only two major surgical hospitals in the country, located in Mogadishu, mostly treating weapon-wounded civilians, including IDPs (ICRC, 16 August 2004; 9 March 2004).
It is evident that there remain serious gaps in the international response to internal displacement in Somalia. While international agencies have officially committed to prioritise IDPs, they are still at pains to design IDP-specific projects within their sectoral or thematic focuses. With few exceptions, most projects still target vulnerable populations at large, on the assumption this will also benefit the displaced. However, as this report points out, IDPs are likely to fall between the cracks of the humanitarian assistance system, particularly in the north, unless they are positively discriminated on the basis of needs assessments taking into account social, cultural and economic factors. More efforts are needed by agencies to understand the particular vulnerabilities of IDPs in their specific context. This is essential for ensuring that assistance is delivered in a way that actually reaches the displaced and improves their protection while at the same time addressing the needs of host populations in order to ease social tensions. To ensure better protection of IDPs, agencies should develop a protection-focused approach to assistance, rather than treating protection and humanitarian activities separately.
Limited or late funding curtails emergency prevention and preparedness, as well as longer-term activities. In 2003, many of the projects for integration, protection, human rights, and economic reconstruction could not be implemented due to lack of funding and insecurity (UN, 18 November 2003, p.7). As of November 2004 only half of the $120 million appealed for through the CAP was funded. Donor support for Somalia has fallen by 90 per cent over the last decade (UNHCR, 30 January 2004). A drastic increase in donor support is needed for the return and reintegration of IDPs, recovery and peace-building in Somalia.
With 60 per cent urban unemployment, the northern regions have had to cope with the additional challenge of absorbing over half a million returning refugees since 1997, most of whom have not been able to meet their most basic needs and ended up living alongside IDPs in slums (UNHCR, 30 January 2004; UN, 18 November 2003, p.10). The authorities of Somaliland requested $64 million to donors in 2004. Without substantial international support for rehabilitation, reintegration and development interventions, this situation risks jeopardising the much-valued peace and stability achieved there in the past ten years.
Security issues will have to be addressed as a priority in southern/central Somalia in order to progress towards durable solutions for the return and reintegration of IDPs, in particular the demobilisation and reintegration of about 55,000 militiamen (IRIN, 26 October 2004). If not carefully supported in a community-based approach, aimed at alleviating poverty, fostering economic development and providing access to basic services, the local integration or voluntary return of IDPs could create conflicts instead of being an element of peace-building.
Although the people of Somalia have shown remarkable resilience, they have little chance of getting out of the cycle of poverty and war with the low level of assistance currently allocated to their country.
The full country profileincludes all references to the sources and documents used.
Source URL: http://www.nrc.no
Source: http://somalilandcenter.com/Monitoring%20And%20Documentation.htm/ Nov 23 2004.
Monitoring And Documentation On Human Rights Violation
The visit is expected to expose Somaliland officials on South Africa's experience in human rights as they meet various human rights organizations, meet Mr. Roelf Meyer former Minister of Constitutional Affairs Negotiating Consensus on Rights and attend a workshop sponsored by National South African Human Rights Commission.
On November 15, days prior to the delegation's departure, Minister of Justice Ahmed Hassan Ali graced the opening ceremonies of a Monitoring and Documentation Training of Human Rights Violations sponsored by Somaliland National Human Rights Network (S/Land HR Network), International Cooperation and Development and Amnesty International - Special Program for Africa, Netherlands Section. The Minister Ahmed Hassan Ali recognized the need for documentation of human rights violations in Somaliland and challenged leaders of the country's human rights organizations to produce credible reports.
The 7-day training workshop (November 15-21) zeroes in on building the skills of Somaliland human rights organizations in Monitoring and Documentation of human rights violations as prescribed by Amnesty International's standards of reporting. Morgan Mabuto, Amnesty International -Zimbabwe, Yvette Lopez ICD's Advocacy Trainer and Suleiman Ismail Boolale of S/Land HR Network formed the training team for the said training workshop. Participants came from various human rights organizations from Hargeisa, Burao, Sahil, Awdal and Sanaag.
Source: QaranNews.com
Source: Somaliland Net, Nov 23 2004
Somaliland: Foreign Minister Leaves For Germany On Official Visit
The delegation that included Somaliland's Foreign Minister Edna Adan Isma'il and Information Minister Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale, left for Germany after receiving an invitation from the Germany government.
Somaliland ministers will hold talks with German government officials during their visit.
The ministers were seen off at Hargeysa airport by Somaliland officials including Somaliland Internal Affairs Minister, Isma'il Adan Usman, and other officials from the ministries of information and foreign affairs.
The delegation arrived in Djibouti this evening and was warmly received by the Foreign Minister of the Republic of Djibouti, Ali Abdi Farah, and other officials from the country's Foreign Affairs Ministry.
The delegation was also received by Somaliland envoy to Djibouti, Muhammad Rashid.
Soon after arrival, the delegation held talks with Djibouti's Foreign Affairs minister. The parties are said to have discussed how to strengthen the brotherly relations between Somaliland and Djibouti and new developments in the region especially Majertenia's (Somalia's Puntland Region) recent attacks on Somaliland.
Somaliland delegation this evening toured the new office of Somaliland's envoy to Djibouti that was provided by the Djibouti government. The delegation promised to open a similar office for Djibouti in Hargeysa.
Somaliland delegation this evening left Djibouti City for Germany via Ethiopia.
Source: Qaran News, Nov 21 2004
Djibouti to open diplomatic office in Somaliland
The government-owned Radio Hargeysa has broadcast that Djibouti has accepted to open a diplomatic office in Hargeysa, which is similar to Somaliland's office in Djibouti.
The decision comes after a meeting in Djibouti between Somaliland foreign minister Edna Adan Ismail and her Djibouti counterpart Ali Abdi Farah
Source: Qaran News, Nov 21 2004
Somaliland vows to use force if attacked by Majeerteeniya
He said that Somaliland's first priority is peace, but that does not mean that they will surrender to their enemies.
Speaking at the opening ceremony of a new hospital in Caynabo District in Sool Region, the minister said that the hospital will also be used by the national army as it is very close to its base in the region.
Source: Somaliland.Org - Oslo, Norway - 21 November, 2004
A Major Meeting In Oslo Discussed Ways To Contribute To Burao's Young University
Chaired by Hussain Hassan Gulaid, a veteran teacher, the well-attended meeting opened to the slogan of: "If you think education is expensive, try ignorance". In a key-note speech, Dr Sa'ad briefed the gathering on the current status of the University and the people who bedrock its foundation. He told the meeting that the University has already enrolled students for various faculties and that studies are underway in a temporary campus in Burao. Dr Sa'ad talked at length about the dire need Somaliland 's youth has for higher education and noted for the assembly that the development of a country depends directly on the level of education of its people.
Founding the Burao University has become a global project for Somalilanders, Dr. Sa'ad said. Elaborating on the on-going work, Dr Sa'ad said that the local chapter of this international effort, the people of Burao who are totally unified and very serious about their desire of realising the dream of a University in their city, jump-started early and raised substantial amounts of money already in their first meetings. In the Diaspora, he continued, I have visited and helped create project-groups in the USA , Canada and Sweden , and after here, will be travelling the UAE to attend meetings which will initiate similar work. In the UK , where I live, we are targeting to raise at least $100,000.00 within January 2005. This is almost a half of $250 000 which is the estimated cost of a new campus for the University. See details on the University's Website: www.buraouniversity.com .
At the end of his speech Dr Sa'ad thanked Somaliland Community in Oslo for their warm hospitality and concluded with the challenge for Somaliland-Norwegians to raise at least $10 000.00 for this noble project.
The gathering accepted Dr Sa'ad's challenge with pride and immediately formed a Project Committee of 15 persons, representing all aspects of Somaliland Community in Norway . The chair also called upon the assembly to start donations right away. Nearly all present registered themselves and pledged donations. Many paid on the spot (an average of $100 each) and money started following in to the project. The Project Committee convened its first meeting after the general meeting and agreed upon a plan of raising funds for the project in the shortest time possible.
Ahmed H Nur, Oslo
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/ November 21, 2004
Abdillahi Yusuf: Awaiting the collapse
Where others could have used the country's ethnic diversity to supplement their political fortunes with accompanying national economic benefits, Abdillahi Yusuf is determined to let ethnicity be the dagger in people's hearts, and signs that will succeed in this strangely zealous act of self-destruction. Indeed now, pansomalism ends at the presidency - African style, since only the former inner circle of former Puntland leader is forming his political staff.
The challenge facing Somalia is simply replacing behaviours now difficult to replace---and find rare and endangered species of change on the political landscape. With no ability to maintain national cohesion, nothing set Yusuf apart from his pathetic predecessors. The new leader is even using foreign aid to support his former playground (Puntland) in its war with Somaliland.
The tribal jingoes sounding in Yusuf inner circle against "foreigners" are hard to understand in terms of their political relevance, although the majority of Somali see the dangers ahead. One would have hoped that the new leader would depart from the senility of defining who is worth trusting and who is not on an ethnic basis, concentrating instead on putting together the broken pieces that threaten to dissolve this upstart administration. But now driving the final nail in Somalia's coffin of horrors and destabilization, unfortunately, Abdillahi Yusuf has chosen the path of Siad Barre and may soon find himself in his disgraceful company, sharing a common fate.
Beating the drums of regional preference now is not only callous, but politically inept.. The simple truth is that those who see "ethnicity" as the testing ground in today's Somali politics must, in this case, learn lessons from recent history.. Disenfranchised southeners are now threatening to revolt if they are not associated with power sharing . If they do,Yusuf, would have to go to war to force them back into his administration orbit and he must remember that warlors are just next-door waiting for business. So much for the Somali Reconciliation Conference.
Faysal Diriye, Ottawa, Canada (marco.zynetta@caramail.com)
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/ November 18, 2004
Col. Abdullahi Yussuf: The Bearer of Double-edged Grudge
After six years of smooth running (1969-1975) and self-reliance-driven reconstruction process through out the country, he suddenly turned around with the foundation of Somali Revolution Socialist Party where all the members of its Central Committee were either tribal-oriented lackeys or laymen hand-picked by Siad Barre to prepare his son, General Maslah Siad, for Mareehan dynasty. True manifestations of an ominous, ruthless dictator spread all over the country and the promised democratic institutions turned into totalitarian offices. He handed government and military key positions either to his kinsmen, lackeys, or loyalists. Injustice, fear, and imprisonments became order of the day, clan domination replaced the rule of law. Trust was eroded, inter-clan hostility intensified, and socioeconomic conditions worsened. The regime targeted individuals opposing the dictatorship and unforeseen atrocities were committed against clans supporting salvation movements , particularly against Issaks living in Somaliland between the years 1982-1990. Those men,women and youth, who welcomed Siad Barre with flowers, praise, prayers and ululation, were either mercilessly overrun by tanks and armored vehicles or killed by arial bombardments dumping their bodies in mass graves in Somaliland. Finally, the joint-invasion of SNM, USC, and SPM ousted Siad Barre on January 26, 1991, leaving devastations in Somaliland, and terrible revenge against his clan and endless civil wars in Somalia behind him.
Having experienced 14 years of civil strife, anarchy and chaos, Somalia `s people hoped for the best outcome from the longest peace talks (2003-2004) held at Mbagathi in Kenya. The neighbors, included Somaliland, as well as the international community, that knew the hardships that that nation went through in the hands of power-hungry warlords expected the same outcome for the sake of regional stability and the welfare of Somalia`s people. But with the recent election of Col. Abdullahi Yussuf for president, Somalia may be facing again another brutal dictatorship and crisis.
Unfortunately, the newly selected Somalia`s parliament made two colossal mistakes by electing Colonel Abdullahi Yussuf accidentally for the president of Somalia. First, as the conventional rules dictate in undemocratic Somalia, the parliament failed to understand that the presidency belonged to Hawiye this term, the dominant clan in Somalia, as Darod was the last clan to rule Somalia for 24 years (3 years ruled by late Abdirasheed Ali Sharma`arke, Majeerteen, 1967-1969, and 21 years ruled by late dictator General Siad Barre, Mareehan, 1969-1990.) Robbing Hawiye`s turn and defying customary, conventional rules of rotational presidency, may deny Col. Abdullahi Yussuf of legitimate, stable presidency and may lead to new cycles of vicious civil wars in Somalia over clan power rivalry. Secondly, the parliament elected one of the worst warlords of Somalia for president ignoring that it could lead another brutal dictatorship in the country. No one knows exactly how that accidental, ominous choice happened, some blame huge monetary bribes from Col. Abdullahi Yussuf, while others blame inter-Hawiye mean-spirited behavior for the wrong choice. However, the election of Col. Abdullahi Yussuf for president was embarrassing and devastating defeat to Hawiye for the moment who failed to put their differences behind and form broad-based government for Somalia in the last 14 years - A stunning blow to Mogadishu warlords. It is also an ominous sign for the whole region.
Col. Abdullahi Yussuf, as his history of the last 25 years (From SSDF chairmanship in 1979 to Puntland`s presidency in 2004) indicates, is a committed dictator, warmonger, clan chauvinism-oriented, arrogant, and divisive. His style of leadership was tested during the six years (1998-2004) that he ruled his province, Puntland. It indicates that he ruled it with iron-fist where his oral orders were the law of the land, murdering political opponents and peaceful community leaders in cold blood- Sultan Ahmed Mohamed Hurre was one of them. As reported by reliable sources, he engaged in illegal counterfeiting, drug trafficking, human smuggling and pirating ships on the Red Sea. The Colonel refused to concede power when Jama Ali Jama defeated him in Puntland`s presidential election in 2002 chasing him away from the province, a real sign of dictatorship. He is Islam hater, killing opposition forces and labeling them with terrorism or Al Qaeda to justify their killing and court financial support from the West. Col. Abdullahi Yussuf also carried out across-border attacks against Somaliland to destabilize it and derail its recognition for being envious to its acclaimed stability and democratic institutions. With the occupation of Las Anod, the capital of Sool region in Somaliland, he also tried to turn the border dispute between Somaliland and Somalia into tribal problem to mislead the world in order to disintegrate Somaliland for Hartism- A recent invented notion to unite Harti, the Colonel`s subclan, which lives in two different countries, Somaliland and Somalia, ignoring the legitimate border between the two. He futily intends to divide an inseparable nation whose clans share land, border, history, government, and destiny of life. Mr. Mathew Bryden, an analyst with the International Crisis Group, noted recently, "Col. Abdullahi Yussuf does not have a track record of peace."
To establish and empower his presidency for clan-based lethal dictatorship, Col. Abdullahi Yussuf is playing the same dirty tricks and tactics that General Siad Barre played at the inception of his 21 year-old vicious dictatorship. He is trying to win the hearts and minds of Somalia`s powerful warlords and other parliament members in general with conciliatory tone, nice speeches, financial hand-outs, and misleading, powerless, nominal cabinet appointments to settle down the dissenting dust while his secretariat, spokesman, and close advisers are all his kinsmen to keep the presidential secrets and tribal conspiracies from the people - Which is not a healthy sign of leadership.
As all dictators are natural enemies to democratic system and fair power sharing, Yussuf`s current good-will is just get-chance to conquer and defeat. He is like a hyena waving olive branches to sheep for surprise. The language he uses in his interviews shows that he lacks good dilopmacy and clever politics and is full of implicit threats and scare tactics. A 75 year-old soldier brain that grew up in tribalism, rivalry and power-hungry is never stable to lead positively and progressively, it is regressive and dangerous. The attempt against his life on November 16, 2004 in Nairobi might be sending a message that he was not welcome in Mogadishu. The new prime minister of Somalia, Professor Ali Mohamed Ghedi, the cabinet ministers, and the parliament members will soon taste his unilateral, dictatorial governance that will divide them into two groups. A group consisting of selfish, coward lackeys who betray their nation, and a group whose members foresee the ominous dictatorship impending on Somalia and dare to resign to challenge it before it grows deep roots and save their nation.
Col. Abdullahi Yussuf was elected president on October 10, 2004, sworn-in on October 14, and flew to Ethiopia on October 24 to plead AU officials for 20,000 foreign troops to deploy in Somalia to disarm militias and, in addition to that, to request financial and military support for arming and training 30,000 Somali troops, mainly from his subclan and supportive minority in Somalia. This rush visit to Ethiopia, before appointing prime minister and forming government or even consulting with the parliament, and the plea for massive foreign troops clearly indicates that Col. Abdullahi Yussuf is not interested in leading Somalia peacefully and in restoring law and order to return its prestige in international arenas.
Disarming armed nation at gun point by foreign troops bears huge risk of committing blood bath on both sides resulting in total failure. Both Uganda and Somaliland went through similar civil wars and both peoples were armed to the teeth. Only trust between the leaders and the peoples disarmed both nations peacefully without need for foreign troops. This hasty plea for foreign troops, without consulting with Somalia`s new parliament or even trying to disarm Somalia`s militias peacefully, became surprise to many leaders around the world and raised objections to it. At a two-day Somalia planing meeting at the African Union Headquarters in Addis Ababa and referring to the Colonel`s plea, Alejandro Bendana, the European Union Team Leader said on 4th November, 2004, the followings: "A hasty imposition or deployment of peacekeeping force to war-ravaged Somalia could ignite renewed conflict.", "This is not Iraq. No one has a right to go and impose on another government- on people that has not solicited.", "There is relative urgency. But mistakes in deployment can cost us very dearly, and not just in terms of lives, but in terms of being able to generate broad-based support." Speaking to African diplomats at the AU Headquarters on November 8, 2004, Mr. Alpha Oumar Konare, current African Union Commission Chairman, noted, "There are no African troops available now to operate on Mogadishu streets." The United Nations, as it already announced, is not ready to support Somalia`s new government until it reaches agreement with Mogadishu`s powerful warlords to avoid another Arta and that support may not be forthcoming at all due to the Colonel`s totalitarian mindset and the strong opposition against him in Mogadishu. With all these pronounced rejections and his failed recent visit to Egypt and the Arab League, and the fact that he is not welcome in the West because of past brutal deeds, Col. Abdullahi Yussuf is still pleading for massive foreign troops.
If the Colonel were known for honesty, peacemaking, patriotism, nationalism, and respect for human rights, he would have been welcome in Somalia and in the world as well. What both peoples of Somaliland and Somalia know about the Colonel, is that he is a BEARER of CLAN_BASED DOUBLE-EDGED GRUDGE and WHIM for LAND against SOMALILAND and SOMALIA, blaming the first for occupying mythical Hartiland and preventing him from uniting it, disregarding the internationally recognized-border between the two countries, while blaming the latter (Hawiye) for defeating his clan several times in the civil wars of 1991 and sending them to refugee camps in Kenya. That is why he is obssessed with massive foreign troops to fulfill his die hard grudge for tribal revenge and whim for land expansion. Because he knows he can not win the hearts and minds of Somalia`s people with his past atrocious acts and because he yearns to carry out his secret mission of clan-based double-edged grudge and land whim, he is committed to keep pleading for foreign troops, especially from Ethiopia, for which he is a puppet, and others. It is a mission of tribal revenge and whim for land conquest to accomplish, with the massive troops, the following impracticable two objectives:-
a) To disarm Hawiye with overwhelming force labeling Mogadishu as Al Qaeda Base to win Western support and then subjecting them to brutal dictatorship to impose the colonial time superiority of Majeerteen on them, and to restore the prestige of his clan, Darod, from the wounds of 1991 defeat as well as recapturing Kismayo City for Majeerteen.
b) To complete the annexation of Sool including Ainabo and capture eastern Sanaag including Erigavo, Mudug region and parts of Galguduud to achieve his unattainable dreams of mythical exclusive Hartiland extending falsely from Beer (Near Burao) in the west to Bendar-beila (On the Indian Ocean) in the east driving Issaks to the west, and from Badhan (On the Red Sea) in the north to Dhusamareeb in the south driving the Hawiye inhabiting between Galcaio and Dhusamareeb behind the Ethiopean border or down Hiiraan. Mareehan will be another victim if the Colonel`s presidency succeeds in Somalia to take revenge on them for Siad`s atrocities against Majeerteen in the 1980s. The invasion of Las Anod in december 2003 might be preliminary signal of the impossible whim for land expansion. A recent false map made by Puntland Administration reportedly shows this imaginary tribal whim.
Colonel Abdullahi Yussuf is clan-oriented man who would like to destabilize the whole region for his wrongful clan-oriented chauvinism without considering the serious consequences of his actions in the Horn of Africa. The UN, EU, AU, and other international or regional organizations are respectfully advised to take cautious approach to the new government of Somalia headed by Colonel Abdullahi Yussuf and deny him of any financial or military aid for the sake of regional stability and peace.
Ibrahim Hassan Gagale, Email: Ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com
Source: http://www.icbl.org/lm/2004/somaliland.
October 2004 Landmine Monitor Report by Human Rights Watch
Somaliland
Key developments since 1999: The House of Representatives passed a resolution calling for a unilateral ban on landmines in 1999 and the President endorsed the resolution. A comprehensive Landmine Impact Survey began in Somaliland in May 2002 and was completed in March 2003. It identified 357 mine-affected communities and another 772 suspected hazard areas. Mine clearance and mine survey activities expanded significantly in Somaliland in 1999 and 2000. Three NGOs have been clearing mines since 1999 and 2000. According to their information, from 1999 through 2003, they cleared a total of 2.9 million square meters of mined land and about 92 million square meters of battle area, destroying 47,613 antipersonnel mines, 1,213 antivehicle mines, and 59,168 UXO. Mine action coordination in Somaliland was seriously disrupted in 2002. As of November 2002, some 7,517 stockpiled mines had been destroyed. Officials indicated in early 2003 that there were plans for the destruction of all stockpiles, but no further destruction has been reported. Since 2001, there have been at least 349 new mine/UXO casualties in Somaliland.
Mine Ban Policy
Somaliland proclaimed independence in 1991, with the fall of the government of Siyad Barre. Although it is not recognized by the international community as an independent state, and therefore cannot accede to the Mine Ban Treaty, as early as 1997, Somaliland authorities expressed their commitment to the ban treaty. On 1 March 1999, its House of Representatives passed a resolution in favor of a total ban of landmines. The President endorsed the resolution.[1] Official statements in support of the Mine Ban Treaty were also made in public events in 2000 and 2002.[2] However, no legally binding measures to prohibit use, production, trade or stockpiling of antipersonnel mines have been taken.
Because Somaliland considers itself to be a state, authorities have been reluctant to sign the Geneva Call "Deed of Commitment" for non-state actors, pledging commitment to a total prohibition on antipersonnel landmines. However, in 14 June 2004 meetings between Somaliland officials and Geneva Call, Somaliland agreed, in principle, to sign the deed.[3] In July 2004, Somaliland officials wrote that "our government is ready to sign the document in the presence of the Geneva Call and indeed the world," and indicated a delegation would travel to Geneva for that purpose in August.[4]
Production and Stockpiling
Somaliland does not produce landmines and there have been no indications that it has exported or acquired new landmines since proclaiming independence. Officials have acknowledged the existence of stockpiles of antipersonnel mines, but have not provided information on numbers or types.
On 14 November 2002, the Ministry of Defense handed over 2,382 antipersonnel landmines and 16 antivehicle mines from central military stores to the Danish Demining Group (DDG), which publicly destroyed the mines on 17 November 2002.[5] DDG had already reported earlier in 2002 the destruction of 5,135 landmines received from the Ministry of Defense and the army.[6] In 2000, DDG told a mine ban advocacy workshop that it had been destroying antipersonnel mines confiscated by local police from individuals or militias.[7]
HALO Trust also entered into an agreement with the Ministry of Defense to help destroy stockpiled mines across the country. In 2002, HALO told Landmine Monitor that mines held by villages and individuals were less in number than mines held in the military camps, but posed a far greater risk.[8]
Somaliland officials told Landmine Monitor in early 2003 that there were plans for the destruction of all existing stockpiles.[9] However, no stockpile destruction has been reported since November 2002, and no timetable has been announced.
Transfer and Use
In December 2003, Puntland forces seized the town of Las Anod in the Sool region, which is claimed by both Somaliland and Puntland.[10] As of mid-2004, armed forces continued to face-off around Las Anod. Members of international agencies have expressed concern to Landmine Monitor about possible use of landmines by both sides.[11] Both Somaliland and Puntland authorities deny that their forces have deployed any antipersonnel mines.[12]
On 21 January 2004, Boqor Osman Mohamoud, a traditional leader from Eastern Somaliland, was arrested and charged with spreading false information through newspaper reports. This information allegedly included a report that neighboring Djibouti had provided arms, including landmines, to a faction opposed to Puntland's leader and that these arms had transited through Somaliland.[13]
Landmine Problem, Survey and Assessment
Somaliland is heavily mined, following a long history of border conflict with neighboring Ethiopia, including a 1977-78 border war, and the persistent feuding of internal warlords. Between 1981 and 1991, the Somali National Movement waged an armed insurrection against the Siyad Barre regime. From 1988-91 alone, the UN Development Programme (UNDP) estimated that between 400,000 and 800,000 landmines were deployed in Somaliland. Landmines were also used in 1994-95, when militias opposed to the regime of Somaliland president and loyalist forces fought fierce battles in and around Hargeisa. At least 24 types of antipersonnel mines from ten countries have been identified in Somaliland.[14]
A number of landmine surveys were carried out between 1999 and 2001 by HALO Trust, DDG and CARE. In March 2001, Somaliland Mine Action Center (SMAC) reported the existence of 402 mined areas.[15] However, the location and extent of mined areas in Somaliland remained inconclusive. Following a Survey Action Center (SAC) advance Survey Mission to Somaliland in 2001, SAC contracted DDG to undertake a comprehensive Landmine Impact Survey (LIS).
Work began in March 2002, and the LIS was completed in March 2003, with the exception of Sanag and Sool regions, and the Boohoodle District of Togdheer region, which were excluded for security reasons. UNDP hopes to survey the remaining areas, if security conditions permit, following the LIS in Puntland; (see Somalia report for further information). In an update given at the Mine Ban Treaty Standing Committee meetings in Geneva in February 2004, UNDP said: "A land dispute has prevented any survey of Puntland and the Sool and Sanag regions."[16]
Preliminary results from the LIS, reported in Landmine Monitor Report 2003, indicated that in the four regions surveyed (Awdal, Galbeed, Sahil, and Togdheer), 357 communities were affected by landmines, with 45 rated high impact, 102 medium impact, and 210 low impact. The LIS also showed an acute need for clearance around water reservoirs.[17] The full report, released in mid-2004, indicated that in addition to those communities, 772 suspected hazard areas (SHA) had been conclusively identified. It stated that only 231 of the 588 communities in the surveyed areas were not affected by landmines.[18] Further the report stated, "The land contaminated by mines and/or unexploded ordnance (UXO) directly impact the safety and livelihoods of an estimated 1.34 million people, and has led to the death or injury of 276 people in the last two years."[19]
The LIS indicated that suspected hazard areas could be divided into road (574) and non-road (198) types, and that non-road SHAs include former military camps, UXO stockpiles and minefields that "deliberately impact the livelihood of certain groups such as nomads." It stated that while the "most prevalent resource blockages" are of roads and pastureland, the "most serious blockages in terms of safety and socioeconomic security are of drinking water sources and irrigated cropland." The LIS also reported that 126 communities engaged in locally initiated mine action.[20]
According to SMAC, a number of technical surveys have been planned as a follow- up to the LIS, as a high priority for 2004. As of August 2004, DDG had carried out technical surveys in 26 impacted communities in Galbeed, Sahil and Togdheer, identifying 61 minefields.[21] By August 2004, the HALO Trust had carried out technical survey in 90 communities in the regions of Awdal, Saahil, Togdheer, Galbeed and Sool regions, of which 68 have been classified as high impact communities.[22]
Coordination and Planning
In February 2004, the Vice-President of Somaliland, Ahmed Yassin, took over coordination of mine action from the Ministry of Resettlement, Rehabilitation and Reconnstruction (MRR&R). Two main bodies have been responsible for mine action activities in Somaliland since 1997: the National Demining Agency (NDA), established under MRR&R, and Somaliland Mine Action Center, an autonomous organization established and supported by the UNDP. Both SMAC and NDA are now required to report directly to the Vice-President, who by presidential decree of 11 March 2004 has been given oversight responsibility for all mine action.[23]
This change in overall coordination evolved out of a period of disagreement and discussion. The relationship between SMAC and NDA was never clearly defined, and claims of overlapping responsibilities became a major source of friction. Following extensive discussions between UNDP, MRR&R and other agencies in 2002 and 2003, SMAC became a unit within MRR&R responsible for mine action coordination, and NDA became the mine clearance unit. As reported by Landmine Monitor in 2003, this process has caused SMAC some financial insecurity. In an update at the intersessional meetings in February 2004, however, UNDP stated: "UNDP continues to support Somalia Mine Action Centre in Somaliland through institutional support and capacity building. A National Policy for Humanitarian Mine Action has been drafted and UNDP is assisting further development of this paper."[24]
Following the completion of the LIS, SMAC held a workshop from 14-18 November 2003 to reformulate its strategic plan of action, which it first developed in February 2002, in consultation with other mine action organizations.[25] A draft National Mine Action Policy was then presented to the President's Cabinet of Ministers on 23 February 2004, and was accepted on 27 March 2004. The policy clarifies lines of responsibilities between SMAC and the National Demining Agency, and also endorses the 1 March 1999 House of Representatives resolution supporting a comprehensive ban on antipersonnel mines.[26]
Mine Clearance
Three international humanitarian NGOs remained active in mine clearance activities in Somaliland since 1999: HALO Trust, Danish Demining Group and the Santa Barbara Foundation (SBF).[27] In 2003, according to SMAC, the three organizations cleared a combined total of 52,230,837 square meters of mined land and battle area, destroying 1,568 antipersonnel mines and 683 antivehicle mines, as well as 371,695 UXO.[28] SMAC's data states:
HALO cleared 50,449,663 square meters of land (including mined areas and battle areas), destroying 460 antipersonnel mines, 120 antivehicle mines and 331,937 UXO (this includes items such as bullets).[29] It also carried out a technical survey of 3,308,895 square meters of land. Of the area cleared, 150,807 square meters were verified by SMAC (two minefields in Hariirad and Gorya Awal of the Awdal Region). DDG cleared 72,000 square meters of mined land, as well as 1,682,327 square meters of battle area clearance, destroying 1,104 antipersonnel mines, 540 antivehicle mines and 39,741 UXO. SMAC verified this clearance. DDG surveyed three additional sites.
SBF, under contract to Somaliland Road Authority, cleared 26,847 square meters of land, destroying four antipersonnel mines, 23 antivehicle mines and 17 UXO.
The data from SMAC differs from that provided by the individual organizations.[30] According to the information provided by the three operators, in 2003 they cleared a total of 267,780 square meters of mined land and 51,982,602 square meters of battle area, destroying 1,575 antipersonnel mines, 683 antivehicle mines, and 40,171 UXO. From 1999 through 2003, they cleared a total of 2,946,759 square meters of mined land and 91,639,528 square meters of battle area, destroying 47,613 antipersonnel mines, 1,213 antivehicle mines, and 59,168 UXO.
This includes: 53,576 square meters of mined land in 1999; 1,810,740 square meters in 2000; 384,303 square meters in 2001; 1,923,868 square meters in 2002; and 267,780 square meters in 2003.
SBF reported that in 2003 it cleared 32,000 square meters of land, destroying 11 antipersonnel mines, 23 antivehicle mines and 49 UXO. From 1999 to 2003, it reported clearing 1,432,000 square meters of land, destroying 472 antipersonnel mines, 37 antivehicle mines, and 1,890 UXO.[31]
Saint Barbara Foundation Clearance in Somaliland[32]
| Year | Sqm | AP | AT | UXO |
| 1999 | 30,000 | 4 | 2 | 3 |
| 2000 | 240,000 | 133 | 9 | 29 |
| 2001 | 130,000 | 112 | 2 | 1,200 |
| 2002 | 1,000,000 | 212 | 1 | 609 |
| 2003 | 32,000 | 11 | 23 | 49 |
| Total | 1,432,000 | 472 | 37 | 1,890 |
Danish Demining Group Clearance in Somaliland[35]
| Year | Sq m. Cleared | BAC (Sq. m.) | AP | AT | UXO | |
| 1999 | 23,156 | 178,426 | 29 | 1 | 15,495 | |
| 2000 | Unknown | Unknown | 40 | Unknown | 895 | |
| 2001 | 136,000 | 261,000 | 7,076 | Unknown | 177 | |
| 2002 | 747,984 | Unknown | 37,890 | Unknown | Unknown | |
| 2003 | 71,800 | 1,682,327 | 1,104 | 540 39 | ,741 | |
| Total | 978,940 | 2,121,753 | 46,139 | 541 | 56,308 |
HALO Trust reported that in 2003, it cleared 163,980 square meters of mined land and 50,300,275 square meters of battle area. It destroyed 460 antipersonnel mines, 120 antivehicle mines, and 381 UXO.[36] It also did a technical survey of 3,308,895 square meters of land. For 2004, through 30 April, HALO reports technical survey of 79,103,760 square meters, clearance of 84,560 square meters, and battle area clearance of 10,424,030 square meters, destroying 118 antipersonnel mines, 20 antivehicle mines, and 2,215 UXO.[37]
HALO Trust Mine Action in Somaliland[38]
| Year | Sqm. Surveyed | Sqm Cleared | BAC | AP | AT | UXO |
| 1999 | 122,500 | 420 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 6 |
| 2000 | 1,570,740 | 77,232 | 810,000 | 353 | 81 | 172 |
| 2001 | 6,000 | 118,303 | 18,855,000 | 146 | 251 | 237 |
| 2002 | 265,750 | 175,884 | 20,362,500 | 43 | 183 | 174 |
| 2003 | 3,308,895 | 163,980 | 50,300,275 | 460 | 120 | 381 |
| Total | 5,273,885 | 535,819 | 89,517,775 | 1,002 | 635 | 970 |
In 2002, DDG, HALO and SBF cleared a total of 1.92 million square meters of mined land (including a reported 1 million by SBF) and more than 20 million square meters of battle area clearance. HALO and SBF destroyed 255 antipersonnel mines, 184 antivehicle mines, and 783 UXO.
In 2001, information provided by HALO, DDG and SBF indicated a total of 384,303 square meters of demined land, plus an additional 19,116,000 square meters of battle area cleared, and that 334 antipersonnel mines, 253 antivehicle mines, and 1,614 UXO had been destroyed. According to SMAC, 1.5 million square meters of land in 35 areas had been demined and turned over to local communities.[41]
In 2000, DDG completed clearance around Hargeisa International Airport, destroying 40 antipersonnel mines, 895 UXO and 48 S-24 bombs, as well as clearance around six destroyed bridges on the main road to the port Berbera. HALO conducted an extensive mine detection dog trial, while SBF cleared 240,000 square meters of land.[42]
According to the UN, between 1999 and 2002, demining organizations in Somaliland destroyed 14,596 landmines and 220,874 UXO and cleared 92,735,677 square meters of land.[43]
Mine Risk Education
The mine risk education (MRE) projects that have been implemented in Somaliland (and Somalia) have been rather ad hoc and limited. UNICEF and Handicap International (HI) have been the main players, in collaboration with SMAC, with demining groups like DDG and SBF undertaking some risk education as part of their overall mine action work.[44]
Following a national workshop in October 2001, an MRE policy document was formulated and presented by UNICEF, NDA and SMAC to the MRR&R for adoption by the government. This policy still had not been adopted by mid-2003, when UNICEF told Landmine Monitor that efforts were being made to link the suggested MRE policy framework to the draft national mine action policy for Somaliland under discussion.[45]
In October 2003, UNICEF and HI held another workshop in Hargeisa to present their MRE strategy and a joint project for its implementation.[46] It was attended by about 30 participants representing key local and international stakeholders working in the field of mine action in the region. In July 2004, HI reported that it had secured funding from UNICEF and Ireland for an MRE program in Somaliland that should begin in October.[47]
In September 2002, UNICEF and HI conducted a KAP (Knowledge, Attitudes and Practices) survey in three regions of Somaliland: Awdal, Galbeed and Togdheer. The KAP survey established that 29 percent of the population was not able to identify potential risk.[48] UNICEF also noted: "An overwhelming percentage of people expressed the desire to receive information on landmines/UXO, in particular on how communities live safely in their mine-contaminated area and how, and to whom, landmines/UXO should be reported."[49]
The Somali Environmental Review (SOMER), a local NGO, conducted some self funded MRE in the Goldogob Region of Puntland, in particular in Goldogob town. This has included some gathering of UXO that was then picked up and destroyed by police EOD Teams. UNDP indicates that a few thousand people benefited from this program.[50]
In 2002, Landmine Monitor reported that SMAC and HI had completed MRE projects in refugee camps in Djibouti and Ethiopia, for Somaliland refugees planning to return home under a UNHCR voluntary repatriation program.
From 2000 to 2002, SBF delivered MRE to approximately 2,250 adults and children in and around Burao in the Toghdeer region. Sessions were given in local schools, parallel to other mine action activity being undertaken in an area. SBF used local demining personnel to deliver the MRE lessons.[51] SBF stated that following the training programs, reporting of hidden landmines and UXO increased significantly.[52]
In 2000, Landmine Monitor reported on MRE activities being undertaken by international, national and local organizations, including CARE, DDG, MineTech, SMAC, Somaliland Relief and Rehabilitation Association, and a volunteer youth group that used circus performances to promote mine awareness.[53]
Mine Action Funding
Donors generally report funding to "Somalia," but to date nearly all mine action activities have taken place in Somaliland.
According to information provided to Landmine Monitor, it appears that at least seven donors provided at least US$2.1 million for mine action in Somaliland in 2003.[54] Norway gave NOK4.9 million (US$690,500), including NOK2.9 million to HALO Trust and NOK2 million to DDG for mine action in Somaliland. The Netherlands provided US$457,445 for mine clearance in Somaliland. The United States provided $450,000 for "Somalia."[55] Denmark contributed DKK2 million (US$304,000) to DDG for Somaliland. Canada gave US$47,320 for Somaliland Landmine Impact Survey.[56] Finland provided ?137,726 (US$158,509) to HALO Trust for mine clearance in Somaliland and Puntland. HALO also received an unknown amount from Ireland for demining in "Somalia."[57] Switzerland reports that it had mine action personnel involved in Somaliland in 2003-2004.[58] For 2003, DDG reported allocating US$1 million for mine action activities in Somaliland; funds came from the Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish governments.[59]
The $2.1 million total is a sharp decrease from 2002, when eight donors reported providing about US$5.55 million for mine action in Somaliland - Germany, the Netherlands, Switzerland, France, European Community, United States, Sweden and Denmark. In 2001, US$4.4 million was reported from seven donor countries (including all of the above, except France). According to the UN, the annual budget for mine clearance in Somalia - including Somaliland - for 2000 was US$4.5 million, coming from the United States, European Community, Denmark and Germany.[60] As reported in Landmine Monitor Report 2000, funding for mine action totaled only some US$546,000 in 1998, but increased dramatically to about US$6.65 million in 1999 and early 2000.
Landmine/ UXO Casualties
In 2003, the SMAC recorded 50 mine/UXO casualties between July and December, including 13 people killed and 37 injured; 23 were children. Of the total casualties, 12 were female. Antipersonnel mines caused 14 casualties, antivehicle mines caused six, and UXO caused 30.[61] One new mine survivor was identified by the Landmine Impact Survey in January 2003.[62] Comprehensive data on new mine/UXO casualties was not available. Although the SMAC had been collecting and recording casualty data using the Information Management System for Mine Action (IMSMA), this activity was severely limited after 2001 due to the loss of UNDP funding. Systematic collection of data was abandoned and did not resume until July 2003. There is no requirement or procedure for reporting incidents to the police or to mine action officers.
The Landmine Impact Survey recorded 129 new mine/UXO casualties (51 killed and 78 injured) in 2002 and 142 new mine/UXO casualties (40 killed and 102 injured) in 2001.[63] In 2001, the SMAC recorded 107 mine/UXO casualties, including 60 children.[64]
Casualties continue to be reported in 2004 with 31 new mine/UXO casualties recorded by the SMAC as of the end of June, including eight people killed and 23 injured; eleven were children. Of the total casualties, ten were female.[65] However, data collection between April and June was again restricted due to the loss of funding.[66]
The most comprehensive information on mine casualties in Somaliland is the Landmine Impact Survey. The LIS identified 276 mine/UXO casualties (92 killed and 184 injured) in the two years preceding the end of the survey, including 151 children under the age of 14 years (55 percent). Of the total "recent" casualties, 213 were male (77 percent), and only two were military personnel. The majority of casualties occurred while engaged in daily activities, including herding (178 casualties or 64 percent), traveling (28 casualties or 10 percent) and playing (26 casualties or 9 percent).[67] Somaliland Mine Action Center database contains an additional 2,651 less recent mine/UXO casualties (1,114 killed and 1,537 injured) identified by the Landmine Impact Survey.[68] The Survey covered four of the six Administrative Regions of Somaliland. The highly mine-affected region of Sool has not been surveyed and the number of mine casualties is not known.[69]
Survivor Assistance
Public health facilities with the capacity to assist landmine casualties in Somaliland are reportedly minimal. Hospitals are poorly equipped and poorly staffed. Mine casualties are often treated at the Hargeisa General Hospital or at the surgical hospital in Berbera equipped by the International Committee of the Red Cross. Berbera hospital, however, is located on the northern coast of Somaliland and is far from regions where landmines are most prevalent. Generally, first aid is available and there is transport to take casualties to the nearest medical facility. However, the average travel time to a suitably equipped hospital is over six hours.[70] The Hargeisa General Hospital, the largest hospital in Somaliland, treated seven landmine and ten UXO casualties between March and November 2003; two were female and nine were children.[71]
Mine clearance organizations (HALO, DDG and SBF) train paramedics to work with their mine clearance teams and have medical equipment and ambulances for use in emergencies.[72]
The majority of people in Somaliland are nomads, since mobility is essential for their livelihood, but no training or reintegration programs for landmine survivors have been identified.
The Landmine Impact Survey reported that of 179 "recent" survivors, 141 (79 percent) received some form of emergency medical care but only four (2 percent) had received rehabilitation; 24 survivors (13 percent) received no care. No survivors reported receiving vocational training. Of the total survivors, 47 required an amputation, 18 were fully or partially blind, and the remaining 119 suffered other injuries.[73]
Somaliland Red Crescent Society (SRCS) runs a lower limb prosthetic and component manufacturing center in Hargeisa, funded primarily by the Norwegian Red Cross. Since 1999, the center has also operated a mobile clinic that makes periodic visits to regions outside of Hargeisa. In 2003, the center produced 183 prostheses and 58 orthoses, and repaired 210 orthopedic devices; 80 mine survivors benefited, including 22 women, and two children.[74] In 2002, the SRCS center assisted 291 people (93 mine survivors) with mobility devices, and produced 165 prostheses and 50 orthoses, and repaired 109 prostheses. Between 1994 and July 2002, the center provided 1,246 mobility devices; 448 were for landmine survivors.[75]
Handicap International supports the Disability Action Network (formerly Action NordSud) rehabilitation center in Hargeisa. The center provides physiotherapy treatments and produces low-cost prostheses, crutches and wheelchairs. Since 2001, the center has assisted at least seven mine survivors and eight UXO survivors. HI provides training for physiotherapy assistance and orthopedic assistants. HI also supports local associations providing socio-economic reintegration activities for persons with disabilities and raises awareness on disability issues.[76]
References
[1] See Landmine Monitor Report 1999, pp. 208-209, and Landmine Monitor report 2001, p. 264, for further details about Somaliland's commitment to the ban treaty internationally and regionally.
[2] Landmine Monitor Report 2000, p. 212; Landmine Monitor Report 2001, p. 264; Landmine Monitor Report 2003, p. 761.
[3] The Landmine Monitor researcher participated in the meetings.
[4] Email to Geneva Call from Edna Adan Ismail, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Somaliland, 6 July 2004. The delegation was to include the Minister herself, the Vice-President and SMAC's manager.
[5] UNDP/UNOPS, "Annual Report: Mine Action Program in Somaliland," December 2002.
[6] Email from Bo Bischoff, Head of Mine Action Unit, DDG, 27 July 2002.
[7] Remarks by Mohamed Ali Ismail, DDG Manager, at mine ban advocacy workshop in Hargeisa, Somaliland, 27-28 October 2000.
[8] Landmine Monitor Report 2002, p. 852.
[9] Interviews with military officers and Ministry of Defense officials, Hargeisa, January and February 2003.
[10] "Puntland Takes Full Control of Sool," IRIN (Nairobi), 30 December 2003. Northeastern Somalia established the state of Puntland as an autonomous region in 1998, and in 2000, the President issued a decree banning the use of antipersonnel mines.
[11] Landmine Monitor has heard allegations of mine use from members of international agencies who have contacts in the conflict area, but who have not personally traveled to the region in recent months.
[12] Email from Edna Adan Ismail, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Somaliland, 22 June 2004; email from Saleeban Haji of Puntland Mine Action Center, 23 June 2004.
[13] Various local journals (in Somali), 22 January 2004.
[14] See Landmine Monitor Report 1999, pp. 210-212, and Landmine Monitor Report 2000, pp. 213-214 for further details on the extent of the landmine problem. Mines have been found from Belgium, China, former Czechoslovakia, former East Germany, Egypt, Italy, Pakistan, former Soviet Union, United Kingdom and United States
[15] Landmine Monitor Report 2002, p. 853.
[16] UNDP Update, intersessional Standing Committee meetings, Geneva, 9-13 February 2004. The survey was rescheduled to start in August 2004. Email from John Dingley, Chief Technical Advisor, UNDP Somalia, 8 July 2004.
[17] Memo from Mike Kendellen, Director for Surveys, Survey Action Center, 27 May 2003.
[18] The results of the LIS were presented in two separate activities, one in Nairobi on 28 May 2004 with UNDP and donor governments present, and a second in Somaliland on 6 June 2004, officiated by the Vice-President, in his capacity as Chair of the Inter-Ministerial Mine Action Committee, with other officials present; email from Mohamed Osman Ahmed, Manager, SMAC, 22 August 2004.
[19] "Landmine Impact Survey: Phase 1: Awdal, Galbeed, Sahil, and Togdheer Regions, Executive Summary," Implemented by the Survey Action Center and the Danish Demining Group, p. 3, available at: http://www.sac-na.org/pdf_text/somalia_ph1/ExecSummary.pdf .
[20] Ibid.
[21] Email from Mohamed Osman Ahmed, SMAC, 22 August 2004.
[22] Email from Neil Ferrao, Horn of Africa Desk Officer, the HALO Trust, 22 September 2004.
[23] Letter to agencies involved in mine action from the Vice-President (ref RSL/VP/NDA/13-01341/0304), 27 March 2004, referring to Presidential decree (ref 016/2004) of 11 March 2004.
[24] UNDP Update, intersessional Standing Committees, 9-13 February 2004.
[25] Landmine Monitor participated in the workshop in November 2003.
[26] Letter re Presidential decree (ref 016/2004) from the Vice-President, 27 March 2004.
[27] HALO and DDG have been active in Somaliland since 1999, and SBF since 2000. DDG's mandate expires in 2006; response to LM Questionnaire by Erik Willadsen, Program Coordinator, DDG, Copenhagen, 16 April 2004. SBF is not working in Somaliland in 2004, but may return in 2005; email from Norbert Rossa, Executive Director, SBF, Bonn, Germany, 7 July 2004.
[28] Email from Mohamed Osman Ahmed, SMAC, 15 August 2004.
[29] Email from Neil Ferrao, HALO, 22 September 2004.
[30] The following totals are not complete, in that Landmine Monitor has not received information from DDG for the year 2000, and has not received battle area clearance data from Santa Barbara for any year.
[31] Response to LM Questionnaire by Norbert Rossa, SBF, 28 July 2004.
[32] Ibid.
[33] Response to LM Questionnaire by DDG, 16 April 2004. In 2003, at the request of the Ministry of Defense, DDG also destroyed more than 18,000 dangerous and degraded ammunition stocks, held by the military in Burao (Togdheer region). DDG, "Somaliland Annual Report 2003," 26 February 2004.
[34] DDG, "Somaliland Annual Report 2003," 26 February 2004.
[35] Response to LM Questionnaire by DDG, 16 April 2004; DDG, "Somaliland Annual Report 2003," 26 February 2004; previous editions of Landmine Monitor Report.
[36] Email to Landmine Monitor (HRW) from Matthew Hovel, Caucasus and Balkans Desk Officer, HALO Trust, 3 September 2004.
[37]Ibid.
[38]Ibid.
[39] Information provided by SMAC.
[40] UNDP Update, Fifth Meeting of States Parties, Bangkok, Thailand, September 2003.
[41] Landmine Monitor Report 2002, pp. 853-855.
[42] Landmine Monitor Report 2001, pp. 266-267. SBF originally reported 50,000 square meters, not 240,000.
[43] "UNDP/UNOPS, "Annual Report," December 2002. The data reported here does not include clearance activities by Rimfire (before 1999), Greenfield Associates (1999) and MineTech (1998-99). See Landmine Monitor Report 1999, p. 213 and Landmine Monitor Report 2000, pp. 215-216, for further information about these groups' activities.
[44] UNICEF created the Mine Risk Education Advisory Group to advise the National Demining Agency and SMAC on the development of effective MRE strategies and to improve the collection and dissemination of relevant data on mine incidents. See Landmine Monitor Report 2002, p. 855.
[45] Email from Silvia Danailov, Child Protection Officer, UNICEF Somalia Support Center, Nairobi, Kenya, 16 June 2003.
[46] Ibid, 10 August 2004.
[47] Email from Sophie Bonichon, MRE Coordinator, HI, Lyon, France, 6 July 2004.
[48] UNICEF/HI, "Knowledge, Attitudes, and Practices Related to Landmines and UXO," November 2002.
[49] UNICEF Somalia Support Center, "Mines Awareness, Funding Proposal June 2003-December 2004," undated, p. 4.
[50] Email to Landmine Monitor (HI) from John Dingley, UNDP, 21 September 2004.
[51] Email from Norbert Rossa, SBF, 7 July 2004.
[52] Interview with Burkhard Von Buttlar, Program Manager, SBF, 10 February 2003.
[53] See Landmine Monitor Report 2000, p. 216, for more details.
[54] Unless otherwise noted, information comes from the individual country reports in this edition of Landmine Monitor Report. In some cases, the funding was for the country's fiscal year, not calendar year 2003. Landmine Monitor has converted the currencies and rounded off numbers.
[55] US Department of State, "Congressional Budget Justifications: Foreign Operations, Fiscal Year 2005, Nonproliferation, Antiterrorism, Demining, and Related Programs (NADR) Appropriation," 10 February 2004, pp. 154-158.
[56] Email from Paul Hannon, Mines Action Canada, 22 July 2004. Information taken from the Mine Action Investment database and confirmed with the Mine Action Unit, DFAIT.
[57] Ireland gave HALO ?1 million ($1.15 million) for demining in Somalia, Afghanistan, Angola and Eritrea.
[58] Federal Department of Defense, Civil Protection and Sports, www.vbs-ddps.ch, accessed on 5 April 2004.
[59] Response to LM Questionnaire by DDG, 16 April 2004. Sweden did not report funding for Somaliland or Somalia in 2003.
[60] UNDP/UNOPS, "UNDP Somalia Mine Action Progress Report, January to June 2001," p. 4.
[61] Email from Mohamed Osman Ahmed, SMAC, 5 September 2004.
[62] Landmine Monitor analysis of "recent" casualty data email from Mike Kendellen, Survey Action Center, 20 August 2004.
[63]Ibid.
[64] Landmine Monitor Report 2001, pp. 267-269.
[65] Email from Mohamed Osman Ahmed, SMAC, 5 September 2004.
[66] Ibid, and 7 September 2004.
[67] "Landmine Impact Survey, Phase 1," pp. 20-21. One casualty was recorded in 2003 and four in 2000.
[68] Email from Mohamed Osman Ahmed, SMAC, 1 July 2003; "Landmine Impact Survey, Phase 1," p. 22.
[69] Email from Mohamed Osman Ahmed, SMAC, 1 July 2003.
[70]Ibid.
[71] Data from the Hargeisa Hospital compiled by Dr Suleiman Gulaid, Chief Surgeon, and provided to Landmine Monitor, 29 February 2004.
[72] Interview with Burkhard Von Buttlar, SBF, 10 February 2003.
[73] "Landmine Impact Survey, Phase 1," pp. 21-22.
[74] Data provided by Somaliland Red Crescent Society Rehabilitation Workshop, Hargeisa. It should be noted that these statistics are included in the information provided by the Norwegian Red Cross in the Somalia report.
[75] Landmine Monitor Report 2003, p. 765; Landmine Monitor Report 2002, p. 856.
[76] HI, "Program Summary: Somaliland 2004," 3 December 2003; Landmine Monitor Report 2003, p. 765; Landmine Monitor Report 2002, p. 856.
Webversion www.icbl.org 2004
Copyright c October 2004 by Human Rights Watch
Source: http://www.globalenvision.org/library/1/208/13/
Diary from a Development Worker in Somaliland
I am in Hargeisa, a town of about 300,000 people located on the Horn of Africa, in the midst of desert, decorated with dark green scrub, acacia trees, groups of cacti, and a few hills looking out into a valley.
Most of the buildings are typical of Islamic architecture, consisting of white walls combined with light brown stones. The stone homes sit amidst traditional dwellings, made with sticks bent into arches and covered with different cloths or fabrics, typical of the Somali nomadic culture.
Livestock are the prized possession of the Somali-goats, sheep, and camels being most important. There are various foul roaming about as well, and in the desert it is always fun to see the occasional 150-year-old tortoise.
The "White Palace", i.e., the International Rescue Committee (IRC) residence, where I live is a two-story building of white archways and exposed mixed stone. On the first floor there is a kitchen, dining area, 4 bedrooms, and a living area (rarely used) decorated sparingly with cushions around the wall. I have a bedroom on this floor alongside Irene, the micro enterprise coordinator, Febronie and Patrick, the finance controller, and the guest bedroom.
The bigger picture outside one's daily routine is the privilege of working with Somalis and learning how to contribute to development challenges of the region.
On the second floor there are additional rooms for David, the Country Director; Ann, an American from New York working on IRC\'s education program; Bill, from Brisbane, Australia, who works on the agricultural program; and Erin, another American working on a health project. There is another living area upstairs, again decorated with a rug and pillows, and this is where the IRC social scene centers. Everything from yoga, to tae-bo, to hours of movies takes place here. This is also the home of IRC parties.
Then there is the roof, which is the perfect get-away spot from which to watch the changing colors of the sky.
A Typical Day at IRC
Morning
The typical workday starts with breakfast prepared by Mohammed, the fun Somali cook, at about 7:45am. The timing of the meal is flexible, so the troops wander in for an egg or a pancake at various times. The commute to work simply means walking about 20 steps to the office building across the street from the White Palace, where the 13 local staff start work at 8am.
I am working on the microenterprise program, which consists of a women's village banking project, loans for agricultural inputs for farmers, and individual loans. Irene Oloo from Kenya is the coordinator, with whom I will be working most closely. Managing the micro enterprise projects will be a healthy combination of fieldwork and management of projects from headquarters at the IRC compound.
I am still being introduced to all the programs and the local culture here. In one of my first field visits, I watched an IRC local staff person train a women's group of about 27 women, all brightly dressed in an array of colors-mostly oranges, pinks, yellows and blues. Patterns (or the matching of patterns) are not as important to their style as is the materials of their dresses. Women with a little more money buy more delicate materials and decorate their hands and feet with henna. Gold jewelry is worn by women with wealth, and is given as part of a dowry for marriages. It is also commonly used as a form of savings. Women are always covered. The type of dress they wear actually hides the shape of their bodies-even their arms, in accordance with Islamic custom. In the marketplace, you will also see a few women so elaborately covered that they reveal only their eyes through a small slit in their headdress.
The Somalis are generally not shy when they are together and in fact, during my first visit to another women's group, the women got into a heated discussion, which reportedly carried on long after we left. One challenge about the men in Somaliland is their constant chewing of qat, which is basically their substitute for alcohol. They have no problem sitting in a meeting chewing in front of you, and combined with the extreme heat, this habit can be a big deterrent when it comes to getting a lot of work done.
Lunchtime
Prayers are at 12:30pm, and the women and men have separate prayer rooms or "mini mosques" on opposite sides of the IRC compound. Only 4 of the 13-person local staff team are women, so the line of men's shoes outside the prayer room is the best indicator of the hour, which is followed by lunch from 1 to 2.
The international staff usually takes lunch from 1:15-2:30 and the topics of conversation at lunch are always of interest. If there is no pressing work-related matter to hash out, topics like relationships (or lack of) always seem to crop up during this hour. I'm beginning to wonder if working in the desert, or the lack of any sensual foods or other stimulants, creates the need to discuss these topics so often, but the fact is that our juiciest conversations seem to center around lunchtime.
Afternoon
Work theoretically then goes from 2-4pm for the national staff, although a 3:20 prayer is also included during this time. The international staff usually works until at least 5pm, or later, until most people start to find some form of exercise. I think exercise is the key to keeping the compound sane. Some of us meet up with staff from other international organizations to walk (outside the city of course, otherwise we would have to wear full body covering), some do video exercises, and there is also an exercise bike at the compound. There is a very basic but functioning tennis court, which I have started frequenting.
Evening
Dinner is usually at 7:30pm and sometimes guests are invited, or some of us are invited out on occasion. Good food is a rarity, but good company is always present. Otherwise, there are no real cinemas, no places that serve alcohol, and just a couple of restaurants in town for something different. It is funny how one begins to crave items like cheese and olives, as if they were some of the most important things in the world. Everyone swaps movies and books, of course, and what everyone is going to do for their upcoming R&R vacation is a favorite topic for discussion (especially because this means that the "snack and care package cabinet" will get some new items!). All electricity comes from a generator, which means that at about 11pm, when the generator shuts off, we generally go to sleep to shield ourselves from the mosquitoes.
The big evenings are Thursday nights, as Friday is the only day off during the week. One of the aid and relief organizations usually has a dinner, party, or gathering of some sort.
Beyond the Daily Routine
The bigger picture outside one's daily routine is the privilege of working with Somalis and learning how to contribute to development challenges of the region. There is an extensive amount to do and therefore, an amazing amount to learn in order to be able to really help out.
Having the opportunity to be a part of a development project means listening to the needs identified in the community, and attempting to get everyone involved in addressing those needs. Understanding the context of the problem, and seeking out opportunities to use experience or a fresh perspective to add value are the first and most important elements in the exchange experience. One is almost always gaining more from the experience than he or she is contributing - and usually learning more about one's own strengths and weaknesses in the process.
Contributed by Susan Romanski, formerly of IRC, now a Mercy Corps Global Emergency Operations Officer.
Global Envision is an initiative of Mercy Corps (http://www.mercycorps.org), funded through the generous support of William and Karen Early.
Source: http://www.vulkaner.no/n/africa/somalia-e.html
Our Beautiful World: Somalia - Somaliland, Africa's Horn
In this presentation the expression Somalia covers not only the former Italian and British
Somalia, but the areas where the somalis are living.
When I started working on this page, my intention was to present a short description of the nature/geography, wildlife and the people of Somalia.
At that time I thought Somalia was just all I had to know about, but now I realize that Somalia is more than just the former Italian Somaliland.
So now the whole project expands to include the land where the somalis live. As far as I understand now, this includes both the former colonies, with the french - which is now called Djibouti, the Ogaden area in Eastern Ethiopia, and the North-eastern part of Kenya.
This project will therefore not take part in the political situation in the area, but is to tell you about the nature, wildlife and people.
Initially this was supposed to be included in one web-page only. As the project goes on, single pages for lions, antelopes, leopards etc are coming up..... What else, we have to see.
Before the 1980ies, Somalila boasted several national parks with cheetahs, leopards, lions, hyenas and antelopes, attracting hundreds of tourists. Today, one would be lucky to spot a solitary lion in one of the former parks. Some National Parks have been turned into a grazing zone for pastoralists. "They took gazelles, ostriches, kudus, lizards... anything they could find," one desperate person said. "They had a ship to take it all back to Qatar."
"Somaliland is still home to more than 600 birds found only here and 580 plant species not found outside the country." Wildlife on Africa's Horn, Chameleon. c Craig Hayslip, 1997
Flora
The highlands, which in an almost continuous line traverse East Africa, have to a great extent isolated the flora of Somaliland in spite of the general resemblance of its climate and soil to the country on the western side of the band of high ground. In the northern mountainous regions of Somaliland the flora resembles, however, to some extent, that of the Galla country and Abyssinia. On the plateau many forms common elsewhere in East Africa, such as the Borassus palm and the baobab tree, are missing. The greater part of the country is covered either with tall coarse grasses (these open plains being called ban), or more commonly with thick thorn-bush or jungle, among which rise occasional isolated, trees. The prevalent bush plants are khansa (umbrella mimosa), acacias, aloes, and, especially, Boswellia and Commiphora, which yield highly fragrant resins and balsams, such as myrrh, frankincense (olibanum) and "balm of Gilead." The billeil is a thorn-hush growing about 10 ft. high and covered with small curved hooks of great strength.
The bush contains also numerous creepers, one of the most common being known as the armo. It is a vivid green and has large, fleshy, heart-shaped leaves. Of the thorns, the guda and the wadi often grow from 30 to 50 ft. high and have large flat-topped branches. In places there are forests of these trees. On the summit of the Golis range the cedars form forests. Among the larger trees are the mountain cedar, reaching to 100 ft.; the gob, which bears edible berries in appearance something like the cherry with the taste of an apple, grows to some 80 ft., and is found fringing the river beds; the hassadan, a kind of euphorbia, attainiog a height of about 70 ft.; and the darel, a fig tree.
There are patches of dense reeds, reaching 10 ft. high, and thickets of tamarisk along the river beds, and on either side the jungle is high and more luxuriant than on the open plateau. Of herbaceous plants the kissenia, the sole representative of the order Loasaceae, `which is common in America but very rare elsewhere, is found in Somaliland, which also possesses forms belonging to the eastern Mediterranean flora.
Text about flora from: http://22.1911encyclopedia.org/S/SO/SOMALILAND.htm
Partly Based upon National Geographic, Juni.1981, with photoes by Kevin Fleming and Michael S Yamashita
Jorgen S Aabech, Skogbrynet 40B, N-1709 SARPSBORG, Norway, tel:+47 69 157292 email: jorgen.aabech@eunet.no
Source: http://www.plant-talk.org/stories/36somali.html
The Surud Mountain Forests in Somaliland
There was something strange about the fire that our guide made while preparing tea in our camp 5 km north of Ceerigabo. While sipping our sweetened tea, the smell kept lingering in the air, it was sweet, as sweet as innocence. It was on a slightly chilly evening last November while we were waiting to enter the Surud Mountains in Somaliland, one of the last seemingly untouched places on this planet. We had actually left behind all fears in Cairo as we set off to Somaliland, following the footsteps of early explorers. We had decided to make the visit in search of a few elusive stapeliad species and also to view the majestic Aloe eminens in its habitat. The Surud Mountains are in the northern part of Somaliland, in the Saanag region. The highest peak is Mount Shimbiris, at 2416 m the highest mountain in all of Somalia.
Early the next morning, after a sleepless night in anticipation of all the wonders we would eventually see at daybreak, we headed towards the mountain range, but strangely did not see it. We were actually on top of a plateau that plunges downwards towards the coast. We passed fields of Aloe scobinifolia and Euphorbia ballyi before entering an area of very lush vegetation at the mouth of the famous Tabah Gorge. We could see the gorge plunge deep into the forest to our right. Had we the choice, we would have left the car behind and gone deep down exploring that fabulous gorge, where huge Dracaena schizantha trees hang on the cliffs.
These mountains are part of the Somali Montane Xeric Woodland eco-region that stretches along the northern coast of the Horn of Africa from the Shimbiris to Raas Caseyr, continuing some 300 km south along the Somali coastal plain. Although part of the Somali-Masai regional centre of endemism, this area also contains remnant plant species linking it to Mediterranean, Macaronesian and Afromontane regions. A special environment is created by the mountain chain facing north, accumulating plenty of mist from the sea. The Daloh-Shimbiris area receives the highest rainfall in Somaliland, over 700 mm each year, favouring the evolution of a unique and extremely diverse flora.
Entering the Tabah gorge was like reaching paradise on earth. We stopped the engine and both jumped out of the vehicle, each into a different direction. As we disappeared into the vegetation, we started to see and hear things we were not aware of when the engine was running. Colours, smells, sounds: it was truly alive. Huge Juniperus procera trees more than 20 m high tower among a lush mixed woodland, whose fresh green is heavily spotted with the grey crowns of Dracaena schizantha and the striking red flowers of Aloe eminens. We saw scattered populations of flowering Aloe albovestita and patches of A. hildebrandtii. Plants seemed to sprout from under every rock and inside every crack. Bushes of Buxus hildebrandtii, several species of Commiphora, and succulents - Kalanchoe spp., Senecio spp. and probably a new species of Huernia. It was a botanical heaven.
Unfortunately, since a rumour spread as wildfire in the area that we were diamond hunters, we could not risk getting off the main track that would eventually snake itself through the mountain range. In only 10 km as the crow flies, we passed from the juniper forests of the misty high altitudes crossing very distinct zones of vegetation, down to the extremely arid plains, Guban (burnet in Somalia), ending up in Maydh on the coast. The track, however, winds down the mountain range for about 40-50 km. The landscape and vegetation are amazing - spectacular woodlands of frankincense (Boswellia frereana), often growing on huge boulders or in vertical cliffs, occasional Pyrenacantha malvifolia with fat caudices that can reach over one metre in diameter, Commiphora spp. with their strong smell and blue, white or grey bark, Aloes, Euphorbias and several other strange xerophytic species. Looking for small stapeliads entails bending and looking under shrubs, rocks and in cracks for these shy plants - this was the origin of the rumour. We had tried to explain to the surprised locals that we were looking for Ubah (flower, in the Somali language), but no one believed us.
For the first few days in the range, one is taken by the beauty and variety of flora, a natural botanical garden. It was on the fourth day, as we were sitting on a ledge overlooking the great cliffs that surround the Tabah Gorge, that it hit us . thud ... thud . thud. Yes, it was an axe chopping a tree. We turned our ears and eyes to locate the source of this logging. Far away in a distance we saw a plume of smoke rising from the thick canopy. From then on and for the next four days, we saw only destruction, juniper trees felled like matchsticks, huge 100-year old Commiphoras cut for charcoal and building material, areas cleared for Qat plantations, total destruction of a pristine and extremely exotic forest. It was sad to discover that the origin of the sweet smell we enjoyed a few days before in our camp fire was not so innocent: aromatic Commiphoras turned into charcoal.
Old trunks of Juniperus procera cut to make firewood, charcoal or building materials are not an uncommon sight.
Somaliland is short of cash, particularly after the Gulf States set a ban on livestock exports. Somali authorities have recently given licensing permits to a few greedy companies to burn the forests for export-oriented charcoal production. According to recent reports, the areas most affected are those east of Hargeisa (the capital), most probably around the Golis Mountain range which is closer to Berbera, the main seaport. The destruction in the Surud Mountains is of a more local scale, and can be avoided through careful education of the local tribes that live there and increasing their awareness regarding their natural wealth. However, if the charcoal production companies eventually reach the Surud Mountains, an area of immense beauty and extreme natural diversity will be lost for ever.
Daloh forest is the best preserved Juniperus procera-Dracaena schizantha mixed woodland in the Horn of Africa and it well deserves to be declared a World Heritage Natural Site. This article is a cry for help for anyone interested in saving such a unique and exotic place rich in plant and animal endemics from disappearing before having the opportunity to be even studied. We are planning to arrange for a scientific expedition in the near future, in cooperation with local authorities, as most of the mountain range remains yet to be explored.
In May 1991 the north-west region of Somalia declared its independence as `Somaliland', within the borders of the former British Protectorate of Somaliland. A government was elected for an initial 2-year period at a conference of elders; and in May 1993 former Somali Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Egal was elected President. Following Parliamentary elections (for which members were nominated by their clans), a new government was formed and a constitution approved. In a referendum in May 2001, 97% of voters supported the new constitution, confirming and supporting the region's unilateral secession from the rest of Somalia. Somaliland has been widely acknowledged, though not recognized, by the international community. (From the website of the UK Foreign and Commonwealth Office, London)
The authors thank their many friends and colleagues in Somaliland for their help.
Reprinted from Plant Talk No 36 (May 2004)
Source: http://www.childrensworld.org/wcpswe/globalfriend/franska/kamel.asp
The school in the land of camels
The first school outside Sweden to support The World's Children's Prize was the Gacomo Dheer School in the town of Hargeisa. Originally it belonged to Somalia, where war has been waged for a long time - but the inhabitants of Hargeisa now call their region Somaliland.
In Hargeisa there is peace.
- The war is the worst thing to happen in my life, says Shugri. She is 13 and attends the fifth form.
- My family and I had to flee. I saw shells hit houses and kill people. There are a lot of land mines in the ground. I still have nightmares.
- The best thing about peace is that children can go to school.
In Shugri's class there are only girls. All of them wear black school uniforms and black shawls, but not on Tuesdays.
- That is the day when everyone must wash their school uniforms. Then we girls look like flowers say the boys, because on that day we come to school dressed in our prettiest and most brightly shawls.
Shugri thinks that one thing is unjust.
- When we girls come home from school we can't sit down and do our homework, first we have to wash, clean, prepare food and look after the family's small children. Only thereafter can we begin to study. By then I am often. But my brother can do his homework directly and then go out and play football. I want to change this.
Shugri's parents are nomads. They have camels. Somaliland, Somalia has more camels than any other place in the world. Shugri's family lives in a tent and must always move to where there is water and grazing for the animals.
- Therefore, my brother and I live with an aunt in town. We visit our parents on holidays and help them with the camels and the goats.
Shurgri knows a lot about Sweden, where she has an uncle and cousins.
- We write to each other sometimes, but mostly we speak on the phone. I think it seems more exciting in Sweden. I want to move there and study. Then I would like to marry a Swedish boy. They are so nice, says my cousin. When my uncle heard this he became very angry. He thinks that one should marry somebody from one's own country. I want to study in Sweden to become a doctor. Then I would like to move back to Somaliland, Somalia. Here there are no female doctors.
Source: http://www.diacritica.com/sobaka/2003/somaliland.html
In to Somaliland: An obscure route to an unknown country
IT IS ELEVEN years on, over a decade since the collapse of government. Over five years since all attempts at reconciliation from international organizations failed: Somalia. The country, and people, have been abandoned by the world. Our headlines have moved on to other things, as if perhaps by ignoring the problem would make it go away.
For the most part it hasn't. And yet, in the north of the country, something odd has occurred: a government has formed.
A meager infrastructure has begun to take shape. It's being created under the guise of a new country, a place called Somaliland. I had heard rumours that it was reasonably safe to visit this new republic, which no one will admit exists - and which no country will formally recognize. This place in the "black hole" that Kofi Annan called Somalia is a calm bastion in the factional anarchic storm - the only way which the world has known Somalia for over a decade.
I HAD BEEN told that to enter Somaliland by vehicle, a town called Jijiga in northeastern Ethiopia was the entry point. Hargeisa is the capital of this self-declared state, and Boorama is a larger town just near the border. Reaching one or the other would be my goal.
Desperately early in the morning we took off from Addis Ababa to Dire Dawa, a reasonably busy Ethiopian town graced with a paved runway and new terminal. We were asked to deplane while they refuelled. A curious middle-aged British woman approached me.
"Hi. Who are you working with?"
She was nearly flabbergasted to hear that I was a tourist: a tourist out here, heading for Jijiga, the apparent aid coordination centre of Ethiopia.
Upon arrival in Jijiga: no paved runway. Two tin shacks. Many military men standing around. She offered to get me a lift into town with the people she was meeting.
Jijjga is a reasonably large town for this part of the world, although camels wandering through the town centre are common, and much of the place is made up of dirt road and shacks. The entire area was surprisingly green. "We have been getting rain for the past few weeks," one of the local aid workers told me.
I was taken back to their office with the lady and three local workers. "Only a tourist," I said, as we sat, drinking soda water, chatting; them wondering what I was doing in Jijiga, sort of curious but very friendly.
I was assigned not one but two locals to deal with my itinerary: to the immigration office and get stamped out, but only if I can get back in. And then find a bus to Boorama or Hargeisa. Whisked away in their spiffy Land Rover to the immigration office, I got to talking with one of the men. "This town is where all of the aid groups are centred," he said, "and also where the people come to get food."
"Is there enough for everyone?" I asked, expecting the usual African optimism.
"I don't know."
And I still wonder.
THE BUS TO Boorama had left an hour ago; the only one of the day, which I found quite odd. We went back to their office. "So, I guess you're in Jijiga for today?" one of the men asked.
"Well, perhaps. Let's wait and see if there is another way to get to Boorama or Hargeisa today." And the thought must have clicked in his head, because he suggested that I go to Hartishek, where it was easy to connect to Hargeisa. Before I knew it, I was in a tiny bus screaming across the muddy road to the halfway point between Jijiga and Hargeisa: Hartishek.
Rolling across green fields, it was easy to see that many nomads were going back out to the countryside with their herds and beginning life again. The desert here swallows rain fast and graciously; the plains around Jijiga are rolling green now, when only a few years ago they were fodder for the news as endless tracts of dust.
Before Hartishek, still deep in Ethiopian territory, the bus passed through the first Somali roadblock. Of course, it does not actually block the road: it is merely two sticks on either side of the dirt road with a string hooked across. No one paid any attention to me. But I knew from the features of the people in the bus that I was far from Ethiopia already: these people were almost all Somali.
Hartishek is a refugee camp, surrounded by mounds of garbage. In that garbage children play, and African vultures twice the size of the children scavenge. Thousands of plastic bags have been tied onto the whithered bushes; the dirt road turns into deep mud ruts, and crowds of women sit on the side clutching large tin cans bearin