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Ministry of Justice in its first reaction against criticism by Amnesty International and African Rights stated that the 2 suspects who re in custody have all the rights as other prisoners and are allowed to be visited by their families, lawyers and human rights organizations and that they will be released if not found guilty .

The statement from the ministry of Justice states that Somaliland has no special courts to oppress people and that the judiciary system has no place for forced confession, to be used against suspected people and that those sentenced have the right to appeal to higher courts against any sentence

Speaking about the age of Samsam, who claims to be raped while in custody, but whom the government accuses of being suspected of conspiracy and espionage said, " Amnesty and African Rights give her age as 16 and 17 respectively, but that she had told the court that she is 18 years old and as such that she will be treated as a mature and not as an under age'

Regarding the beating and torture while in custody the ministry responded saying, "The court sent them for medical investigation and check up and that the doctors have declared that the 2 suspects were not beaten, nor tortured and that Samsam was not raped."

The Justice Ministry response also states that Amnesty International and African Rights based their accusation on rumours in the city and statements by individuals who are the enemies of the country and who made condemning the country their business."

The statement reiterated that the propaganda given to the case and the 2 reports will have negative consequences on the girl for traditionally she will be segregated by the community and that clan vengeance might follow such publicity.

The ministry in its response stated that the government supports the right for civic society organizations to assist in the implementation of justice, that individuals have the right to assemble and join any social, economic or political organizations. But The statement added "These rights assisted the formation of organizations who have no clear cut obligations and who have misused these rights".

The ministry calls on civic societies to avoid what the ministry referred to as the overuse of these rights, to respect the law of the country and to avoid being an obstacle for the performance of Justice in the country. In conclusion the statement tanks the US, UK, Norway, Sweden as well as UN and other International organizations who assist raising human Rights in the country.

Mean while Somaliland Forum, an Intellectual organization in the diaspora in an urgent message to the Appeals Court, requested the immediate release of the 4 defence lawyers, who were sentenced to 3-year prison on November 24/04.

Somaliland Forum in its request stated that the Penal Code applied in sentencing the 4 lawyers to be outdated. It added saying, "The suspects should not loose the right to have legal defence, that the sentence against the lawyers is severe and that disciplinary measure would have been sufficient.

Somaliland Forum concluded its request by reminding the judiciary that the quick decision taken against the defence have affected the prestige of the country abroad.

For the past few weeks and months I have been closely following a story in Hargeisa about a young woman accused of espionage and the attempted murder of the second most senior official in the executive branch of our government - the Vice President. I/others subsequently went into disbelief as reports and allegations surfaced about the alleged rape and torture of this young woman and the swirling accusations and counter-accusations between the accused, civil rights groups and the police department in Hargeisa. Everyone is scandalized by these allegations and there is a sense of deep abhorrence and disgust given the cultural and religious issues the underline the grim charges made against elements of the police force in Hargeisa.

Somali Landers inside the country and in the diasporas, particularly because of the history of cruelty and exploitation by government forces of the civilian population in Somaliland during the dictatorship, naturally, have followed the story in great detail. Nobody knows for sure the facts surrounding the case; no one knows who is telling the truth. Indeed, everyone should be presumed innocent until proven guilty in a court of law: elemental as it may seem, it is fundamental that an open court tries this case because and hopefully, when we hear the facts of this case in this framework we will have precedent for other court cases and indeed solidify our commitment to seeing justice done.

Many Somali Landers concerned about the judicial process in the country and committed to the growth of a justice system as part of our obligation to the democratic process, felt that this was an important case - given the paranoia about terrorism in Somaliland and around the world, including the danger of governments to erode civil rights guaranteed by law. Clearly, everyone was waiting for the truth to come out through a fair and transparent process - what is generally referred to as the administration of justice - and the whole country was watching this case with particular interest given the extraordinary events that surround this case.

Rakiya Omaar, in a piece published widely, spoke to the serious political climate that hangs over the case and the potential embarrassment that the government may suffer if rogue officers of the police force are found to have abused the civil and political rights of the accused. The massive police operation around the court and its environs suggests that the government is taking this issue seriously and the fact that this case has been brought to court is testament to the hard work and dedication of the lawyers who have worked tirelessly to help defend the accused. As well, the president himself has said that the executive has no interest in this case and the judiciary is free to try this case with due diligence and due process.

It would be the understatement of the year to say that the arrest and subsequent detention of the lawyers defending the accused by a sitting judge in Hargeisa has brought disrepute to the judicial process in Somaliland. If, and the operating word is if, the judge was/is cow-towing to political pressure inside and outside the court; if there is political interference with the proceedings of this court, Somaliland is in peril and our democratic gains in the past years would have been reversed.

The lawyers detained by the court are first and foremost officers of the court and belong to a club of people whose traditions and laws are quite different from other professional groups. Judges and Lawyers are entrusted with defending matters of life and death; they are the intellectual and ethical bolts and nuts of the judicial system. Without lawyers, without judges, the administration of justice would be non-existent for it is these professions that articulate and argue what our laws and regulations are all about.

Rakiya Omaar's reporting of the events in the court house has stunned everyone with even the most modest sense of outrage. Detaining lawyers without trial and subsequently dispensing sentences that must be called outrageous, reminds every one of the military courts that operated in Hargeisa at the height of the dictatorship. In fact, many have been writing and complaining about the judiciary and its lack of independence from the political wing of the government for many years now - yours truly included. Many cases and many instances of interference from the executive have been the order of the day. Corruption and lack of professionalism has also been widely cited as root causes of the current crisis.

At the outset we must not equate this issue with whether this particular issue is happening elsewhere, many have suggested that the finger of accusation should not be pointed to "us" alone since this type of crime is happening and continues to happen in other regions of Somalia. As well, we should not take the position that this issue is intended to embarrass the country by "others" and thus collapse this particular issue with the general abuse of women elsewhere. That would be reprehensible, every Somali life is worth everything, and every injustice must be fought, simply because we in Somaliland know that the slippery slip of silence begets more authoritarianism and finally impunity.

The judiciary is the nerve-centre of our form of government; it is where the people look to settle disputes and to arbitrate over and dispense justice in the country. It must not fail this young woman and it must not fail these young lawyers who are testing the system in order to set precedent as well as defend the honour of Somaliland. In the end, it is the honour of Somaliland that is at stake, how we treat this case, this case of this woman who was a guest in this country, will decide how Somaliland is looked upon from now on. This case is a symbol of how our justice system works, if it fails, I repeat, if it fails we all fail and if we all fail, Somaliland also fails the test of what and who we are.. The World is watching we must do the right thing!

The massive awareness campaign targets both the urban and rural population to educate them on their constitutional rights and the nascent judicial system of the country. The education campaign will place teams of human rights activists, traditional leaders and law students from the University of Hargeisa's Legal Clinic to rural villages in Togdheer and Hargeisa as well as schools, universities and villages in the capital, Burao, Borama, Berbera and Erigavo.

Regular radio airing of interviews and discussions focusing on Somaliland Constitution, Islam and human rights, customary law and human rights promotion, child rights and women's right to political participation and a column on "Know Your Rights" will highlight the campaign's media component.

As preparatory efforts of the campaign a community policing initiative was launched in Burao led by the Aqils in the region a week before the celebration.

The campaign is the first synchronized effort of multi-sectoral organizations working to reach the grassroots communities in the country. A series of consultation-dialogue meetings among refugees, asylum seekers, Internally Displaced People (IDP's) and the minoritied will be conducted.

The Somaliland administration's tendency of not engaging in the political processes of its neighbors is one that needs to be re-evaluated, given that so far it produced nothing but a constant state of political siege where Somaliland is always playing defense and influence goes only in one direction. The wrong way from the Somaliland's point of view, and one can see a clear example of that in what is going on in Sool where the other side shows no sign of affording them the same courtesy, and are actively engaged in creating new skewed facts on the ground.

The mentality of complete isolation where any dialogue with the other side is seen as political suicide needs to change, after all Somaliland is not an island and is very susceptible to what takes place in the neighborhood. Spending some political capital and engaging in some offence for a change can go a long way in bringing about the right kind of leadership on the other side for the day the question of relationship between Somalia and Somaliland will be settled.

Mr. Mohamed Daud Shihim the chairman of the opposition party (PDD) stated that he will definitely recognize Somaliland as a sovereign nation if elected, comes the sudden realization of how important playing a little political hard ball can be.

Mr. Shihim was promptly invited to Hargeisa where he met with members of the Somaliland government, elders and opposition party (KULMIYE) representatives. This was not an all-altruistic move on his part, he is here because he is courting the Issaq and the Samaroon vote in Djibouti with the hope of forming a coalition between these clans and the Affars, and ousting president Ghelle from power. Chances are that president Ghelle is eying this development with some concern, and given an opportunity, he might be willing to reconsider his previous positions about the Somaliland issue.

What is required is some deft and quiet diplomacy to bring about the desired result. Whether this government or Somaliland politicians at large have the skills and the capacity to exert the right amount of pressure and bring about favorable results remains to be seen.

While the PM barely succeeded by appointing a warlord infested substandard cabinet ministers and then diluted them into more ridiculed numbers to correct an already doomed process, here comes the wrath of the temporarily free assembly who are luckily still in Nairobi, for if they were in Mogadishu, who knows. They rejected and quickly sacked the new government elect. Now that the futile process that has been concluded in Kenya is turning into commotion, it is becoming a challenge for all. The gloves are off once again. But, the procedural errors and the lack of foundations deliberately orchestrated by people who have no invested interest in proper approach for respectable forum continued. Is there any chance that integrity and credibility ever be established in these kinds of quick fixes and disingenuous processes?

To examine one of the quick-fix-schemes, just in the past weeks, one can tell by looking at the inquiring faces of the security council members in Kenya puzzled with how the reconciliation process that took two long years and millions of $$$ spent, ended up with the election of a president who cannot go home unless armed to the teeth in order to subjugate the very ones who chose him as a leader in that so called reconciliation conference. What was all that hugging and swearing in the name of Allah, people are asking. What is going on? Foreign Troops? Where is the peace you people were working on all this time? The British Ambassador asked? Little that they (the international community) know about the political mentality of the deceitful members of this assembly! It is obvious that there was no such thing as reconciliation among this dishonest crowd. Still politics for most of these fellows is unfortunately a mere con job without sincerity. As a matter of fact traditionally, sincerity equals stupidity and naivety in their twisted politics.

It is the sincere believe of many intellectual Somalis that as long as Somalia's future political rulers and administrators are drawn from this class of predators, no amount of preaching the virtues of good foundation or tuition on public administration will fundamentally alter the outcome. The failure of democracy and economic development in Somalia was due to a large part to the scramble for wealth by this predator caste that have dominated Somalia's politics since the late Siad Barre's abolition of any requirement for senior administration's promotion ladder, based on education and public service. These people are the creations and the fruits of such catastrophic policies put in place by the vicious dictator for better part of 20 years. Since there is high premium on the control of the state, they see the state as a source of personal wealth accumulation. Most of them can register to everything they have to that practice.

Nations have passed away and left no traces, And history gives the naked cause of it- One single simple in all cases; They fell because their people were not fit. --Rudyard Kipling

To comprehend and understand the difference between Somalia and Somaliland one do not need to look farther, just the two assemblies. Since the disintegration of the Somali Nation State followed by Somaliland's breakaway move, poor Somalis, exasperated by anarchy and bewildered by the constant breakdown and derailment of grassroots based authority, find little around themselves to inspire the confidence that as a people they can manage their own recovery with these set of crooked leaders in the helm. Ignorance and lack of capacity is not the only main causes. Sworn enemies who would not face each other in a dark alley are trying to build mediocre foundation with deck of schemes for a later date under their sleeves. But so far, these schemes never materials to anything, because they know each other. Who is fooling who? The masses themselves seem powerless to stop the endless cycle of bad initiations. The political disasters they suffer seem to recur with hideous frequency and thus greatly perpetuated the myth that hostile factions are conflicting and need reconciliation.

The grassroots foundation of the Somaliland assembly is begun with noble traditional leaders with integrity and I emphasize the word INTEGRETY who all led a life full of good deeds and sense of purpose. Then followed by politicians from all walks of life that are compelled to look into these traditional leaders for guidance. Somaliland with fewer resources gradually put in place structures and reforms that will strengthen the rule of law, support democracy and promote greater accountability and transparency including provisions for checks and balances. Some Sub-Saharan Africa political historians even call it "Africa's Best Kept Secret" And the rest was history.

Retrospectively, in that gathering in Kenya, the heinous business of duping and deceiving continued. This time, the deception was towards the Warlords who are lured in to cabinet positions in order to be able to move the government into Mogadishu, instead of building a basic foundation for a credible entity. May be Abdillahi Yusuf think they are stupid enough and would cheerily be happy with a cabinet position they can lose at any minute by a phone call.

One bright spot is the significance of the cabinet posts appointed to those who fraudulently asserted to be representing the people of Somaliland. The double-cross scheme set for them was sensationally brilliant, I must say.

The people of the Republic Somaliland believe that Somalia needs simple grassroots authority that provides harmony among its people, security and infrastructure rehabilitation, not 500 wolves, squabbling for positions susceptible to embezzlement and sharpening their teeth with all kinds of wicked ideas for corruption against the very poor who only yearn for some order and decent authority. In any case, this does not look like a well thought process and is destined for more chaos, as these deeply corrupted individuals have plotted against desperate Somalis, again and again for their own gain, but God did not gave up on ordinary Somalis, yet.

Abdirahman Waberi, Washington, DC, Awaberi44@aol.com

Kamal Morjane, assistant UN high commissioner for refugees, said the move could begin once peace was restored in the war-ravaged region. "Refugees will go back the day they will have security, safety and dignity," Morjane told reporters in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.

According to UNHCR, there are currently 116,000 refugees in Ethiopia - the majority from Sudan, with 16,000 from Somalia and 9,000 from Eritrea. Half are expected to return by June 2005, while others from southern Somalia - where peace has not yet been restored - could begin returning by December 2005.

Last year, some 29,000 Somali refugees living in eastern Ethiopia were repatriated, according to UNHCR.

Morjane also said the UN was "waiting for the moment" the Sudanese peace deal was signed between southern rebels and Khartoum to start repatriating 500,000 people from neighbouring countries. He said it could take three years before all the refugees could head home after two decades of civil war. The UNHCR, he added, was also looking at repatriating Eritrean refugees.

He said, however, that UNHCR faced an annual shortfall in financial support of about 20 percent, amounting to about US $200 million of its $1.4 billion budget.

Morjane also warned that further increases in refugees arriving in Chad from Darfur would put pressure on existing resources. "The refugees in Chad are facing very difficult conditions," he said. "We hope we will not get more refugees because of the problem of water."

- Your meeting here today is an encouraging sign that women have political ambitions and are organising themselves to be part of decision making bodies, said Somaliland's First Lady, Huda Barkad, at a recent meeting organised by the Ministry of Family and Social Development at the Ambassador Hotel. "To achieve this, you have to form a plan and strategy," she advised.

The Somalilander First Lady urged the women who are organising themselves for the parliamentary elections on 29 March next year that they would preserve their culture and religion, respect the multi-party system and unite to get seats in the parliament.

She added: "Equality of gender exists in Somaliland. [Women's] role in decision making bodies should increase and they have to unite their forces to attain socio-economic development."

Edna Aden Ismail, Somaliland's Minister of Foreign Affairs who also spoke at the meeting, said; "Women have equal rights as men and they also have similar obligations to fulfil, either individually or as a group.

- I have no doubt that women will be elected in the forthcoming parliamentary election, Ms Ismail added. "No one can stop women from being elected as they have the right to vote," Somaliland's first female Foreign Minister told the group of women.

Meanwhile, in the capital of the Central Region, Burao, a delegation led by the executive director of NAGAD Women Umbrella, Sado Hashi, has been organising women and raising their awareness to take part in the first multi-party parliamentary election ever to be held in Somaliland in March.

Speaking to the press after completing a visit to various districts in the Central Region, Ms Hashi said: "Women have to negotiate with the political parties in the number of seats that they are going to allocate for the women in their parties. We are trying to get good representation in the next parliament."

In another development, the Chairman of the National Election Commission (NEC), Ahmed Hagi Ali Adami, told the press - after meeting the House of Representatives' committee on completion of the election law - that elections must be held on 29 March 2005 and that the election law has to be completed when parliament returns from its adjournment.

He said: "The committee has an expert to advice them on the transition from community-based elections to democratic elections. The press should stop writing about the possibility of postponement or what will be done."

- But if conditions hinder elections from being held, then postponement can be decided by those empowered to do so, Mr Adami added. "There is no alternative for elections," he however emphasised.

By staff writers

Ministry of Justice in its first reaction against criticism by Amnesty International and African Rights stated that the 2 suspects who re in custody have all the rights as other prisoners and are allowed to be visited by their families, lawyers and human rights organizations and that they will be released if not found guilty .

The statement from the ministry of Justice states that Somaliland has no special courts to oppress people and that the judiciary system has no place for forced confession, to be used against suspected people and that those sentenced have the right to appeal to higher courts against any sentence

Speaking about the age of Samsam, who claims to be raped while in custody, but whom the government accuses of being suspected of conspiracy and espionage said, "Amnesty and African Rights give her age as 16 and 17 respectively, but that she had told the court that she is 18 years old and as such that she will be treated as a mature and not as an under age'

Regarding the beating and torture while in custody the ministry responded saying, " The court sent them for medical investigation and check up and that the doctors have declared that the 2 suspects were not beaten, nor tortured and that Samsam was not raped."

The Justice Ministry response also states that Amnesty International and African Rights based their accusation on rumours in the city and statements by individuals who are the enemies of the country and who made condemning the country their business."

The statement reiterated that the propaganda given to the case and the 2 reports will have negative consequences on the girl for traditionally she will be segregated by the community and that clan vengeance might follow such publicity.

The ministry in its response stated that the government supports the right for civic society organizations to assist in the implementation of justice, that individuals have the right to assemble and join any social, economic or political organizations. But The statement added "These rights assisted the formation of organizations who have no clear cut obligations and who have misused these rights".

The ministry calls on civic societies to avoid what the ministry referred to as the overuse of these rights, to respect the law of the country and to avoid being an obstacle for the performance of Justice in the country. In conclusion the statement tanks the US, UK, Norway, Sweden as well as UN and other International organizations who assist raising human Rights in the country.

Mean while Somaliland Forum, an Intellectual organization in the diaspora in an urgent message to the Appeals Court, requested the immediate release of the 4 defence lawyers, who were sentenced to 3-year prison on November 24/04.

Somaliland Forum in its request stated that the Penal Code applied in sentencing the 4 lawyers to be outdated. It added saying, "The suspects should not loose the right to have legal defence, that the sentence against the lawyers is severe and that disciplinary measure would have been sufficient.

Somaliland Forum concluded its request by reminding the judiciary that the quick decision taken against the defence have affected the prestige of the country abroad.

But for Somalia's neighbour, Somaliland, the new era began more ominously. Two weeks after his inauguration, militia from the neighbouring territory of Puntland, Abdillahi Yusuf's power base, travelling in a convoy of battlewagons launched a cross-border incursion into the Las Anod area on October 29, provoking a 10-hour battle that left scores of combatants dead, including the leader of Puntland forces and his deputy. The region of the northern Horn ruled by the British united with the Republic of Somalia shortly after independence, then went its own way after the collapse of Siad Barre's state, and established a formal government in 1993. Puntland followed suit by setting up its own administration in 1995, and although ambivalent about its relation-ship with Somalia, followed a similar trajectory until Abdillahi Yusuf invaded in 1998 and deposed the elected leader, Jama Ali Jama.

The incident at Las Anod earned the new president international opprobrium, raised a storm of protest in Somaliland and among the Somali diaspora, and gave substance to predictions that the former colonel's ascent to the presidency will catalyse a new cycle of clan-based conflict.

The Somaliland first government has skilfully managed internal fissures presented both by divisions within the ISAAQ clan majority and the Darod and Dir minorities falling within the borders of the former British colony.

The government has relied on power sharing, political dialogue, and democracy to successfully mute clan antagonisms. Two opposition parties, several newspapers, and open elections, contrast with the violence and free flow of arms next-door; when last year's polls ended in a statistical dead-heat, the Republic's third heard of state, Dahir Rayale Kahin, peacefully assumed office after elders arbitrated the results.

Somaliland's first government kept the United Nations at arms' length and eschewed most foreign assistance, despite starting virtually from scratch. "Citizens" of the diaspora contribute an estimated $400 million per year to an economy otherwise dependent on livestock exports, and have helped establish two universities.

The case for recognition derives from the British colony's voluntary decision to join the Republic of Somalia after independence, the pogroms and brutal treatment meted out by the central government during the latter years of the Barre regime, the young state's democratic credentials, and a decade of impressive progress despite the blowback generated by the political pandemonium on its borders. Failure to accord recognition reflects the apathy of African states, the active opposition of Egypt, Libya, Djibouti, Eritrea and Saudi Arabia, and the jaded real politik of Western powers.

The absence of objective criteria marked by the instant recognition and legitimacy accorded to Abdillahi Yusuf's embryonic government while Somaliland's state of limbo continues, translates into a policy of no good deed shall go unpunished.

The political scientist Goran Hyden described the African state circa 1982 as, "Suspended in mid-air above society," the task facing Abdillahi Yusuf & Co in Somali 2004 magnifies the irony of his metaphor a hundredfold. Somalia remains a country of autonomous regions where numerous pockets have rejected the new government. Members of his government acknowledge that the real work has just begun; in this context, the latest incident of Puntland-Somaliland friction appears to mask a more cynical gambit.

Emphasising an external threat helps a divided polity close ranks. It can be especially effective when the enemy lies within: "I believe we all know," President Yusuf said at his inauguration, "that the unity of Somalia is necessary and sacred." It would not be the first time the, "North" served as a scapegoat for problems in the "South."

Several years ago, I casually noted the significance of the evolving situation in Somaliland only to provoke a former official of the Barre regime to exclaim, "The `North' was the root cause of Somalia's collapse!" The logic of this escaped me until a Kenyan Somali informed me that, from a certain perspective, the Northerners' less-than total commitment to Somali unity can be interpreted as the "first crack" in a vessel that widened over time.

If the Somali nation is like a fragile porcelain vase etched with intricate clan patterns predisposing it to fracture, in his inaugural speech, the new president's position on Somaliland added another layer of shimmering glaze to the vessel: ".a part of my reconciliation programme will be dedicated to our brothers in Northern Somalia who self-declared themselves as Somaliland. They are our brothers. Personally as a man (and I thing you agree with me), I regret the hardship they went through. What is needed, after the government is fully established, is to hold peace talks with them and find ways to return them into the fold of Somali unity. And it is prohibited and will not happen that will approach them again with bullets and fight out brothers."

One critic on a Somaliland website dismissed this stab at diplomacy as "a dagger camouflaged in flowers." Twenty-four hours after 10 African heads of state anointed Abdullahi Yusuf at Kasarani, we were breaking our Ramadan fast in Eastleigh when the subject of the new government came up Garrisa Lodge capitalism has displaced the clanism revived by the refugee inflows of the 1990s; widespread apathy towards the new government surfaced in neutral comments like, "Wacha tuone" (Wait and see) and "Mungu awasaidie Safari bii." (May god bless them this time around). Then, out of the blue, gentlemen from Mandera forcefully averred, "Now all Somalis must become one!" The statement foreshadowed the aggression in Sool, which coming in the wake of October 14, caught many Somali watchers by surprise.

It would not have if the light focusing on the same candidate who was forgiving and asking to be forgiven in Nairobi also illuminated reports claiming he was seeking arms and munitions from rebels operating in Ethiopian-controlled Ogaden, and mobilizing his Darod cohorts for war against Somaliland. But Somalia fatigue and the repetitive nature of its clan-driven conflicts have lowered the region's media profile. Viewed from afar, it was an irrational first step towards restoring a national government on the ground, a return to the divide-and rule tactics of the Barre regime.

Strong identity reinforces many admirable qualities of Somali society - and transmutes into attitude problems when it comes to "clan" but one must be careful when it comes to the determinants of internal Somali tensions.

Bedouin wisdom (Me against my brother, my brother and I against our uncle, etc.etc) aside, relationships among Somali clans, sub-clans, jilib, sub-clans, diya (bride price) paying groups, and even between individuals can be very complicated, and subsume arcane factors and subjective motives difficult to evaluate from an external perspective.

The invasion my prove to be emblematic of considerably more coercive Jihad than the one Abdillahi Yusuf articulates in public and yield insight into the even bigger surprise-why his colleagues selected him for the job.

This scenario reveals the logic behind the gambit in Sool. The operation was calculated to bolster southern ideological unity by reactivating the "either with us or against us" bogey while signalling to the North (and other oppositionists) that, "this is just a state of things to come." Abdullahi Yusuf has not arrived yet, but the Sool incident set things in motion.

An international chorus of Somalilanders berated the government in Hargeisa for turning the other cheek. But a counter-offensive would have reinforced the stratagem outlined above, while the "hawks" acknowledge that. Somaliland's restraint is reportedly largely due to the recent visit of a British delegation. Her majesty's government and the US have signalled they are finally ready to bestow recognition, and Yusuf and Co's acceptance of this as fait accompli reportedly contributed to the decision to invade Somaliland. Recognition should come. But depending on how developments unfold, some tanks and F-16s will do instead.

They might not. Another theory circulating on the ground interprets the sabre rattling about a Darod-Isaaq war as a ploy to cement the Hawiye-Darod alliance underpinning the new regime. Abdullahi Yusuf was the first dissident to come out of the closet and challenge Siad Barre. Now he has remerged to face his ultimate political test: Making the transition from rebel and warlord to statesman and head of state.

Hargeysa: The UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs and emergency relief coordinator, Jan Egeland, spoke to IRIN about his impressions and what he hoped to accomplish, as he led a high-level UN mission to Somalia on 4 December. The mission was the first of its kind in nearly a decade.

This is the first mission at this level by the UN to Somalia in nearly a decade. What is significant about this visit?

It is indeed the first trip in a long time and it reflects several things. One - it has been a long period of political conflict and insecurity that has prevented much of the international work and high-level visits. But it has also been a neglected and forgotten conflict for too long. I think now, we in the international community are belatedly wanting to show our solidarity with the Somali peoples and also do our best to help them move to better times. Finally, I also come in recognition of the great work that has been undertaken by the NGOs and UN agencies that have been active for many years here, especially through the local staff and international staff here in Somaliland and in Somalia at large. They have been doing great things with very small resources. We hope now that we can attract more funding and more interest for a greater programme since the needs are so big here.

What do you hope to accomplish on this short trip?

I hope to [raise] more international attention - more international funding - a new beginning for active international support for the efforts of the Somalis themselves. It is only the Somalis themselves - and I don't hide that fact when I meet the political leaders here - they themselves have to stop their old practices of fighting each other every time they have a problem. They have to learn how to do peaceful conflict resolution. That is the only way by which we also can help them help themselves.

You visited a couple of returnee camps in Hargeysa. You saw the conditions these camps were in. What do you think is needed to alleviate those conditions?

Conditions are really very bad here. People live as badly in the camps as they do in Darfur [Western Sudan]. There is no difference at all. First, we saw two groups, one which had received hardly any assistance and another which is now receiving land from the government, schooling from the UN, and health and education from the international organisations. This is how we should be able to deal with all those coming, as a collaborative effort between local and national entities and the international community. Somaliland and Somalia at large have been receiving now hundreds of thousands of returnees that they had to accommodate with very small resources.

Somaliland, as you just mentioned, has resettled hundreds of thousands of returnees with very little resources. What is your impression now of Somaliland since you have been there before?

I am very impressed with what has been done here. I had, in my capacity as a state secretary in the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1990s, many contacts with the Somaliland authorities. I donated the first satellite phone in Somalia to President Egal [late Somaliland President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal] and I have seen since that time how they have - largely through their resources and their own efforts - rebuilt Hargeysa and rebuilt the other destroyed cities and their country. So, they have organised themselves very well. But they do have a real problem by not being recognised by any other states and I urge them to do their utmost to accommodate all their neighbours because it will facilitate our work on the humanitarian and reconstruction and development front and, thereby, help them help themselves.

You mentioned that one of your goals is to try and get more attention focused on Somalia. Other emergencies in the world have attracted a lot of attention. Is Somalia's problem the lack of interest by international powers?

That can be one of the factors. In a world full of competing emergencies and disasters, it really helps if there is an international locomotive that can help us bring attention - help us bring resources. I think the biggest challenge for Somalia has been the sense that it is a hopeless case of incomprehensible internal conflicts and there is nothing we can do. I think that is the wrong attitude because there is a lot we can do. Our assistance in Somalia has been remarkably effective and successful, and we have helped with very small resources - a large group of people and we can now do even more. I think now Somalia is turning a corner and we can, with the new political development, build on momentum - really build a peaceful future.

A new transitional government has been established in Somalia. A president has been elected, a prime minister appointed and cabinet named, and they have already asked for support in terms of peacekeeping, demobilisation and disarmament. Do you think the international community should support this new government to establish itself in Somalia?

I think it is a false contradiction that has been built here that the new government says we cannot really establish ourselves or make peace before you assist us - and the international community says we cannot help you before you establish yourself and create peace. The two things have to happen in parallel. They [the government] have to show that this is a serious effort and the warlords and political clan leaders have to strike peace deals with each other. However, they cannot do this alone. There is too little to build on. They [need] help to train police, to train security forces, to build a justice sector, to build institutions [and] to build ministries. The UN is ready and we hope the donors are ready to help us help the Somalis.

What do you think are the next steps that need to be taken to achieve that?

We need better coordination on the international side, just as they need better and more effective efforts on the Somali side. We have too many reconstruction and development assistance plans. There is the UN plan. There is a donor plan. There is an NGO plan. We need to have one comprehensive international effort and I think that can come in the light of a possible donor conference in Rome. I am glad to see that Italy and Sweden are working towards [putting] some time in the middle of next year. Then, we also need to have credible Somali institutions being established inside Somalia and local and regional peace agreements to be brokered. All of those things [need to be working] in parallel.

How optimistic are you that you will be able to focus the necessary attention on Somalia and does your trip indicate a renewed interest in Somalia?

It is the first visit of this kind in a decade. I have been bringing in international media, both Arab and western. I will be briefing ambassadors in Geneva and New York. I will talk to donors, the media and my boss, Kofi Annan, but there is no quick fix to these things. This will only be a short-term effort, unless there is a follow up locally, nationally and by international partners - in the long term. It will take years really to build a peaceful and prosperous Somalia.

Today I would say that as much as the resource constraint and attention constraint, there is a security constraint. We have in Somalia, as in Iraq and Afghanistan, been individually targeted by extremist groups, which nearly made us leave Somalia completely. I would urge all those involved to do their utmost to defend us, so that we can build up our presence instead of decreasing it.

You have in your delegation a representative of the Arab League. Is this part of your plan to involve the Arab League and try to solicit funds and interest from them in Somalia?

I have been working, as emergency relief coordinator, on an international scale, very hard to build a wider alliance of partners in assistance efforts. We are too much north/west and too little global, and yes, I work conscientiously and systematically now to involve Arab countries that have a lot of potential resources for Somalia [Somalia is member of both the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic States]. Having Al-Jazeera TV travel with me and filming continuously, I think, helps to draw the attention of the Gulf countries and elsewhere, from which we should also be able to attract resources.

Any other thoughts?

I think I want to congratulate those who have been working here because when we say that it has been largely forgotten and neglected by the international community, it has not been forgotten and neglected by the NGOs, UN agencies, Red Crescent organisations - that had been working here. I would also like to congratulate the authorities here that had been doing much to prevent a much larger disaster. Hopefully, we can now get to draw the same attention to Somalia and the Somalis, as we were able to draw

The political game played by Embagthi charlatans cannot by any stretch of imagination stymie our will and courage to pursue a viable and organic modern democracy. However, one has to admit that Somaliland is facing a few more bumps in the road ahead. Simply put, we are not out of the woods yet. Nevertheless, the stupendous valor, determination, and resilience of Somalilanders, has always been our best-kept secret weapon.

Having said that, the question is what are the bumps ahead and how can we cross that road without incurring any substantial loss in terms of resources, be it financial or human lives. There are exogenous as well as endogenous elements that cause the aforementioned hindrance. From my perspective, there are five main perils that Somaliland is facing today: Somalia's pathological obsession with Somaliland, prima donna Ismail Ghelle of Djabouti, Abdilahi Yussuf and his few allies in LasAnod, Riyalle's inept government, and our citizens' attitude.

It is very unfortunate that our brethren in Somalia cannot comprehend the fact that we were capable, in 1991, of nullifying the social contract we had entered with them on July 1, 1960. It is not that hard to notice the southerner's faulty ratiocination. On one hand, they validate the union, the contract we had with them back then. On the other hand, they abnegate our rescindment from that contract. They talk as if we were joined at the hip. It is not that abstruse that Somaliland's sovereignty antedates that of the south by six days, though southerners conveniently ignore that fact too. In addition, southerners should understand that the 19960's unification was a by-product of Somaliland's grass roots, not its elites. Hence, building a greater Somalia, as the star on the original flag symbolizes, was the crux of Somalilanders' goal. Southerners must also be reminded that virtually every country in Africa defines its boundary just the way European colonials had created, that is why the African Union is adamant in not changing the present existing boundaries. Somaliland's case is an anomaly in Africa for we are the only country on that continent that formed unification with another entity right after it achieved its sovereignty. This is the reason that we decided to restore the sovereignty we briefly enjoyed for six days prior to entering into a social and political contract with Somalia.

Lastly, Southerners should understand that there are several nations, which happen to be neighbors, which also share the same language, religion and culture. Djibouti fits into that description, but it opted out to form unification with Somalia? There are twenty Arab countries and all of them speak the same language, share religion and culture. How come they are not united and have only one Arab nation, just as the Jews have Israel as Jewish State? Also, nearly all of South America with the exception of Brazil share Spanish language, Christianity, and a quasi-similar culture. Why don't they unite as one country? Canada and the USA both speak English language and share a Judeo-Christian culture, and were colonized by the British yet they happen to be two different nations. One can easily demonstrate a plethora of examples to prove that merely speaking the same language does not constitute nationhood. The Somalia's argument is based upon a faulty inductive reasoning. Probably, the only example they can offer as reasoning is Yemen. But the milieu for that country was totally different from ours. The south and north Yemen were separate for more than a decade and their unification was based upon consensus and was entered in good faith. In any case, the concept of greater Somalia is as dead as the dodo. Even if people of Somaliland are reciprocated for the sacrifices they made in 1960, still they would not be convinced. Why? I will to tell you in a moment.

Let us say The Somalia extends Somaliland the following hypothetical offers: Hargeisa be the capital city; the president be from Somaliland; all of the major government positions such as minister of foreign affairs, minister of defense, the head of the army forces, et cetera, be filled by someone from the Somaliland communities. In addition, of the 120 members of parliament existing, 90 be filled by Somalilanders and the rest be from Somalia. Sounds like a pretty good offer, eh? Do you think this is far-fetched? This is exactly what Somaliland offered to Somalia back then however; today they would not and should not accept even that suppositional offer for one obvious reason: The same people who share religion, language and culture with us massacred One hundred thousand of our people. Somaliland does not take lightly to the loss of these people but they are in fact freer because of it. During the struggle for Somaliland's independence from the United Kingdom there were not even ten people killed. By the way, thanks for the new title you have given to some of our communities; the northern Dir, sounds pretty catchy.

The second peril that is facing Somaliland is Ismail Ghelle of Djibouti. Djibouti begrudges the success of Somaliland for Somaliland has become a dynamic and progressive nation in its short existence. From the day we declared our secession to this present day we have had three presidents. Somaliland has also had very effective opposition parties. On their side, by contrast, Djibouti, since its independence in 1977 to this day, has had only two presidents and they were both from Issa tribe. The Afars, who are almost half of Djibouti's population and are ethnically not Somalis, have been marginalized and oppressed by Ghelle's tribe. The chickens will be coming home to roost soon.

Somaliland stood its ground without external help for almost fourteen years; I wonder if the city-state of Djibouti could have endured what Somaliland has experienced in the last 14 years? Without a doubt, Djibouti would have disappeared of the off face the earth if it weren't for France's help. It is an artificial state whose main income, other than France's handout, are the taxes it collects from its port. This is where the tangle it has with Somaliland arises. Ghelle is cognizant about Zaila's commercial demise and he knows Berbera will eventually dwarf the Djibouti seaport if it revives the commercial importance it used to enjoy. Berbera and Sahil region for that matter are under tremendous political and economical pressure as a result of Ghelle's invisible hand. Ghelle sees the success of Somaliland as a win-lose outcome in favor of Somaliland. Ghelle's army has a habit of crossing Somaliland's border to destroy our national properties but Riyalle's regime often looks the other way. This tin-pot dictator suffers from size envy. He thinks that the present political success and future economic potentials of Somaliland may overshadow that of his city-state.

Moreover, Ghelle has been getting money from the UN, Arab League, and the AU ostensibly for helping the former Somalia's people to reconcile and rebuild a federal government. In any case, Somaliland citizens are very aware of his duplicity. For instance, right before Muj. Ahmed Silanyo left Somaliland for Great Britain, I mean his last trip, he exposed a supposedly clandestine document between Riyalle's minister of planning and Red Sea Livestock regarding exporting Somaliland's livestock through the port of Djibouti. Riyalle's government was caught off guard hence to get even with Muj. Silanyo, Riyalle instructed a mudslinger from his new found "October Star", a.k.a Awdalnews.com to cast an aspersion on his loyalty to Somaliland sovereignty. There is an unholy alliance between Ghelle and Riyalle. It is sad that Riyalle has disregarded his fiduciary responsibility to the citizens of Somaliland by embracing Ghelle. Again, one may wonder what amount of influence Ghelle has over Riyalle. Ghelle is an aficionado of Somaliland's demise; our success is the bane of his existence. He abhors our destiny, but we understand the reasons he detests our country. Almost, three weeks ago, Abdillahi Yussuf had paid a visit to his friend in Djibouti. Why? Something is wrong with the city-state of Djibouti!

The third peril is Abdillahi Yussuf's presence in LasAnod. A few disgruntled citizens who are against Somaliland invited the terrorists that are running LasAnod there. But it became a blessing in disguise for the warlord because he got the opportunity to annex some parts of Somaliland and then use it as a bargaining chip with Somalia's warlords. That was a very brilliant tactical move on his part. In fact, he claimed in Embaghti that of the six regions under his control, three of them are from Somaliland. Sadly, the other warlords from the South fall for his claim. In addition, some cultural, political, and intellectual elites from LasAnod are in cahoots with the warlord in his Byzantine scheme to destroy Somaliland. These collaborators insult our national character by mocking Somaliland as an IDOOR entity. Has anyone noticed that there is not even any shred of resistance from LasAnodians against that militia? Even when Abdillahi Yussuf imposed, travel restrictions on some of LasAnod's Garaads, who wanted to attend the Embaghti conference. Yet much to their chagrin, they are still compromising with his harsh rules.

These are the same people who chased Riyalle from LasAnod, therefore they are either suffering from Stockholm syndrome, and are sympathizing with their captors, or they are intoxicated by tribal malice. He even used them as pawns in the last couple of battles in Adhi-Adeeye. In any event, they need Somaliland's help if we, the majority of Somalilanders, want to build a nation based upon consensus and dialogue. We can not fall into a trap set by a hundred or so individuals of Afweine's remnants that Abdillahi Yussuf is using against our nation. In fact, the majority of that community is decent Somalilanders. Riyalle's government did not help that community's infrastructure probably he has a personal vendetta against them. Nonetheless, we should have worked hard to bring them on our side and make them a feel at home, so to speak.

The fourth salient peril that Somaliland faces is unfortunately Riyalle's inept and indecisive government. Riyalle's government fiddled while Somaliland was burning. Riyalle and his colleagues were engrossed in accumulating wealth and abusing their power, while Somaliland's enemies were devising their plot to destroy it. For starters, some hooligans who claimed to be the enemy of Somaliland chased Riyalle away from LasAnod. Then, to add insult to injury these dissidents invited Abdillahi's militia to LasAnod. What to do about the lost territory, to warlord Abdillahi, has then become a conundrum that Riyalle's government could not even begin to solve. Also, Somaliland has a fifth columnist Qaybe whose chicanery deserves nothing short of an Oscar award. This artful speaker of the parliament sabotages Somaliland in very clever ways. On one hand, he affronts staunch Somaliland supporters from his community, especially the ones from LasAnod. On the other hand, in the early days of the occupation, he advised Riyalle's government not to re-capture LasAnod through force. He has such great political prowess, a master of political paradox indeed. It should be noted that the community of Sool, Sanaag, Bari and Buhodle is geographically and politically comprised of two spheres, the Haud inhabitants and the Nugaal ones. Qaybe is from the Haud sector and because of that political cleavage he does not have much influence over the Nugaal's sector.

Riyalle's government was rather languid when the enemy of Somaliland was meeting in Embaghti. The opposition parties of Somaliland have been accused of creating fear among the masses by Somaliland's government. Suddenly, there was an intense effusion of emotion from Riyalle's government right after the warlord Abdillahi was elected the "president of Somalia". Riyalle and his cohorts knew they were in doldrums while Somaliland's enemies were engineering the demise of Somaliland. It was too late for Riyalle's government to make such a hullabaloo because it knew darn well that LasAnod was lost to the enemy under its watch.

Furthermore, the nasty warlord has been outsmarting Somaliland's government in his insidious attempt to create hate among the communities in Somaliland. Of the two skirmishes Somaliland had with his primitive militiamen, the first one occurred the week before he was elected president of Somalia and the one on Friday, occurred right after he was elected. His timing was impeccable and was purely psychological warfare aimed at Somaliland's people. If Friday's war in Adhi-Adeeye area was any indication, the warlord is reaching his goal. He is inciting the disgruntled members from LasAnod community with his mellifluous well-calculated tribal language and they fall for it. There are about one hundred or so individuals in that community that used to be ambassadors, Ministers, director generals, NSS and military officers of Afweine's regime. These are the individuals who are co-operating with the warlord. In the meantime, Riyalle's government has at its disposal at least 35 members of Somaliland's parliament, including the speaker Qaybe. They are from the community that the warlord is trying to use against Somaliland. How come these 35 members are not empowered so they could fight for Somaliland's cause? We have staunch supporters of Somaliland with the likes of Fuad Aden Cade why have they not been empowered with finance and human resources?

The government of Riyalle is politically bankrupt and morally reprehensible. A few megalomaniacs who all believe they are a heartbeat away from presidency surround him. All of his key cabinet members are there solely to enhance their fortunes. The corruption, mismanagement and the abuse of the constitution have become the norm. For instance, Riyalle had promised the people of LasAnod that his government would install a water system, but after the insurgents ambushed him he cancelled the project. Isn't that a collective punishment? I think it is morally wrong to do so. That community has been treated as a pariah by both President Egal and Riyalle. No wonder the warlord took advantage of their situation.

For Instance, some of Riyalle's cronies had tried to rebuttal the warlord's tribal propaganda, however in their process they found themselves championing intolerance, social ostracism and clannish discrimination. When they show corpses of the war victims of LasAnod in the newspapers and on websites they have stooped to the warlord's level. Were they conducting autopsies on the dead bodies or were they merely showing off? That sums up their political naivety.

As far as Somaliland's economy is concerned, the Somaliland's Diaspora is the largest foreign investor in that land. Many people rely on remittance sent by Somaliland's expatriates but these days our Somaliland Shilling has appreciated over the United States' dollar. Isn't that fascinating that our currency has beaten the currency of the world's strongest economy? Well, our economy is not that auspicious as it seems in terms of our currency exchanging with the USA dollar, in fact it is deteriorating at a rapid pace. Somaliland economy has not grown, American citizens are not excessively buying products that have been made in Somaliland, and there are not American tourists flooding to Somaliland yet the American dollar has been depreciating against our currency. Is there an economical miracle taking place in Somaliland? The truth of the matter is Riyalle's government has either controlled the flow of paper money or it did not print enough money. Everything, especially necessities have become astronomically expensive. Poor government policies beget poverty. This regime can not even employ a half-decent monetary policy. Once again, Riyalle's government has failed us. It is a pity that he is lacking the indispensable qualities to run our country.

The government of Riyalle still has an opportunity to rectify things. First, it has to utilize the representatives of the community of LasAnod and Nugaal. We have great leaders from that community who happen to be very progressive individuals and therefore we have to embrace them and help them help Somaliland's cause.

Second, our government should put forth a tremendous effort in order to make that community feel a sense of belonging. For instance the area that Somaliland government controls should be developed with schools and hospitals, etceteras. I know some of you may think that it is some sort of bribery to do so but believe me it is not. It is a universal practice of wealth redistribution performed by every responsible government. If the "occupied" territory is a sine qua non to our nationhood, then Somaliland government must improve the living conditions of the inhabitants of that area. Riyalle's government can't have it all.

The amount of money that we are wasting on buying weapons should have been spent on building schools, hospitals, and clean water for Nugaal's community and other parts of the country. Once we do things that could improve the quality of Nugaal's community, then we will win the hearts and the minds of that community. Riyalle's government will tell you that there are not enough resources to implement these projects. Meanwhile, we know the amount of money Riyalle is getting as a salary. The government of Riyalle though, would find a fund to finance any project if the project is useful to the government's policies. The recently built hospital of Ainabo town is a prime example.

Third, if we wage war, the people who are going to pay the heaviest price are the people of Nugaal. The majority of Somalilanders have been there before. They know what is like to be a war victim. In every war the first casualties are the children, elderly, disabled, and women. Any war waged against LasAnod will definitely affect those groups and they are Somaliland citizens. We should avoid war at all costs and empower our representatives from that community so they will be able resolve this salient problem in a peaceful way.

I believe pro Somaliland team will eventually win the hearts and the minds of their constituency. We have to stay away from war, because war is for primitive societies. War is a regressive tool. If Somaliland people often claim that we are a new political phenomena occurring in Africa then let us live up to our reputation. The most precious commodity of any civilization is the ability to utilize their intelligence and conscience. We need a new paradigm shift in our thinking. War has to be the last resort.

As a new nation, we are burning our bridges if we use military against LasAnod. We have already given the warlord ample opportunities to use some members of that community against Somaliland. Also, war is costly in terms of human lives and financial resources. It results in a misallocation of our limited resources.

Lastly, the government of Somaliland should explore all avenues to resolve the issue of LasAnod. For instance, it should consult with opposition parties, it should consult with traditional leaders from LasAnod and it should seek guidance and advice from the members of Somaliland's parliament representing the people of Nugaal. After all, we are talking about twenty five percent of LasAnod's community that is wreaking havoc on the rest of their community.

The fifth peril that Somaliland is facing is the attitude of its people. I believe it was Hegel who stated that reality develops by means of the reconciling, synthesis, and contradiction between thesis and antithesis. Allow me to play a devil's advocate here. I believe that we, all Somalilanders, are still operating on the most primal instinctive impulses of a distorted sense of survival and everything stems from that. We generally live by some sort of medieval militaristic indoctrination that we see in tribal institutions and that is the nature of the beast, survival instinct. Tribalism perpetuates survival impulses.

We may be a paranoid society, but it does not mean there is no one behind us. A member of our community has lost 100,000 lives during Afweine's regime. Should they be concerned in the future? Your guess is as good as mine.

In all honesty, I got a few red flags in cyberspace lately specially after the skirmishes in Adhi- Adeeye. At one point, I thought we were behaving like the bad guys in the "Balkans". It seemed to me that our nationalistic ego was bruised. I never thought that I would witness people who would behave in such a way that they have a monopoly over the sovereignty of Somaliland. You have the chutzpah to say to some of our fellow countrymen that they are condemned to be indebted to you for the rest of their lives because you forgave them. Since they are collectively guilty they should jump whenever they are asked to and they shouldn't dare to ask how high? I did not know that I was part of the Aryan race. This jingoistic and chauvinistic attitude is dangerous therefore our temperaments have to be reigned in. We have to be tolerant of one another and respect our differences of opinions.

For Instance, a few high profile members of Riyalle's government came to Burao and told their audience the following statement and I am paraphrasing it: `We forgave them and they are still launching war against us.' Well, excuse me, but who is we, and who are they? This is utterly ridiculous. How do you think a kid from LasAnod community living at Burao or Hargeisa, for that matter, would feel if he or she heard such pernicious and caustic statements from Somaliland officials? They would feel differently and they would be petrified with fear. Therefore, you guys should keep a civil tongue in your head. How come you do not remind Riyalle that you forgave him every time he appears in front of you? How come his community is not reminded that they were forgiven? They were on same page as the community of LasAnod during Somaliland's fight against Afweine's brutal regime. They were conspicuously absent from the SNM struggle as the nom de guerre of Muj. Abdirahman Aw Ali depicts.

If we want to build a nation, a nation that is progressive we should stop using certain vitriolic and acerbic remarks against the community of LasAnod. We should help them feel that we care about them and without them we are not complete. There is no room for verbal and emotional abuse towards a segment of our nation. I do not want that part of my people to suffer as result of the war we have with the warlord and his patsies. I do not believe that we are genetically predisposed to war. I don't see why we should go to war. Give me one reason why we should go to war? I may be a very skeptical person but I also believe the sinner Abdillahi Yussuf and the saint Riyalle, were once and still are, exchanging their notes. Perhaps they are explicit enemies but implicit allies, I don't know. Does anyone remember the number of people from Somaliland who died in the war between Somalia and Ethiopia in 1977, the war with Afweine's regime and the other unnecessary battles that happened in Hargeisa, Berbera and Burao? We have to change our attitude if we want to build a unique and progressive nation, which has never been seen before on the African continent.

As for the tough leaders in LasAnod who are trying to be the tale that wags the dog, let me remind you that it seems that you have gotten carried away in an ecstasy of mendacity in terms of claiming Sool, Cayn, Sanaag and Buhodle. I am talking directly to the upper crust of LasAnod community, the hundred or so individuals who were once Afweine's ambassadors, director generals, army officers, and former NSS senior agents. You are the by-products of Afweine and Dafle's son, Ahmed. It is likely that none of you even reside in LasAnod now. Chances are you live in a western country and your families and children are safe, yet you promulgate falsehood and hate. Instead of financing the insurgents and their radio station in LasAnod, why don't you behave like men and live in LasAnod? Do you want to turn LasAnod into the Faluja of Somaliland?

We know your attitude. Your flight of fancy, that IDOORS will be caught one by one by African peacekeepers, will definitely turn into your worst nightmare. Abdillahi Yussuf is talking about twenty thousand peacekeepers. Is that all? Let him bring a million of them. We have already lost 100,000 people, and we are willing to lose even a higher numbers now. If you have what it takes, forgive me if I may sound condescending, to sacrifice 100,000 to save a reputation of one tribe? If your answer is yes, then by all means please do so, for you are such a courageous clan. We hear your nasty put downs every day, but believe me when push comes to shove that warlord will not care about your people. By contrast, we care about you. We do not want you to go through what we went through during Afweine's ethnic cleansing scheme.

As a rhetorical question, one may ask the following: when different rights come into conflict, how do we know which one takes priority? In Somaliland's case, it would be a morally wrong to assume the right to live as one nation by a community that has lost 100,000 innocent citizens as it would be circumscribed by the rights of those delusional few occupying LasAnod. In every war there are winners, we won our freedom as a result of many lost lives. The political regime of Somaliland should promote the social and legal conditions for the production of a greater amount of happiness than would otherwise be the case.

No one has tried to rule LasAnod through the barrel of gun. The LasAnod community has been enjoying their self-rule from the first day Somaliland declared its secession from the south. Even if you want to be an autonomous region, the people of Somaliland are willing to compromise with you. Yet, you seem to cogitate that the problem is not how much freedom your community has been enjoying but rather why a certain community in Somaliland is enjoying its freedom. If the renegade leaders of LasAnod's community think that certain community in Somaliland has natural tendency in getting the short end of the stick all of the time, then we have nothing else to say but to admire your persistency. If you are willing to attrite your community just as you did in the mad Mullah's movement and Afweine's regime then go ahead and make our day. If you want to give a golden opportunity for vast uneducated individuals who under pretext of defending a nation want to avenge your community for past mishaps, by all means please do so. No disrespect for Somaliland's army and its citizens but when war occurs, pillage, looting and other collateral damage do unfortunately become the norm. Anyhow, if you want war, there is the devil to pay.

I was born in Ainabo and I have no bone to pick with someone from LasAnod if he/she claims Ayn region belongs to him or her because we share that land. But when some idiot from Bossaso area makes such a preposterous claim it makes me furious though I consider myself a rational human being. The last couple of attacks on our army may have given you a bit of false sense of self-assurance. But if and when the hammer falls, it will be severe and swift. Few shiploads of weapons from Yemen do not shake our confidence. Today Somaliland is light years ahead of where it was in 1990 when all the traditional leaders from our communities declared our independence at the Burao Conference. Why the change of heart now? Do you think that we are weaker now? We have an organized and well-disciplined army. We have a unified community that is determined to defend its country. All odds are against you, trust me you will never reach your deceitful goals. Roll the dice.

I am naturally a very optimistic person and I truly believe Somaliland will prosper and progress in the not so distant future. However, the present regime is not well equipped to take us to Promised Land that we have envisioned. Moreover, everyone be it a busboy, a cab driver, a politician, an unemployed person, or a teacher is preoccupied with the concept of RECOGNITION! This word has become a buzzword for everyone it has become ubiquitous. For instance, Riyalle's government uses it as an escape goat for its incompetence. Unfortunately, most of us fall for that subliminal propaganda. You would hear people saying if we were recognized by the world communities all our problems would have instantly vanished. It is obvious that recognition has some advantages, for instance it would ease some of the difficulties that people traveling with Somaliland passports wouldn't have otherwise faced. Donor nations would have probably provided us some kind of transient relief. Some diplomatic job positions would have been created for a few individuals. That is all.

Somaliland is in a catch 22 situation. On one hand we have to get recognition first from the "African (Dictators') Union", on the other hand unless Africa becomes a progressive continent represented by elected leaders they will not recognize us because doing otherwise in their opinion would open a can of worms. Many artificial countries like Djibouti would become extinct. Other major countries like Nigeria, Ethiopia and even Kenya would face crisis. Ivory Coast is in catastrophe at the present time.

It is not the recognition, stupid. It is the economy, education, health care, environment, human rights, and gender equality etc. We do not need other nations and international communities to validate our existence and nationhood. We are the masters of our own destiny. We have to be confident in our ability to establish a political regime that enhances the greater good for the greatest number. We need a representative democracy, with rulers accountable to those who have put them in power. We need a constitutional government, where rulers have power but only to the extent that they are given it by the people and within the principles that are set out within a constitution.

The Muj. Abdillahi Askari syndrome, the arrest and verbal abuse of our decent citizens, has to be halted once and for all in Hargeisa. The Zamsam case is like a slap in the face to our nation's reputation and the humiliation suffered by one Guurti member, Mr. Ahmed Dirir Ali cannot be tolerated anymore. At present the four lawyers that were representing Zamsam are serving 3-year sentences for contempt of court. Isn't that contempt for democracy? Our government shouldn't be burying its head in the sand. This seventeen-year-old innocent, defenseless victim has been abused beyond one's imagination. Look at the magnitude of the media attention her case is getting. Instead of bringing them to justice and rehabilitating the perpetrators of Zamsam's nightmare, the government of Riyalle has chosen to complicate and protract the situation in arresting the four distinguished lawyers that were representing her. If you always do what you have always done, you always get what you always got. Arresting the innocent journalists, senate members, and lawyers is a gross human rights abuse and people of Somaliland shouldn't put up with these kinds of government actions.

Somaliland's government has the attitude of "if all you have is a hammer, everything looks like a nail". Just because you are entrusted with power does not imply you can abuse your power and throw innocent individuals in jail. The government should treat its citizens with dignity. Riyalle's government has no vision in advancing our citizens' economic conditions. There are no programs to stimulate the economy. For instance, the port of Berbera has not been utilized to its potential. It is disgusting that Somaliland business people use Bossaso and Djibouti ports as substitutes for Berbera. Fifty six million Ethiopians as well as Somalilanders could have benefited from the Berbera's seaport usage. The word employment does not even exist in our dictionary. I wonder of the rate of unemployment in our country? Perhaps it is ninety five percent. Government workers do not even work for more than three hours. In fact, most of Riyalle's ministers do not even show up at their office for they are probably suffering from masticating Qat. The government is delinquent in paying its employees, including the Somaliland police, often. Where is the progress?

If any country wants to double the living standard of its citizens within a five-year period, its economy should grow by almost 15% annually. If the rate of growth is 7% per annum then their standard of living would double after ten years time. Three percent rate of annual growth will take 24 years to double our living standard. In case you think that I pulled this measurement out of thin air it is based upon Rule 72. It is a measurement used on an inflation, population growth, rate of return in investment, etc. Divide any rate by 72 and you will get the result. In any case, what percentage rate is Somaliland's economy growing? Does Riyalle have the skill to navigate our economy therefore our people's standard of living would fare better in the near future?

For a government that has a plethora of ministers, he has the luxury of appointing the auditor general and other positions, among them the manager of Hargeisa Club. Now he claims to have no influence over the judge ruling Zamsam's and her former lawyers' cases? It seems that he can't think outside of the box. But enough of Riyalle, for we can not blame him for all of our misfortunes.

What are our business elites doing? Can't they bring light industries to our country and create jobs? Why are we such a lethargic society? I can't believe that we even import distilled water. Oromo migrants do most of the menial and manual labor jobs because our people have disdain for such work. Perhaps it is the habit of Qat chewing that is causing this inertia. The Mafrashes with their spin doctors bring to most of us an atmosphere of congeniality. Unfortunately that is the mentality that is prevailing in Somaliland. We need work ethics from our government as well as our people. We have to overcome the dependency culture and work hard for our country. We should not be expecting manna from heaven. We can do it on our own, but we need an affective leader so we can overcome our obstacles. Keep that in mind when parliamentary elections arrive early next year. It would be presumptuous of me to tell you who to vote for but you see the situation now. Cast your vote wisely.

As for education, there is a positive correlation between the level and extent of education on one hand and economic prosperity on the other hand. For instance, Japan has no natural resources and yet it is the second largest economy, just behind the USA, in the world. The Asian tiger nations are the same. In fact, in Hong Kong the average working hours are ten hours per day and some even work six days a week. We have to educate our people. We have to also recognize that the human species, both by its numbers and its technology, has a massive impact on the environment. We are witnessing the biggest deforestation of our country's history. We have been using trees as charcoal energy and you do not have to be a rocket scientist to figure it out unless you replant the trees, we will eventually deplete them which would pose a tremendous danger too our existence.

In conclusion, we have a lot of challenges ahead of us, nonetheless we can beat all odds against us because our best-kept secret is the close knit fabric of the Somaliland citizens, and we share values. First, most present day Somalilanders are the people who were born after 1960. These cohorts are the ones who use to ask their parents the classical question of "what were you thinking when you took our sovereignty to Mogadishu"? Among them are many individuals who suffered under the Mogadishu based governments in terms of their education and job opportunities. They have been abused emotionally and psychologically during the thirty years before the downfall of Afweine's brutal regime.

Second, these groups had participated in our struggle for independence. They were the bulk of SNM soldiers. Therefore, unlike their parents who gained their freedom from Britain without bloodshed these cohorts had fought for their freedom and paid a huge price. They have seen individuals worst than Abdillahi Yussuf and believe me they do not blink. They know what is at stake and they are the true protectors of our nation. Their age group is between 18-55. They are cognizant of their enemy and they have been enjoying both personal and property freedoms since our declaration of our sovereignty in 1990.

They know their future potentials and they are cherishing the freedom they are enjoying presently. I call them the "consummate citizen". They have reverence for the rule of law. Abiding the law is inherent in their psyche. They are fed up with unnecessary wars and have experienced many broken dreams. They need jobs and their children deserve schools, hospitals and clean water. They need to get ahead in life and become a productive society. They are tolerating Riyalle's abuses for the sake of their nation and they put up with Abdillahi Yussuf's constant harassments. Yet they are resolute, courageous and are ready to defend their ideals and freedoms.

I am not worried about our nation's survival for a second, but I am concerned about Riyalle's sincerity and intentions. If he truly wants change for the better, for the people of Somaliland, then he should let people enjoy their fundamental basic human rights and freedoms. Release these innocent people from your horrible prison and show that you are genuinely for Somaliland's cause. Please let us give peace a chance.

I am sorry if I am loquacious, but my conscious and history would not forgive me, if I did not express and state my feelings.

May God bless our noble People.

Ali Hassan (Kubad), Toronto, Canada.

Given the fact that, this writer had used a strong language, which is very critical to the Somaliland Government its Police, Judicial and administration of its justice system.

And his carelessness of using very harsh and unjust words, without any careful considerations, and through analysis of the case concern.

Some of the language and words used are as follows "I want to express my concern and sense of disgust over the recent imprisonment of four Human Rights Lawyers and the way, in general, the Government of Somaliland, the Police and the Judicial system have handled the case regarding the arrest and allegations of rape of a young woman accused of espionage and terrorism. The arrest of this young girl and the subsequent imprisonment of Human Rights Lawyers have sent shockwaves of anger and repulsion throughout the world and we, as citizens of Somaliland, feel ashamed and cannot take pride in belonging to a nation whose Government and Justice system have been implicated in accusations of Human Rights violation. This is unacceptable and in contrary to everything that Somaliland should stand for." Well myself and many other readers are bewildered and ironically shocked of your use of words like "implicated in accusations of Human Rights violation." Without telling us who had implicated Somaliland of these allegations that you are implying had occurred.

Furthermore the accusation of the Somaliland government and its indirect involvement in this case and especially from higher ladder up in the chain of command of the administration are condoning this kind of actions, itself is unfounded and merely a speculation and you have not presented any evidence to backup your argument. And any minded person will rather describe you that, in fact you are the one who lacked strategic vision of gathering information it's truthfulness and compiling a good report from a good source.

The repetition of the words like a "young girl", 18 years old is an adult in any descent law of any country including Great Britain which you yourself live, and it is not an excuse to break the law let alone as alleged try acts of terrorism. In the case of the lawyers it is alleged that, the reason of their imprisonment is because of (Contempt of Court) and that is compliance within the guard line of Somaliland Constitution voted and supported unanimously by its people during the referendum. But were not just bundled from their homes and taken into custody as you have claimed.

However many others and myself do not share your view and certainly the World does not either, given the current climate of terrorism that the world is facing.

Therefore it's the interest of all of us and of course our country that one should refrain such descriptions and baseless information that spread like a wild fire.

From: Hussein Mohamed Tubeec, Melbourne Australia, Email: tubea@hotmail.com

The recent imprisonment of the four Human Rights lawyers is the latest of a series of plunders involving arrests and unlawful detentions of prominent Somaliland citizens who, through their line of work, have been on the vanguard of our democratic vision. Such include editor-in-chief of Jamhuuriya Newspaper, Mr Hassan Yusuf who was detained by the police only a few months ago. These and number of other incidents of similar nature have characterized Somaliland as a country where human right violation is a commonplace and freedom of press remains under threat.

Considering the pattern and the careful timing of these incidents occurring with passing resemblance with one another and their similitude in having the effect of portraying Somaliland Government in this tyrannical outline, one could innocently take the view that all these are part and parcel of some crafty and highly sinister political conspiracy premeditated by individual cells within the administration who, for their own reasons, appear to have a different agenda of some sort.

The idea of suggesting that the enemy could be from within may sound absurd yet it remains a popular view hugely subscribed to now by many people who think the chief architect of this so-called crafty and politically self-subversive agenda is more likely to be the administration in Somaliland itself than it being the work of an external enemy.

For I know it just too well and any fool knows it does not take a genius for an entire political apparatus of a country to be so na‹ve and gullible not to think that the imprisonment of journalists and Human Right activists can easily be interpreted as a violation of human rights and sign of systematic repression of democratic values. The accusations of this nature can also raise serious concerns amongst the international community as well as having the potentials to blemish the political outlook of the country especially in such a high time when Somaliland is facing new challenges.

The allegation of rape whether true or not and the subsequent arrests of the Human rights activists are already costing Somaliland great deal and so much is at stake that Somaliland under the present circumstance cannot afford to err on the fundamentals of its own democratic values.

So why is it that the authorities in Somaliland have in the first place allowed this matter to drag on this long that they have even found themselves at loggerheads with their elite?

Why is it that we, the Somalilanders in Diaspora, tend to think as with many other politically non-aligned people outside the country feel, that the administration in Somaliland is doing things far too wrong too often and too many times than innocent incompetence can justify for the past two years? Why is it that the Government acts erratically each time something politically sensitive happens or even appears to be on the horizon without actually having any direct impact on us?

Why is it that Riyaale's administration jumps before the whistle blows and yet slows the race in actions like it did when Abdillahi.Yusuf was elected in Kenya as the president of Somalia?

Why talk the war talk and do the dove's work in war when in Lasanod, integral part of Somaliland territory still bears the brunt of being a conquered territory by troops belonging to Puntland following their incursion on Somaliland army bases stationed within Somaliland territories?

Why allow the alleged scandal over the rape allegations of a young to drag on and be used as moral propaganda warfare against Somaliland?

Why allow the good name of our nation to be implicated in a shameful disparage like this?

Considering the pattern of the recent events and how the Government has responded to them merely suggests that the administration in Somaliland is not only incompetent, monotonous and infertile but rather that it lacks strategic vision and scores own goals far too many times.

I, on behalf of those who care about Somaliland, request the administration to:

- Release the arrested human right lawyers and anyone else detained in connection with this matter immediately.

- Restore the dignity of the nation of Somaliland and wash their hands off the Samsam case either by releasing her or bringing hard evidence to prove that she was involved in espionage activities.

- To refrain in the future from arresting journalists and other humanitarian activists involved in safeguarding the rights and general welfare of the people without bringing criminal charges prior to their arrest and ensuring that every person is entitled to be treated fairly in the eyes of the law.

- To put an end to the culture of arbitrary arrests of civilians and members of the public and abide the rule of law that govern our nation.

- To run the political affairs of the country responsibly and with due respect of people of Somaliland and in pursuit of their common political interests and aspirations and not otherwise the contrary

Finally, I want to make clear that it's not for me to judge whether Samsam and Omer are innocent or not but one thing I know for a fact is that they are both human beings and that they are rightly entitled to be treated with dignity and respect. Remember the old adage everyone is innocent until proven guilty.

As for the government of Somaliland, my advice to them is that there are far more important challenges and issues that are facing our country today than Samsam and her co-defendant. So, it is about time you got your priorities right and concentrated your efforts and resources where they are needed most.

Ahmed Yussuf, London

Both the governments of the former president of Djibouti, Hasan Guleid Aptidon, and its current President, Ismail Omar Guelleh, have amply demonstrated what can only be described as a deep-rooted hatred for the people of Somaliland. This is not just a wild accusation but could be proven by the political actions that the successive Djibouti governments have been taking against the people of Somaliland.

To start with, during the dictatorship of the former Gen Muhammad Siyad Barre, the Djibouti government has constituted itself as a sharp instrument in Barre's killing machine, rounding up Somalilanders in Djibouti and handing them over to Barre's border troops who summarily executed them and dumped them in mass graves. The Djibouti security forces, under Ismail Omar Guelleh then, went as far as grabbing Somalilanders fleeing toward the Ethiopian border and whisked them back into Somalia where the captured people were murdered in cold blood.

These are not fabricated propaganda to make either the Djibouti leadership or its people look bad in the eyes of the people of Somaliland or the rest of the world. These are indisputable facts.

Some good-hearted people would definitely say that raking over the dead ashes of the past would not do anyone any good. That is true, but such a sentiment would made good sense, if the government of Djibouti stopped its damaging policies toward Somaliland. But in the face of ceaseless hostilities, it does no harm to remind the government of Djibouti, that the people of Somaliland have a sense of history.

In addition, ever since the fall of the former dictator of Somalia on the evening of 26 January 1991, the government of Djibouti has been falling over each other to reconstruct government for "the whole of Somalia," deliberately disregarding the existence of the Republic of Somaliland. Not only that but the government of Djibouti has been trying to put back in power those who were the biggest cogs in Barre's killing machine.

When the people of Somaliland declared the regaining of its independence on 18 May, 1991 by nullifying the Union Act of 1960, the Djibouti government announced the same day that it would not recognize the new government of Somaliland. As it happened Djibouti remains the only government still on record to have publicly declared policy of a non-recognition of Somaliland. Other governments tactfully maintain silence on this issue.

The stand of the government of Djibouti toward Somaliland cannot be justified on principle, a belief that it wants an eventual Greater Somalia for it opted for its sovereignty when it gained independence from France in 1977 instead of joining the Republic of Somalia which consisted of the 1960 union of Somaliland and Somalia.

Why then does the government of Djibouti want to hurt so badly Somaliland's chances for recognition by working so hard for establishing a government for Somalia (South), which then claims to represent "all of Somalia," including Somaliland, consisting of warmed-over ex-Barre men and women who could hardly represent the people in the Somalia (South), let alone Somaliland?

That is a yet unsolved puzzle as the government of Djibouti does not explain its seemingly irrational stand against Somaliland. Logically, Djibouti should have been on the side of the people of Somaliland whose people have a web of undeletable ties since time unmemorable with the people of Djibouti. The government of Djibouti would do well to think foremost of the interests of its people that are intricately linked with those of the people of Somaliland, as well as those of Somalia, not in these crisis-ridden times but in the future for centuries to come.

The trial of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, the 17-year old girl whose detention and trial has confronted the justice system in Somaliland with a series of challenges, resumed at Hargeisa regional court on Monday, 6 December, together with her co-defendant, Omer Jama Warsame. The trial had been indefinitely suspended by the presiding judge, Abdirahman Jama Hayaan, on 24 November, after he had summarily sentenced the four defence lawyers to three years in prison, allegedly for disturbance of the court. Four members of the Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland (CJPS), which has been supporting the legal defence of the two detainees, attended Monday's hearing. In light of the grave and widespread irregularities which were, again, apparent in the proceedings, the Coalition remains pessimistic, for the reasons detailed below, that justice will be done.

The Coalition is concerned that the trial on Monday reflected a legal strategy which effectively aims to remove the discussion from the courts to the political arena, with serious implications for the justice system in Somaliland. Having failed, despite repeated efforts, to provoke a confrontation outside the court with their supporters, which might have justified postponement of the trial, the government then moved to silence their lawyers through imprisonment. Now, after a few hours where they had no legal representation, no opportunity to call their own witnesses or to cross examine those for the prosecution, Zamzam and Omer are to be judged on Saturday 11 December. There are fears that they will indeed be sentenced on Saturday, and that they may then be "pardoned" by President Dahir Rayale.

The Lack of Legal Representation

With their four lawyers in prison, Zamzam and Omer were left to defend themselves, despite the gravity of the charges they face. According to the judge, a letter had been sent to the two detainees, and their families, informing them of the date of the hearing. But neither Zamzam nor Omer, who have been incarcerated in Hargeisa central prison since September, had received such notice and therefore had no opportunity to hire new lawyers. Nor did their families know of the impending hearing. Zamzam's mother and Omer's wife found out at the last minute through informal channels. The Coalition itself had no prior knowledge of the trial as no information had been given to the public.

The judge offered the detainees a choice: they could either act as their own lawyers and allow the proceedings to continue, or the trial could be postponed while they sought out new lawyers. Anxious to put their ordeal behind them, and hoping for an early release, Zamzam and Omer chose to lead their own defence.

Judge Hayaan continues to preside over the case, notwithstanding the criticisms levelled at him following his decision to sentence Zamzam and Omer's lawyers. Moreover, the prosecutor, Yusuf Abdi Kahin, whose conduct was questioned by the defence lawyers during the previous session, was once again given a free hand to interrogate Zamzam and Omer-this time in the absence of their lawyers. Despite the intimidating circumstances, including the absence of the many relatives and supporters who had attended the court previously, the two detainees held their ground and argued their case as best as they could.

The Prosecution

As in the past, the prosecution produced witnesses, for the most part CID officers involved in interrogating the detainees, who repeated the claims that Zamzam and Omer were part of a conspiracy to murder the Vice President, had visited his residence for the purpose of surveillance, and that they had become suspicious when Zamzam repeatedly changed her name, details and clan identity. No new or material evidence was produced. No independent witnesses came forward to lend support to the prosecution's arguments. Their case ended as it had begun, based entirely on the word of CID officers-some of whom have been accused of torturing the detainees and of raping Zamzam-and of the guards in charge of security at the Vice President's home.

The Defendants

Both defendants refuted the prosecution's charges and repeated their previous accusations against the CID for torture, and Zamzam continued to insist that she had suffered rape at the hands of six CID officers. As in the past, she did not hesitate to point out that some of the men involved in the rape included the prosecution's witnesses. On this occasion, she singled out, as she had done on 4 October, a young CID officer who was in the witness stand. Desperate to leave prison, she made a strong appeal to the judge for an early release.

Omer, who had driven Zamzam from Bosasso to Hargeisa in his vehicle for hire, categorically rejected the charge that he had any involvement with espionage and a conspiracy to assassinate the Vice President. He reminded the court that he had in fact been released by the CID after two or three days of questioning in mid-August, and had been re-arrested and charged only after he demanded that the deputy head of the CID, Saeed Mohamed Absiye, who had used his car and damaged the engine, compensate him for his losses.

He related how he had returned to CID headquarters in search of his car after his release and was told that the deputy head of the CID had the keys. Accompanied by a soldier and a mechanic, the car was taken from the CID compound to a garage where the engine was found to be faulty. Omer said he returned to the CID in the company of two parliamentarians to give him moral support. They left empty-handed after an abusive encounter with Absiye. He then, he added, went back on his own, at which point Absiye threatened to have him arrested if he continued to speak about the car. He was, he said, given a serious beating and hand-cuffed, after which he was then driven to Hargeisa central police station where Absiye instructed the police to give him the maximum punishment, which meant that he was held in isolation, denied access and even food for a certain period.

Saeed Mohamed Absiye was due to testify in court for the prosecution on Monday. The hearing was in fact suspended for a while to give him the chance to attend, but he failed to turn up.

Omer told the court that he believes the charges were fabricated to cover up: (1) the injuries he has suffered from the torture; (2) the damage to his car and (3) to divert attention from the circumstances of his re-arrest and long period of imprisonment.

A Denial of Justice

The defendants have not yet had a chance to call a single witness to the stand. All the hearings to date have been devoted to prosecution witnesses. And on Monday, with their lawyers behind bars, and no opportunity to prepare their own defence in advance, they were left in a position of extreme vulnerability. The government has said that their lawyers will have their appeal heard on Thursday, and that the verdict on Zamzam and Omer will be delivered on Saturday. Even if their lawyers win their appeal and are released, there are no further opportunities to put forth arguments, since Saturday is merely to hear the verdict.

When Omer and Zamzam asked the judge about their own complaints against the CID, he told them to "write a letter." The prosecutor himself pointed out that they are not allowed to have pens and paper in prison. Nor are they allowed to talk to visitors in private who could then assist them in composing such a letter. The judge simply repeated the suggestion that they should record their complaints in writing. Yesterday, 7 December, the judge, Hayaan, wrote a letter, a copy of which was given to Zamzam's mother, in which he instructed the head of the central prison to type up the letter "which they will compose themselves", a suggestion that has done little to reassure their families.

The Judge and the Prosecutor

If Somaliland is to improve its justice system, as the members of the Coalition believe it can and must, we urge the Government of Somaliland to address impediments to a fair trial. In this context, we regret the failure of the Chief Justice to respond to the calls which have been made by, amongst others, the detained lawyers, for the disqualification of judge Hayaan from the case, and the removal of the prosecutor, Yusuf Abdi Kahin.

Once again, the Coalition reiterates the calls for the removal of the judge and prosecutor from the case given the consistent and overwhelming proof of the necessary lack of professional ethics. In the case of the judge, his partiality and subservience to the prosecution, which members of the Coalition have witnessed repeatedly, is grounds for transferring the case to another judge.

What is at Stake?

The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland has been strongly criticised by some within the Government of Somaliland, by sections of the media in Somaliland, and even by some members of civic groups, for attracting "negative publicity" for Somaliland, and thereby damaging its interests.

As individuals and organizations concerned about the promotion of justice, accountability, transparency and peace in Somaliland, we regard it as our civic and moral responsibility as citizens of Somaliland, and our duty as human beings, to try and correct injustice in whatever guise it appears, no matter how difficult and discouraging the challenge might be. Far from jeopardising the future of Somaliland, we believe that we are making a vital and constructive contribution in ensuring that it is being built on solid foundations of which we can all be proud, and which can serve us all, in the years to come. We are concerned that injustices and abuses in themselves constitute a threat to the stability of Somaliland.

A Question of Individual Responsibility

The Coalition has consistently emphasised the importance of a full investigation, a fair trial for Zamzam and Omer, justice for all concerned and the principle of individual culpability. It is clear to us that serious mistakes have been made in the administration of justice, and within the CID, and these mistakes are the responsibility of particular individuals. Zamzam and Omer have also made allegations about torture, and rape in the case of Zamzam, against specific officers within the CID force. Those in charge of the administration of justice, and of the police force, should investigate these accusations, openly and fairly, and take the necessary corrective action for the sake of justice, to distance their institutions from the errors of certain employees and to safeguard the credibility of the offices which have been entrusted to them. When they fail to do so, it is inevitable that the blame will be generalised, to the detriment of Somaliland now, and in the future.

What Can be Done?

To move the process of justice forward, the Coalition for Justice and Peace is putting forward the following recommendations:

- A meaningful trial must be organized immediately in which Zamzam and Omer have legal representation and the opportunity to cross examine witnesses.

- Their defence lawyers must be released immediately and unconditionally.

- The allegations of rape and torture must be urgently and thoroughly investigated and the findings made public. If the allegations of rape are substantiated, the judicial authorities in Somaliland will have the opportunity to set a new standard by bringing a prosecution for rape against public officials.

- Both the judge, Abdirahman Jama Hayaan, and the prosecutor, Yusuf Abdi Kahin, who have lost credibility on the basis of their performance to date, should be replaced with immediate effect.

The Coalition for Justice and Peace in Somaliland, formed recently, brings together organizations and individuals that share a common interest in promoting justice, peace, human rights, the culture of dialogue and the establishment of democratic institutions in Somaliland.

From: Mr. Ahmed Muse Gedi (Sanjab),
Secretary General, Justice and Welfare Party,

THE SO CALLED `T.F.G.S' AND ITS ELECTED PARLIAMENT & WAR-LORD PRESIDENT WOULD NEVER RESOLVE THE ANARCHY IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA.

In pursuance to my numerous articles about the political situation in Somaliland, ( i.e. Former British Somaliland), Republic Of Djibouti (i.e. Former French Somaliland) Southern Somalia ( i.e. Former Italian Somaliland) and the lofty dream of Greater Somalia, I would like to remind the World Community and in particular the authorities wielding the mandate of the above Institutions that their efforts in resolving the protracted anarchy of Southern Somalia has failed to achieve positive results, as a result of the following grounds and should therefore support other mechanisms that can HEAL the MISERY and STOP the on-going dirty-clan-wars:-

--The Clans Charter ( CAHDI_QARAMEED OR CAHDI-BEELEED) adopted in that conference failed to identify ways and means of dismantling territorial fiefdoms carved by 51 war-lords including MAJERTANIA, which was renamed as PUNTLAND from 1998 and headed by the war-lord elected as the President for the so called Transitional Federal Government for Somalia;

--The Charter did not address how the newly elected Transitional Federal Government will reclaim DEFUNCT SOMALI STATE PROPERTIES confiscated by THE 51 WAR-LORDS such as Sea-Ports, Air-Ports, Hospitals, Schools, Offices, Houses and other important properties ;

--The Charter did not address how bring JUSTICE to those who committed war-crimes against their brethren during civil-war period 1981-2004 INCLUDING MEMBERS OF PRESENT PARLIAMENT AND THE ELECTED WAR-LORD;

--It did not explain how individual properties confiscated by war-lords will be returned to the right owners;

--The CHARTER failed to discriminate individuals that committed serious crimes against humanity during the period dirty- clan-wars were being waged in Southern Somalia ( i.e. 1981-2004 };

--The peace making Organs like IGAD, E.E.C and Arab League should not have approved the election of the most hated war-lord among Southern Somalis as President, since he has committed many crimes against humanity. Qabqable Abdullahi is known as a ruthless psychopath OBSESSED FOR POWER for a period of 40 years and whose main objective will be based on the formula of FACISM ( i.e. divide an rule) inherited from Italian Colonial Administrations that engineered the CRUMBLE OF SOMALI REPUBLIC;

--If the objectives of IGAD mission was to resolve the ANARCHY in Southern Somalia it has failed and in reality what they have achieved will complicate the prevailing situation and will make future peace reconciliation efforts more difficult than what it is today, if not futile;

--. It is sad and annoying to report that the representatives of certain countries of IGAD are well conversant that some war-lords who are known as the BUTCHERS of HARGEISA, MOGADISHU, BAIDOA, GABILE, BERBERA, BURCO, ERIGAVO, KISMAYO, BOSSASSO, JOWHAR AND MANY URBAN CENTRES have been selected as members of Parliament in the so called Transitional Federal Government For SOMALIA. As a matter of fact most of the common people in Somalia were awaiting Human Rights Activists to hunt for them and bring them to the International Criminal Court in The Hague for the crimes they committed against humanity. A good example of these characters are GENERAL MORGAN, GENERAL GANI AND COL. ABDILLAHI Yusuf Ahmed etc...etc;

--!93 of the 275 of the Parliamentarians elected (i.e. 70%) are either known war-lords or their closest CRONIES, who will never promote or support development programs or projects, intended to improve the well being of the general public. Most of them are from the ruling elite of the defunct Siad Barre's Regime or newly promoted thugs by the war-lords. 25 % of the elected parliamentarians are Somali Kenyans, Somali Djiboutians or Somali Ethiopians, who have never resided in former Somali Republic Territory nor have shown any interest to live there. They were just bunch of fraudsters merely entrusted to make income from selling their respective voting power;

--IGAD did not require the outgoing TNG to submit to the Peace reconciliation conference their operational activities for the period of 3 years and did not require them to handing-over assets they acquired while in power to the elected FTGS. Of course assets were financed from the donations channeled by the Donors tax payers i.e. EEC, USA, Arab League and IGAD countries.

CONCLUSION:

On the basis of the above facts and many other weaknesses, the protracted 14th Reconciliation conference for Southern Somalis which was held in Nairobi over the past two years did not produce any positive results to the common Somali citizens. This conference has actually promoted the WAR_CRIMINALS (i.e. the war-lords), who committed multiple crimes against humanity over the past 23 years, because it has empowered the war-lords and their CRONIES as Parliamentarians and President. Thus any National, Regional or International Authorities that deem such deplorable results as satisfactory should be considered by common Somalis as their ENEMY and should never trust their baseless propaganda, which will endeavor to promote the so called TFGS (i.e. Transitional Federal Government for Somalia) as their future Government. Under the present leadership political instability in Southern Somalia will prevail and the on-going inter-clan wars will increase and thus make prevailing economic, social and political environment much worse.

The leaders of Southern Somalia should accept prevailing realities in Somaliland and avoid the mistakes made by the TNG and the armed Militia FROM MAJEERTAYNIYA led by Qabqable Dagaal Abdillahi Yusuf who spent considerable resources and efforts in destabilizing the political stability of Somaliland during 2000-2004. Somaliland will have a political dialogue only when a legal government from Southern Somalia RECOGNIZES THE INDEPENCENCE OF SOMALILAND. Somalilanders liberated their country at high cost during 1981-1991, after waging a bitter armed struggle against the Regime of Siad Barre under the leadership of SNM and will defend its territory at any cost under the leadership of its elected Government.

RECOMMENDATIONS:-

1. For my Brothers and sisters in Southern Somalia, I will suggest to them that to organize themselves seriously and reconvene a REAL RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE inside the country, in a manner similar to the MECHANISM USED BY SOMALILAND CLANS in resolving their differences and constituting a National Government of their choice without any influence from Foreign Governments. Experience learned from the PERFORMANCES of the out-going TNG tell us that that a bogus Government constituted in Foreign Soil will never become an effective National Government, which can easily gain the trust and support of the masses.

2. It is unfortunate for Somaliland Government and it is citizens that the same war-lord whose militia invaded two Regions of its territory has become the President of the TFGS. This reality will jeopardize peaceful co-existence with our brothers and sister in Southern Somalia. Somaliland is therefore obliged to secure its borders without further delay and invest most of the resources it can avail on the defense of it is integrity. Somaliland Government and the Opposition Parties should mobilize their supporters in defending their freedom which cost them loss of over 100,000 lives and 100s of million$ of their properties. I have no doubt in my mind that Qabqable Abdillahi's priority is to EXPORT DIRTY-CLAN- WARS to the peace loving Republic of Somaliland as soon as his Government on EXILE returns some where in Southern Somalia. He will try his level best to work-out power sharing mechanism with some of the LUGEONAIRES FROM SOMALILAND and their cronies who will endeavor to destabilize the prevailing political democratization processes that are in progress in Somaliland. Any more time wasted by Somaliland Government will amount to a golden opportunity lost and that will definitely trigger loss of trust and unwanted consequences.

The Deputy said the members have only the following three options to choose from with regard to the first point and their decision must be finalized no later than close of business December 13th, 2004.

1 - The 1960 parliamentary seats allocation times 2.5 for each region

2 - The current allocation of parliament seats that is based on clan formula

3 - The total number of votes will be divided by 82 seats and each region will get a share of the seats that is equivalent to its total votes.

The demarcation of the district boundary is linked to the first point (a) and will be determined based on the option (one of the three) selected.

The parliament will decide within the next few days how the people will be represented in Somaliland and the balance of power between regions, communities, and least of all the parties. Needless to say it is absolutely necessary that they get it right regardless of what option is ultimately chosen and that the communities, regions and parties feel their interest will be protected under the new formula to allocate parliament representation.

This is also an opportunity for the Somaliland citizens in the Diaspora to contribute to the process and draw from their experiences in the countries that have adopted them as citizens. The international community is watching how Somaliland conducts its business and it is extremely important that Somaliland leaders and political establishment must always keep the national interest at heart during the negotiation process.

Girl mine victim's dream for education takes root

Nairobi, December 2004 - In 1995 an eight year old girl faced an audience of hundreds of people from all over the world at an international conference in Geneva and spoke passionately about her plight caused by a landmine that had blown of her legs at an early age.

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