That Freedom Shall not Perish
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Source: www.iied.org/sarl/pla_notes/ pla_backissues/documents/plan_02013_000.PDF
Source: RRA Notes (2004), Issue 20, pp.106-112, IIED London
Mapping of seasonal migrations in the Sanaag region of Somaliland
Introduction
Shortly after Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia following four years of civil war, ActionAid set up a rehabilitation programme in the Sanaag region. The programme provides basic animal health care to the pastoral communities living in the region whose livelihoods depend upon their livestock. Camel, sheep and goat milk and meat are mostly consumed by the herders and their families, while sheep are frequently sold or exchanged with traders in return for imported wheat, rice and other products. ActionAid contracted VetAid to design and provide technical support for the programme.
The existing rehabilitation programme provides basic veterinary health care training for Primary Veterinary Assistants (PVAs). It also provides drugs, at a subsidised price, to herders who have had their flocks and herds decimated by the war (herders now pay the market price for drugs). PVAs visit the herders and supply them with veterinary drugs and advise them on basic health problems. The PVAs are trained in basic diagnosis, treatment and prevention skills but the majority of medications requested by and prescribed to the herders are used to control internal and external parasites.
The pastoral grazing system Project staff have been using participatory research methods on an informal basis throughout the course of the development programme. Their main objective was to build up a more detailed picture of the herders' lifestyle, particularly their management of communal resources, animal husbandry practices, and methods of managing disease.
Participatory methods were used during routine meetings with herders rather than as part of a planned, structured appraisal. Much of the information gathered by the project staff was collected using semi-structured, informal interview techniques. Of particular interest to the team were details of the seasonal migration patterns followed by different groups of pastoralists in the region. These details were mapped and provided a fairly comprehensive picture of seasonal migration patterns in the Sanaag region and the distances covered during the individual migrations.
During the jilal (long, winter dry season), livestock are concentrated around permanent wells. This is the hardest time of year, especially if the preceding dhair rains have failed. Conflicts can break out over access to water during this period. Camels are taken up to seven days' walk from the wells to graze, and watered every two weeks.
The herding boys live only on camels' milk during this time. Women and elderly men look after the sheep and goats up to a day's walk from the wells. As the dry season progresses they are taken further away to graze and camels bring them water. The jilal ends with the gu rain after which herds are moved to grazing lands in places without wells.
Livestock can get adequate water from fodder and puddles following showers. As the hagar (summer) progresses the grass becomes dry and fibrous and livestock are moved to grazing near permanent wells. The dhair rains fall at the end of the summer. If they are good the herds are taken back to the wet season grazing grounds.
Migrations in the Sanaag region
The Isaaq and Darod clans inhabit the west and east of the Sanaag region respectively. They maintain a natural buffer zone between them over which neither clan claims to have definitive overall grazing rights. During the civil war there was a great deal of conflict between the Isaaq and Dorod clans in the Sanaag region. But in peace-time there is greater flexibility of movement and the clans enter into each other's territory, subject to prior agreements.
Interviews with herders indicate that the distances travelled by Sanaag herders and their flocks are relatively short. Typically the limits of their migration may be around 80km apart. Project staff were surprised to find that the migration patterns are not seasonal movements to and from the same grazing grounds annually, as they had previously believed. Instead, herders are opportunistic and move their animals according to the prevailing rainfall and quality of the pasture. The extent of change in pastoral grazing strategies during the civil war years is not clear. Herders apparently continued with their traditional seasonal migration patterns. In some instances, access rights to grazing lands may have changed hands between clans and sub-clans depending on the outcome of local battles. However, in general, herders continued to migrate with the rains or pasture.
Mapping pastoral movements
One herder, Warasame Hirsi, described herders' general movements and then recalled where his own rer (flock) had been in the recent past. His stock stay near Erigavo, to the east. Their movements are recorded in Figure 1. He was asked questions such as "Where were your animals last season? Where were they the season before that? " and so on. These prompted him to describe his flocks' general movements which are summarised in Table 1.
Table 1. Seasonal pastoral movements: camels, sheep and goats
Season Description of Movement: Camels Sheep and Goats
- Gu (spring rain) They often go down to the plains at Karaman (south of Eil Afwein) if it is peaceful; otherwise to Sol Giriyo
- When it rains, they move to the south of the district (eg. Sool Giriyo) Hagar (hot, windy summer), They stay on the plains, remaining close to water sources such as Gof
Towards the escarpment and closer to the water points (Madare, Erigavo area)
Dhair (autumn rain)
- If there is plenty of rain, they move
to Sool Giriyo
To the plains (Sool Giriyo, Qaarey)
Jilaal (long, dry
winter)
Stay near water sources around
Sool Giriyo eg. Gof
To the nearest water source, especially
towards the escarpment
This table illustrates how the seasonal movements of camels differ from those of the sheep and goats.
Jama Ashkir then recalled the places his rer (flock) had been during the last three years. In peaceful times 10-15 families of the same subclan would move together. However, now about 50 Isaaq families may move together for security. For example, they all moved to Sool Giriyo earlier this year when there was tension between Isaaq and Darod clans. However, when they moved to Kabid recently only three families moved together. The details of where the rer moved are summarised in Table 2, and also illustrated in Figure 2.
Table 2. Omitted.
The maps indicate that Jama and Warasame move stock to the territories of their Diyapaying group. Information about seasonal migration patterns confirmed that herders are likely to be in a certain area during a particular season of the year. This knowledge assisted with the planning of drug distribution, making it compatible with the herders' needs and seasonal location.
Informal interviews were always attended by clan chiefs and communit y leaders and were carried out through an interpreter. More often than not the quality of information collected depended upon the individual characters of the chiefs and leaders. The most successful informal interviews often took place when a member of the project staff was called by the herders to treat an animal and took the opportunity to make a few enquiries about their livelihoods.
The team also endeavoured to draw maps, calendars and use visual aids. If nothing else, they provided a talking point and helped to stimulate a discussion. The strict Muslim culture made it necessary for an exclusively male team of researchers to conduct the informal interviews and mapping exercises. However, this made it virtually impossible for discussions to take place with the women in the communities. The team were aware of the gender bias and consequently appointed a woman to try to redress the balance.
Indigenous knowledge
During informal interviews herders gave information on the different celestial observations used to divide their year into seasons. Researchers also learned details of the indigenous system of classifying the characteristics of rainfall, drought periods, plant species, soils, and livestock diseases and their traditional treatments.
The herders' calendar
An appreciation of the herders' calendar is important in the planning phase of any development project. An understanding of the calendar can help explain why herders plan their movements and grazing patterns. The names given to the different seasons are often linked to meteorological factors. The herders divide their year into two seasons, each of 180 days. The first 180 days are called biyo daalalo and are divided into nine periods of 20 days. This season coincides with the dhair (autumn rain) and jilaal (dry winter). The second 180 days are called diriir and are divided into six periods of 28 days. These coincide with the gu (spring rain) season and the following hagar (hot, windy summer).
Table 3 lists the names of each of the periods within the Biyo daalalo and Diriir seasons.
Table 3. The Herders' Calendar:
Period Biyo daalalo Season Diriir Season
1 dyer halalood aminla
2 dyer habr adlin adhi caseye
3 dyer habis deydo
4 diraac good sermaweydo
5 xoomir diriir cawleed
6 wajino diriir sagaalaad
7 xeyse
8 canbaaro
9 agaaliyo
Herders often plan their movements and herd management around the seasons and position of the stars. For example, the beginning of the deyr season, which falls during the first part of the biyo daalalo season, is denoted by seven stars appearing in the sky. They are named haltodobaalo . These stars begin to disappear in sequence. The interval between the disappearance of each star is either 7 or 14 days, depending upon the star's position in the sequence. When all the stars have disappeared (after about 56 days), it is the end of the deyr season.
Another example is the diriir star that lies close to the moon on the first day of the gu season and denotes the aminla period of the calendar. A full cycle of 28 days passes before a second diriir lies close to the moon. This denotes the beginning of the adhi caseye period. This cycle continues, each time different diriir lying close to the moon until six diriir periods are completed.
Lessons learned
This information has alerted both VetAid and ActionAid to the need for a more detailed and more participatory appraisal in the near future. Cooperation with the herders should allow a better understanding of the pastoral economy in preparation for the second phase of the programme which envisages herders paying market prices for drugs.
On reflection, the research was more informative than participatory - the herders were not given an opportunity to design their own development programme. However it did provide the development agencies with sufficient information to reflect on their past work, and to assist with the future planning of the programme.
Whether the current programme is sustainable in terms of drug supply is questionable, but it has helped to reduce the incidence of helminth and tick related disease in the area, allowing herders to rebuild their stock numbers. The development agencies are now planning to embark upon the second phase of the programme. The emphasis is to shift away from relief and rehabilitation towards a longerterm, sustainable method of health care provision and community development.
David Hadrill and Haroon Yusuf, VetAid, Centre for Tropical Veterinary Medicine, Easter Bush, Roslin, Midlothian, Scotland.
NOTE: This paper was extracted from a report written for ActionAid by David Hadrill in November 1992 on the Sanaag Livestock Health Programme.
REFERENCE
Yusuf, H.A. 1992. Notes on the Pastoral System. VetAid, CTVM, Roslin, Midlothian, Scotland.training centers
Source: Somaliland Net/Feb 15 2005
President of Somaliland and his Delegations arrives back in Somaliland.
President Kahin was welcomed at the Egal International airport by the vise President Mr. Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, Ministers from the Government and other officials, representatives of the two houses of the Parliament and a large crowd which gathered at airport and on the streets of the city waving colorful banners and the flag of the republic.
The President, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers which included the minister of the Information, the Foreign Affairs, the Fisheries and the first lady Marwo Huda Barkhad, were back from a seventeen days working trip to Djibouti, Ethiopia and South Africa.
After the ceremonial symbols the president held a press conference at the VIP room at Egal International Airport, where he gave a brief statement to reporters on the visit to Djibouti, Ethiopia and South Africa.
President Rayale spoke of the visit, which he said it was a very successful and beneficent to Somaliland, he then concluded by saying the Minister of information will issue to you a written statement detailing the visit.
http://www.awdalnews.com/ February 15, 2005
Somaliland is Ready to Hold Parliamentary Election Now
Before free and fair elections are held in a democratic country, Robert Dahl identified a number of institutional prerequisites that should exist in the country. These are a constitution that guarantees that all adults have freedom to vote; that there is freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of movement. These rights are enshrined in articles 22, 23 and 32 of the Somaliland constitution.
Somaliland citizens express these rights in real life everyday. The best case that epitomizes the existence of the freedom of speech and press in Somaliland is the Zamzam case, the young lady from Bossaso, accused by the government of being part of a plot to assassinate the Vice-President. As we all know, the government charged Zamzam and her driver of a plot to assassinate the Vice President. Given the expatriates killed in Sheikh, Borama and the Hargeisa-Berbera corridor, these charges are to be taken seriously. Human Rights organization and civil society groups including the print and electronic media accused the government of (a) allegedly abusing the young lady in jail (b) putting a biased judge to supervise the case and (c) of the government lacking sufficient evidence against the young lady. Under intense pressure, the government, lacking a solid case, caved in, even when the complaint related to a plot against the life of the Vice-President, and allowed the girl to be released from jail. The presidential pardon was just a face saving measure. The case shows the media and civil society groups have such freedom of expression that they can take on the administration when they have a good case and win. As for the freedom of assembly, the KULMIYE opposition party has called for a demonstration on the 29th of March if parliamentary elections are not held by that day and there is no reason not to assume that the big assembly will indeed take place.
Given the fact that the preconditions identified by Robert Dahl exist in Somaliland, it means that free and fair elections can be held. What are free and fair election? By free, Dahl again notes freedom by the voters by their own conscience to vote for any candidate or issue as opposed to coercion when voters lack that freedom. We will say there is no freedom if for instance the government distributes money to community leaders and demands from them to influence their followers or the security forces create fear in the minds of the voters to vote in a certain way. There had been no coercion in the last two elections and there is no reason to expect there will be coercion in the coming election. As for election being fair, Dahl notes there should be a level plain field for all political parties, that the opposition parties are not put into a disadvantage with respect to resources and that there is no unequal treatment of parties contesting for the election. Fairness means that all voters have access to polling places, that ballots are counted impartially and that any disputes arising after the votes are counted be resolved impartially.
Whether elections are free and fair is a judgment made by international observers and Somaliland surely will invite those observers in the coming election. Conditions vary in different countries and observers know this. There are no elections anywhere in the world that are perfectly free and fair. The fact that there is no voter registration in Somaliland does not mean that free and fair election cannot be held. Once Somalilanders agree (and they should) on a fair distribution of parliamentary seats that best approximates proportional representation that will be fine with international observers.
The reaction of the National Election Commission to the electoral bill passed by the legislators reassures Somalilanders they have a board that consist of individuals with the highest integrity who will conduct that election impartially and fairness. As the Board stood on the side of the truth in reacting to the electoral bill, we must be confident members of the Board will act impartially before the election, during the election and after the election.
An interesting question is: when will Somaliland be a democracy in the eyes of the world? Somaliland intellectuals believe that the parliamentary election will cement Somaliland's status as a democracy. In other words a test of one change of government via elections is sufficient. Samuel Huntington, a Harvard University professor, has a dictum that two consecutive changes of government through elections in which opposition parties are on a level plain field with the ruling party is necessary before a country is to be certified as a democracy. There is no question that Somaliland will satisfy both tests in a short time, in view of the fact that the presidential election is only three years away. The important role that democracy can play in Somaliland's political recognition as sovereign state becomes evident when you look at Somaliland in the context of the Islamic world. Of the 53 countries in the Organization of Islamic States only Turkey satisfied Huntington's test and of the 22 Arab states not even one country has experienced a change of government through election. The world cannot ignore Somaliland anymore after those elections. Indeed Somaliland must be a showcase for the world that Islam and democracy are compatible and that one can be a good Muslim and a good democrat at the same time. Given what is at stake in those elections, does Parliament care more about their pockets than the future of their country yearning for international legitimacy?
The current members of parliament were not elected in the first place and they have never acted as representatives of the people. They have always made it clear that they are there to earn a living only and have never shown to us that they are there for the interest of the people. Ahmed M.I. Egal, the late President's son and on his own right a man of remarkable intellect, reminds us "they have opposed all attempts to hold parliamentary elections from the time of the Egal Administration.It was originally proposed that the parliamentary elections would be held first with the presidential elections second and municipal election last. However parliament strenuously opposed this." It should not surprise us that even when it was finally accepted to hold parliamentary elections, they are still determined to place hurdles before the election. It is sad that Suleiman Mohamoud, the chairman of the Upper House, a Presidential aspirant in the last election would side with his colleagues. It is clear his action will not be helpful if he were to run again for president. The ball is now in the court of President Rayale who has been out of the country while this drama was unfolding in Hargeisa. This is the biggest crisis of his presidency and it will be a test of his resolve and leadership.
Just as the protest against the imprisonment of the young lady from Bossaso provided democratic guarantee against miscarriage of justice, so the widespread public outrage and consternation against the two Houses' electoral bill will once again force authorities to cave in and hold election as scheduled. It will be another testament to the power of the people and the strength of democracy in Somaliland. If on the other hand, the President sides with the two Houses and election is postponed till voter registration is completed, Somaliland will take the wrong turn into an autocratic road and the experiment with democracy will fizzle away, because who knows that if the census is not completed in three years whether the same reason will be given too for not holding Presidential election.
Adan H. Iman, Los Angeles, Ahiman2@aol.com
Source: http://somaliland.org/ 14 February, 2005
Inept Government Is Embroiled With Constitutional Predicament
Riyalle's Atrocious And Inept Government Is Embroiled With Constitutional Predicament:
Riyalle's atrocious and inept government is finally on a slippery slope, but it might as well bring itself down with our infant sovereign nation. Riyalle's insincerity in his dealings with the nation's current crisis poses one of the greatest risks to our survival. He has repeatedly shown complete and utter disregard for the rights and freedoms of the Somaliland people and he continually cherry-picks the constitution for his own and his Cabal's personal gain. In addition, his lack of a firm stance in his handling of our external affairs put Somaliland in a highly disadvantaged position and has made us an easy target for our external enemies- as both the border dispute with Djibouti and the occupation of LasAnod illustrates.
To begin with, a clear example of our current tumultuous existence is the March 29th election crisis. The politics that prevent the election from going forward must be abandoned as it equates to contempt of our constitution. Riyalle must act swiftly in this matter or else we can kiss our dream of getting Somaliland recognized good-bye. Why? Because, the election reform act passed by the Somaliland "Parliament" effectively takes away the legitimacy of the executive branch and, ironically, the legitimacy of our parliament itself is gone.
The conditions set forth by the House of Parliament in which a census and an exhaustive election are required for a parliamentary election on March 29, 2005 are absurd, because they have not been applied to any of the two previous elections. In addition, the constitutionally required order of elections, that is municipal, parliamentary, and presidential, has not been followed. This makes both Riyalle's presidency and the sitting parliament unconstitutional and as such illegitimate.
In order to illustrate the preceding rationale, one may utilize the most quoted piece of logic and it goes like the following; If B follows from A, and B is clearly wrong, then A must also have been wrong.
In plain English, when both presidential and municipal elections took place in Somaliland the whole country was neither under one jurisdiction, nor were an exhaustive census done for either of the elections. Hence, Riyalle's government can not have both ways. He is attempting to apply every trick in the book ostensibly to save his downcast administration. He committed the cardinal sin of presidency by contriving deceit, treachery and betrayal. Add all these negative attributes together and Somaliland has a disaster on its hands. Riyalle is a quintessential hypocrite, on one hand he has publicly stated in his annual speech that the parliamentary election will occur as planned. On the other hand, he bribed those dolts in the House of Parliament so they would hand stamp his hidden agendas.
According to reliable sources, these unelected members of parliament often, especially when passing a legislation, receive kick backs from Riyalle and his Cabal, and hence as quid pro quo they vote for Riyalle's government without due thought or consideration. This morally insolvent legislative body is merely a rubber stamp; they approve anything that keeps the UDUB government in power. In fact, there is no distinction between our leechlike members of parliament in Somaliland and those warlords who voted for Abdillahi Yussuf's presidency at the Embaghti summit. The only difference, if any, is that Somaliland members of parliament settle for less money; two hundred USD for each vote, whereas the warlords that "voted" for warlord Yussuf as a "president" commanded several thousands in USD for each of their respective votes. The saddest part of this saga is that 80 percent of Somaliland's unelected members of parliament are from the UDUB party. These parasitic individuals have to be relieved from their duties for they have been in that chamber for the past 13 years and have never served their nation with a clear conscience. On the contrary, they have abject disregard for our Constitution and their leaders, such as the notorious Qaybe and his assistant Jirde, are in cahoots with Riyalle and his Cabal. The three branches of any political regime, namely the executive, the legislative, and the judicial, are all intertwined in Somaliland's case. We have to separate these branches so that we will be able to have a system based upon checks and balances. Somaliland's existence is in jeopardy unless we get rid of these unctuous members in the House of Parliament and replace them with elected ones. We should not allow them to be to the prosecutor, the juror, and the Judge. They behave unethically and are always a step behind with zeitgeist of our nascent nation. They are morally bankrupt and are intellectually retarded. They can not be trusted; hence parliamentary election must happen with or without Riyalle's blessings, and I will give my reasoning in a moment.
Before I present the nitty-gritty of my reasoning, let us revisit the milieus of Somaliland's people right before we unilaterally declared our sovereignty in 1991 and ask ourselves a few historical questions. Aren't we the nation that lost more than 100,000 innocent people as a result of Afweine's ethnic cleansing? I used the word ethnic intentionally, because if genocide of that magnitude happens in the heart of Europe, then European authorities would classify it as ethnic cleansing. Conversely, if it occurs in Africa, then Westerners would classify it as tribal warfare because, in the eyes of most Westerners, Africans are inherently primitive and tribal. Forgive me, for I sidetracked. Aren't we the nation that their rights were stripped by Mogadishu based regimes for more than 30 years? Aren't we the nation that its citizens were tormented, tortured, mocked, and brutalized by Afweine's tyrannical regime? Aren't we the nation that its people (man, woman, child, elderly, infant, sick, and disabled) faced the indiscriminate aerial bombardment that was carried out by South African mercenaries? Haven't we learnt from our recent history? I doubt it.
In any case, Somaliland is facing two formidable challenges and they are; a threat within and a threat that is coming from without. Most Somaliland citizens are aware of the fact that there is an unholy alliance between the Ghelle of Djibouti and the warlord that was "elected as a president" of Somalia. What is equally true is the fact that Riyalle and Ghelle are becoming closer and closer in terms of their friendship. As many of you may recall, Riyalle in his last annual speech reminded the people of Somaliland to halt their harsh criticism against his friend Ghelle. Ghelle and Warlord Abdillahi have a common enemy and that enemy is Somaliland. I know it is a clich, but as they say "the enemy of your enemy is your friend."
These two delusional individuals have decided to wage war on Somaliland from two fronts. Ghelle is carrying out a war on Somaliland's economy as well as a war of diplomatic isolation; in the meantime the warlord's duty is to unleash a military campaign. They are both ahead of their schedule because Riyalle is creating a socio-economic and political environment which is conducive to their political stratagem.
For instance, Ghelle has already succeeded in marginalizing the port of Berbera city. At this rate, he is outfoxing the people of Somaliland in befriending Riyalle. If the government and people of Somaliland do not react now in order to resurrect Berbera as a commercial port then it would impossible to undo the damage caused by Ghelle. It is now or never. It is a pity that as consolation prize, Ghelle has promised to build for Somaliland a road that will connect Zaila and Djibouti. He wants to agitate his tribesmen in that area. Therefore, my dear Somalilanders, do not be surprised if armed militiamen, just like the ones in LasAnod, but backed by the Djibouti regime, surfaces from that area. Remember the Trojan Horse story? Beware of Greeks bearing gifts!
As far as Somaliland's recognition is concerned, Ghelle has relentlessly campaigned against it. This tin-pot dictator does not even hide his crusade for a diplomatic strangulation of Somaliland. He dissuaded the Arab League not to recognize Somaliland. His city-state entity is a member of the IGAD group that set the stage for the rise of Abdullahi Yussuf to power. In addition, he invited the "president-elected-warlord" to Djibouti right after the Embaghti summit came to an end. Ghelle is such a power broker. He even instructed Riyalle to move Somaliland's border with Djibouti 18 kilometers back into Somaliland territory. Simply put, Djibouti has gained a portion of Somaliland's territory on Riyalle's watch. Sorry readers for I committed a faux pas, I forget that Riyalle has recently chided us not to criticize Ghelle.
In fact, Ghelle is not the only villain of the piece here. Somaliland is facing a septuagenarian with an antediluvian mentality named Warlord Abdillahi Yey. Many Somaliland-bashers put their hope on this guy for only one reason. They know that he annexed some parts of Somaliland and, for that matter; they believe that he could pose a threat to Somaliland in its quest for recognition as long as he controls LasAnod. We all know that his militiamen attacked Somaliland's army twice and in both cases they got of scot-free. As we speak, he is contemplating launching his third and decisive battle. War is imminent whether we like it or not, therefore we need a unified Somaliland people with a responsible and accountable political regime. Riyalle is sending mixed signals to our enemies and in return they are capitalizing on his plunders. Speaking of which, let me give an illustration of what I mean by plunders. If one juxtaposes the root causes of the once mighty Roman Empire's fall to the potential pitfalls that our fledgling nation is facing today, the parallelism will give jitters to any one who is concerned about the existence of Somaliland.
To begin with, the fall of the Roman Empire was a gradual process. The Romans did not wake up one day to find their empire gone. According to history, by AD369 the Empire was beginning to crumble for the Following reasons:
1) "The government was running out of money." Well, does it sound familiar to you? If you read Mr. Ali Guled's speckles analysis on Somaliland's annual budget, one may easily understand how Riyalle and his cronies are pillaging our limited resources. Riyalle alone pockets, through various agencies, nearly three Million USD of the 22 million that was reported as the government of Somaliland's revenue. In addition, since Riyalle is in charge of the armed forces as well as the "intelligence apparatus," he supervises the allocation of $11,382,390.18 that was supposed to be our national armed forces' expenditures. Yet, our military on the front line do not consistently get paid on time, and at times they do not even get paid at all. Nonetheless, king-pin Riyalle, with the help of Awil and Ismail Faqash, virtually controls more than 15 million USD out of 22 Million. No wonder there is a shortage of money.
2) "The people had to pay very high taxes- up to a third of their money." Once again, it sounds familiar. Ali Guled has uncovered the way Riyalle's government collects surreptitiously illegal and unconstitutional taxes from their un-detecting citizens. Even Awil, the Minister of Finance, admitted to this egregious practice.
3) "The rich were given grants of money and land which made them richer while the poor got poorer." It seems history is repeating by itself. The land dispute issue that is going on in Somaliland, especially in major cities, is no accident. In fact, it is contrived to create afflictions and chaos among our communities. In addition, it became some sort of income to most of Riyalle's underpaid "Judges." According to reliable sources, Riyalle himself has on many occasions sold land around the Sha'ab areas and pocketed from it.
4) "There was not enough money to pay for the army." Again, we are aware of the fact that our military and police forces too do not at times get paid for several months. Scary picture indeed. Because one can easily understand the peril that several thousand unpaid armed individuals can pose to their countrymen if they do not receive their salaries. We can extrapolate and augur that it is a disaster waiting to happen.
5) "Barbarians from Germany called vandals were conquering parts of the empire and there were not enough soldiers to fight back." Well, Somaliland is under constant threat from barbarians called Faqash Majerteen and, as we speak, they are occupying part of Somaliland's territory. Do we have a responsible government which has the capability, and indeed the willingness, of unifying our citizens so we could face that threat together? Do we have a government that promotes freedom and universal human rights so that we can face the enemy as one strong, united nation? Riyalle does not even have the leadership qualities to empower representative from Las Anod within his government. In fact, he has grudge against them and he tries to ostracize the concerned individuals from that community. No wonder the militia at LasAnod is getting more popular by each passing day.
6) "Although the outer edges of the Empire were well defended, there was no defense within the Empire. This meant that once barbarians had broken through, there was nothing to stop them from marching to Rome." In our case, imagine if Ghelle sends his new Issa militiamen and they occupy Zaila. Do you think it is far-fetched? Think again, if we want to understand our enemy, we have to explore all the possibilities. We are all aware for the fact that 80 percent of Somaliland's national army are at the Eastern front. Why? I do not know the reason. Maybe it is about time that we put forth that question to king-pin Riyalle. Nevertheless, I know one thing for sure, and it is the fact that our national army, facing our enemies in LasAnod, have been abused and mocked by Radio LasAnod. Riyalle's government could not even install a radio station that reaches the whole nation and would have been able to boost the morale and give support for our brave troops at the front- is he afraid that they will hear of his lack of willingness and sincerity in matters pertaining to our national security first hand? To add fuel to the flame, Riyalle's government would not allow for the private sector to build a new radio station that covers the whole country- the nation and its brave soldiers need to hear the voice of its people, not Joseph Goebbles-like propaganda.
7) "No one had decided on a good way to choose an Emperor. This meant that any general could march into Rome, kill the Emperor and make himself the next Emperor. In 73 years there were 23 Emperors and 20 of them were murdered." Does this ring a bell to you? We have unelected so-called members of parliament and they are all on Riyalle's payroll. They have been unelected legislators for almost 13 years. They have unconstitutionally extended their term or tenure for that matter and have an unwavering allegiance to king-pin Riyalle because he sustains their lively-hood as well as their lifestyle. More than three quarter of them are UDUB members. They have intentionally put Somaliland's destiny on a cliff-hanger because Riyalle has understood their needs and took advantage of their imbecilic disposition.
I hope we will not make light of Somaliland's political and economic crisis. They are quite serious. If we are going to solve these problems, someone has to take the bull by the horns before it is too late, because we are dealing with an authoritarian regime that is trying to bury everything that we fought for and attempting to resurrect everything we fought against.
Riyalle's government has even prohibited the registered legal parties to express themselves on Khayriya Square, denying the fundamental freedom of speech.
In addition, the government has imposed censorship on the media and has incarcerated several journalists. By the same token, Riyalle's government does not only control Radio Hargeisa and Mandeeq Paper, it also finances the AwdalNews and the QaranNews websites for I got this information straight from the horse's mouth. We also know that Riyalle's government utilizes our country's meager resources at their will. Please, read the way Ali Guled has deconstructed Riyalle's recent budget. There is no accountability what-so-ever. In fact, any responsible and ethical individual is kicked out from Riyalle's income trust fund if he dares speak against it. Remember what happened to Mujahid Talaabo when he spoke his mind? Are you still unconvinced? One can take the horse to the water but one can not make him drink! It should be noted however, that the opposition parties have given Riyalle's government latitude that it does not deserve. I cannot comprehend the fact that a former junior NSS agent is ordering the likes of Muj. Abdirahman Aw Ali, Muj. Muse Bihi, and Muj. Mohamed Kahin not to express their opinions at Khayriya square. Isn't that ironic? Why would they put up with such nonsensical reasoning? If Riyalle's government won't respect our constitution, why let this pity government ruin everything we fought for? You should not obey his draconian orders and you should not let this government deprive you of your God-given rights, my dear people.
We have to be realistic with ourselves, Somaliland is not a recognized nation and we can not expect other nations to scold Riyalle when his government violates, as it often does, human rights and the universal freedom of expression enjoyed by most democratic nations.
In fact, Riyalle's government has relegated Somaliland into fiefdom because Riyalle is not acting like an elected person but rather like a warlord. Therefore, it is incumbent upon you, especially the KULMIYE Party, to challenge Riyalle's authoritarian regime. Remember the old adage "Nobody can subjugate you without your consent." Believe me, the sky won't fall and the ground will not slip under our feet either.
As for Riyalle's regime, contrary to popular belief, it is not elections that bring democracy but rather it is the other way around, meaning it is democracy that brings elections. We know that Somaliland's people forgave you (Riyalle, Ambassador Awil, Ismail Faqash, and Qaybe) once but apparently you are suffering from a short attention span. Listen our brothers; the parliamentary election must occur on time. Doing the opposite will have very serious repercussions on you and will thus put Somaliland in a state of turmoil. The onus is on you to prove that you do actually care about our nation and its people. I would like to remind UDUB supporters of a statement made by the Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa: "If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality." If Rome crumbled, so can our fledgling nation.
According to Locke, a political society that has neutral judges, a legal framework, and an executive with limited powers should be predictable, stable, and peaceful. Governments are entrusted with power but citizens always have the right to remove them if they abuse it. The law must be made by a legislative assembly, not an unelected assembly, composed of all citizens who are then obliged to obey their "own" laws as "subjects." However, if the executive ever becomes tyrannical, then the people should remove it by force.
As such, Riyalle and his government is left with three options. He must dismiss the unelected parliament and call an immediate parliamentary election that respects the already set election date. If he fails, he must resign with immediate effect and call a presidential election so that the legitimacy of the Office of the President is restored. Or he has to form a coalition government with the opposition parties premised upon the results from the last presidential election. That government should be a National Crisis Government and it must have a well-balanced distribution of political power and weight based strictly upon the proportionality of the last presidential election results. In that case, as a united, strong, and reinvigorated nation we can face the grave threats posed by our enemies from within and without.
May God Bless my noble people, Ali Hassan (Kubad)
Jamhuuriya Online, February 14, 2005
Silanyo called on the people of Somaliland to demonstrate
Mr. Silanyo expressed doubt that parliamentary elections can be held but said, "Our party is ready to take part of the election as scheduled. Some of the articles in the election law cannot be implemented. We urge the people to refuse postponement of parliamentary election or the extension of the term of the House of Representatives".
The chairman of KULMIYE added that there are other articles in the election law that will not guarantee free and fair election, although they are not widely discussed.
Elaborating this he said, "The usage of public funds by the government, the public media, the increase in the number of the National Electoral Commission - which no one asked for - and that his party has not nominated any member of the NEC".
Mr. Silanyo strongly criticized both Houses of Parliament for their war of Words and the President's trip abroad at this delicate time, he said, "The President has not said that election will not be held so far. Chairman of the House of Elders has suggested that House of Representatives term may be extended."
"Both opposition parties have taken the case of the Public Order Law to the court, but so far it is still pending," concluded Mr. Silanyo at his press conference.
http://www.qarannews.com/ Feb 14 2005
Somaliland Should Develop Closer Ties With the country of EGYPT!
Infact it is my opinion that Somaliland should develop equally strong ties with Egypt and Eritrea as it has with Ethiopia.
We share many things in common with the Egyptian people, not the least history. The Egyptian queen Hatchepsut visited "The land of Punt" [Somaliland] more than two thousand years ago, she described Somaliland as the original land of the Egyptians.
In my opinion a diplomatic campaign by the Somaliland Foreign Ministry(Wasaarada Arrimaha Dibada] in Egypt could change the current "chilly relations" between our two countries.
Some Somalilanders even go so far as to say that Egypt is our main enemy in the world, they say that Egypt is the one that has been hindering Somalilands inclusion to the club of officially recognised nations, this might be the sad facts, but it does not mean this could not change.
Somaliland should activly try to improve relations with Egypt.
Egypts main concern in the Horn of Africa region is the Nile water issue it has with Ethiopia. The Egyptians should be made aware of the fact that an internationally recognised Somaliland would only make that issue easier to solve and not in any way harder to solve as the Egyptians seem to believe today.
Furthermore the Somalilands meat exporting sector could easily double-tripple its export of chilled meat to Egypt, not to mention livestock and hides which Somalilands meat exporters could provide to the huge Egyptian market.
The Somaliland-Egypt relationship can be strenghtened, should be strenghtened, but someone must take the first step for that to happen, the somaliland government should take the lead in this endevour.
by Omar Aideed cumar_caydiid@accountant.com
Jamhuuriya Online, February 14, 2005
SOLJA condemns killing of Reporter
SOLJA condemns the culprits who committed the ugly and inhuman act to an innocent journalist who was their guest on a mission to promote the democratic changes in Somalia.
On behalf of Somaliland Journalists, SOLJA sends its heartfelt condolence to the family, friends, relatives, BBC and the British government on the sudden death of the late reporter.
Jamhuuriya Online, February 14, 2005
Somaliland and UNICEF
Mr. Jesper Moreh, UNICEF Somaliland/Somalia representative, speaking at the launching ceremony at Hargeisa University last night said, "The aim of this campaign is to dramatically increase the number of children attending Primary Schools by 33,000 within the next 18 Months and to improve quality of education. We also intend to build or rehabilitate about 100 schools."
Mr. Moreh added that this is needs a Herculean effort, but never the less to be one that can be done. He said, "It will require the active participation of virtually everybody in Somaliland and the friends of Somaliland, as well as an education system that allows everyone to learn and an active leadership".
Speaking about enrolment in primary schools, he said, "One out of 10 girls attend primary schools and this makes the attendance of only 37% of school children even worse."
Mr. Jesper Moreh, attributed the low enrolment of kids in primary schools to school fees, which he described as access for many, insufficient classrooms, schools being far, not conducive sanitary conditions and poor security situations.
Speaking about educational development in Somaliland Mr. Moreh said, "The formation of national educational policy that did not exist, the new curriculum, new textbooks for primary schools (Grades 1-8) and the in-service training for more than 2,000 teachers is an achievement one can be proud, but lots and lots have to be done."
He concluded his speech saying that no nation can afford not to invest in the education of its children and gave the rapid economic growth and development of the tigers of the east, because for they gave priority to education.
The Minister of Education, Mr. Hassan Hagi Mohamoud, speaking about Somaliland's education policy said, "It is part of our policy to improve girl's access to education at all levels. We are committed to narrow the gap between boys and girls in education, by addressing constraints in girls' education."
Speaking about the under representation of girls at all levels of education he said, "Only 35% of the 106,000 enrolled students are girls, although the number represents only 40% of primary school age children."
He added that only 11% of 2600 teachers to be women and gave the reason as house hold cores, the society and lack of sufficient budget.
He concluded his speech and declared the campaign open, by stating that increasing access of girls to education to be a challenge, to be tackled and appealed to parents and Somaliland community to send this children to school and the UN and INGO's to provide support.
Speech by UNICEF Somaliland/Somalia
"Nothing could give me more pleasure than to launch a campaign to dramatically increase the number of Somaliland children who will attend primary school and to simultaneously improve the quality of education.
In my service for a quarter of a century for UNICEF, there is one thing that I have learned; it is something that I have seen beyond doubt and question. It is that whenever a government, a community and parents consider education of children as the top priority, countries prosper, move forward and remove poverty. Whenever countries don't, the future is worse than the present, the present is worse than the past and the past is pretty bad, thing regress and they don't progress.
Look at the countries in South Asia such as Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, Chine, Vietnam, Indonesia, and many more, the tigers of the east. Their rapid economic development and growth is to investment in education. Look at South Africa. There is just no doubt what so ever that economic growth and development require an educated population.
Popular tradition values and religion, requires an educated population. Building a culture of democracy, peace and human rights requires an educated population.
No nation can afford not to invest in the education of its children, boys and perhaps specially girls.
The president of Somaliland knows that, I know from many conversations with him over the years. The cabinet of Somaliland knows that, I know from talks with many ministers.
The minister of Education knows that and I am pleased and proud to say because I know from many encounters and work with the Minister.
Lots and lots have already been achieved and Somaliland has much to be proud of. I congratulate Somaliland with a national education policy from last year.
I congratulate Somaliland with a new curriculum, for the textbooks, that now finally this year cover primary education grades 1-8. I congratulate Somaliland with the other learning materials and the more than 2,000 teachers trained in-service. I congratulate Somaliland with the enrolment of 37%, or there about.
This is something to be proud of. These are important achievements. Can we afford to be complacent? Can we be proud when so much more need to be done? The 37% enrolment rate means that less than 5 out of 10 of Somaliland children above 8 years attend primary school. To make things even worse it is little more than 1 out of 10 girls attend school.
Is the class half full or half empty? Perhaps half full for achievements is something to be proud of. The achievements are real and they are impressive. But perhaps they are also half empty, because there is so much to do.
There are good reasons why kids don't go to school. There are school fees and perhaps for many excessive school fees. There is not enough classrooms, school are too far way from home, they are in poor school environment where no sanitary facilities exist. There are not enough teachers and too often teachers do not meet the requirements and sometimes there are poor security conditions for children in schools.
We need to change that. We need to be ambitious but realistic with achievable targets, for primary education we need to dare and to risk in order to see our ambition become true, ALL SOMALILAND CHILDREN BACK IN SCHOOL. That needs a very close cooperation with partnerships. It will need the active leadership and participation of communities, families and parents.
Families, parents should ask themselves, is there a school close to my home? Is the school safe for my girl? Have they sanitary facilities? Can I afford it? Does the schedule allow for help in the house also? Are the teachers good enough and will my children learn? Will the school improve my child's future?
We all need to contribute to an education system in Somaliland that allows every Somalilander learn, to answer his our her question with a resounding YES to these 6 questions, and when the answer is "yes" for everybody, there is no longer any reason why every Somaliland child is not in school.
The Motto you see on the walls here is Education for All. To achieve this we have to mobilize the Ministry of Education. We need action now, action today. If by the end of 2005 or in 2006, we are to have 33,000 additional children in primary schools over the 10,000 that are already there, we do need to start today or at the latest tomorrow.
It will be a Herculean effort that never-the-less can be done, but it will requires the active participation of virtually everybody in Somaliland society and the friends of Somaliland.
The President, the Minister of Education, other cabinet Ministers, Ministry officials, the teaching professionals, parents, communities, community based organizations, NGO's the media, religious leaders, business community, youth, Somalilanders in the Diaspora and the international community within the UN system all the education partners and not UNESCO and UNICEF only, but also UNDP UUSPA, the World Bank, extra effort by NGO's like SCF, Care and all concerned partners in the current effort.
UNICEF looks forward to join hands with everybody in that effort and particularly to the leadership of the Minister of Education.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, February 13, 2005/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 13 Feb 05) BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND PRESIDENT RETURNS HOME AFTER FOREIGN TOUR
The delegation which comprises the ministers for information, foreign affairs, fishery as well as the first lady, Huda Barqad, was on an official two-week visit to South Africa.
The president and his entourage were warmly welcomed at airport and were received by the Vice-President Ahmad Yusuf Yasin, ministers, MPs as well as other officials from the various military units of the Republic of Somaliland.
After inspecting the guard of honour mounted in his honour by the armed forces, the president addressed Somaliland journalists at the VIP lounge at the airport and briefly talked about his visit to South Africa, Ethiopia and Djibouti.
During his news conference, the president said he had held talks with the leaders of the three countries he visited, as well as some big companies which are interested in investing in Somaliland.
The president further said some of these companies would soon come to the country.
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ Feb 13 2005
Somaliland: The week in Brief
Man Killed In land dispute
Burao:- One Person was Killed And Two Others Injured In a Dispute over a piece Of land in burao Thogdher Region Last week, The Deceased Abdi Ismail Ali And Another Man Mohammud Ayanle Ali Both who claimed the ownership of The Parcel of the land exchange fire hence the deceased was Shot dead while the Other sustained injury, A SOMTEL Technician Working Nearby was injured During the fire fight,
Abdiaziz A.
Source: http://www.tvsomalilandeurope.net/ Feb 13 2005/Posted by Yvette Lopez
The Election Question
Tracing lessons from their participation (and the lack of it) in the country's political history from the numerous peace conferences that established this nation, the local council elections in 2002 and Presidential elections in 2003, the women vowed to be aggressive in the upcoming electoral exercise. The big question is will there be parliamentary elections? Last month, the long awaited Electoral Law was passed by the House of Representatives with 64 votes in favor and 7 votes against.
People hoped that the law will push this country towards completing its democratization process. However the legislation seems to have drawn the country a step backward as it proposes voters registration and identification of boundaries to serve the proportional representative system. Something that is impossible to do in the remaining 45 days.
Recently, opposition party leaders already announced that demonstrations will be held IF elections will not be held on March 29.
Common sentiments are that of disappointment directed to the decision made by the parliament approving controversial articles in the Electoral Law.
Doubts over the sincerity of this government's commitment to proceed with the electoral exercise are brewing as people continue to wonder will there be elections?
Source: http://somalilandcenter.com/ Feb-13-2005.
ERITREA Could Be the first Country to Give Somaliland Official Recognition
The countries that have made a pact against Eritrea are Sudan, Egypt and Yemen, although some woould say that Djibouti is secretely part of that pact. These countries say that they have a defense pact against Eritrean aggression. [Remember that Eritrea and Yemen fought a war over the Hanish islands while Eritrea and Ethiopia fought over the contested border area of the badme region].
Eritrea needs some friends in the neighborhood due to the mounting dangers all around it.
In my opinion Somaliland should develop very close ties with Eritrea. Such a relationship would not mean that Somaliland would have lessened its strong ties with Ethiopia, not one bit.
In fact Somaliland could serve as a neutral country in a region plagued by feuding camps. Somaliland could serve as the Switzerland of the Horn.
I find it very hard to understand the Somaliland governments inability to atleast visit Eritrea and try to develop closer ties with Eritrea, after all Eritrea is a country in our region of the world, it is a country in our neighborhood for crying out loud!
The idea that Ethiopia-Somaliland ties would be lessened in some way by a strong Eritrean-Somaliland relationship is nonsense, after all Ethiopia is close friends with many of Somalilands sworn enemies, like warlord Abdullahi Yusuf of Somalia for instance yet our relationship with Ethiopia continues to be strong. Every country has the right to pursue its vital intrests as long as it does nt hurt other countries.
Eritrea and Somaliland can benefit a lot from developing closer ties with eachother and indeed the Horn of Africa region can benefit a lot from such a relationship, not least in terms of security.
Cumar Caydiid cumar_caydiid@accountant.com
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ Feb 13 2005/BBC Monitoring
Somaliland president holds talks with AU officials in Addis Ababa
A delegation led by the president of the Republic of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, who was on a visit to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, after concluding its visit to South Africa, today held talks with the AU acting chairman and his two deputies.
The AU officials and President Riyale discussed the sovereignty of Somaliland. The AU officials promised not to connect the Somaliland issue with Somalia. They said an AU fact finding mission will soon visit Somaliland.
The delegation led by the president of the republic of Somaliland today left for Djibouti, where it is expected to have a one-day visit.
BBC Worldwide Monitoring, February 12, 2005/SOURCE: TV Djibouti in Somali 1900 gmt 12 Feb 05
Djibouti, Somaliland presidents hold bilateral talks
The talks between the president and the delegation led by the Somaliland president were attended by the minister in charge of presidential affairs, Usman Ahmad Muse, the director of the office of the presidency and the minister of cooperation.
The Somaliland delegation had several ministers including lady Edna Isma'il.
The talks dealt with the relations between the two countries.
President Rayale Arrives in Djibouti
- The President of the Somaliland enclave and his delegations arrived in Djibouti yesterday on his return trip from South Africa.
Get a jump on the Easter bunny: AirTran Airways fares for spring travel start at $83+ He was given an official welcome at Djibouti airport by Delayte Mohammed Delayte, Djiboutian Prime Minister, Mohammed Ali Yusuf, Minister of Cooperation, Mohammed Barkhad Abdillahi, Minister of Labor, Head of Djibouti Protocol and other senior officials.
The reception of President Riyale in Djibouti thus included all ceremonial symbols of an official visit by a foreign Head of State. The President and his delegation immediately went into talks with Djiboutian Prime Minister at the State House before holding official talks with President Ismail Omar Guelleh at the Presidential Palace. The two sides talked about the how to strengthen the ties between the two countries which covered ways of strengthening bilateral cooperation.
Somaliland President Rayale, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers, left the Addis Ababa yesterday, while in the Ethiopian Capital President Riyale met with Ethiopian Government officials and head of states. Also the President met with the head of the African Union (AU) and the two sides disguised the Somaliland separation from Somalia.
President Rayale made it clear to the African union that Somaliland is democratic independent country that only share border with Somalia, and will not forced back to rejoin Somalia. The president repeated his statement, "We will have only brotherly neighbor hood, no chance of reunification," Kahin said. "The people of Somaliland have made their decision not to go again into union with Somalia through a referendum and I cannot change the will of the people."
According to a statement issued by Somaliland's Information Minister, the African Union Promised to send a fact finding team to Somaliland.
President Rayale is expected at the port city of Berbera early today.
Somaliland currently has good diplomatic relations with its neighbors Djibouti and Ethiopia and some key African and European countries, including its former colonial power, Britain.
Somaliland, a former British Protectorate united with the former Italian Somalia in July 1960 to form the Somali Republic, unilaterally restored its sovereignty after the 1991 collapse of Siyad Barre's dictatorial regime, which especially had victimized Somalilanders.
Since then it has restored peace and stability and embarked on a democratization process, holding municipal and presidential elections. Parliamentary elections are also scheduled to be held in late March 2005, as the last step of the country's democratic transition.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, February 11, 2005/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 11 Feb 05) BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND PRESIDENT HOLDS TALKS WITH AU OFFICIALS IN ADDIS ABABA
The AU officials and President Riyale discussed the sovereignty of Somaliland. The AU officials promised not to connect the Somaliland issue with Somalia. They said an AU fact finding mission will soon visit Somaliland.
The delegation led by the president of the republic of Somaliland today left for Djibouti, where it is expected to have a one-day visit.
Source: http://www.hadhwanaagnews.com/pages/20/index.htm/ Feb/11/05
SOMALILAND -- A BEACON OF DEMOCRACY IN AFRICA AND THE MIDDLE-EAST {CAN THIS LAST?}
The democratization process of Somaliland is in its infancy. With hardly any developed resources at hand, Somaliland has produced results unmatched by any other country within its geographic region.
Skeptics, of course, may hold a different view. Some observers, -- and especially ones who live inside the country --, may be too close to the trees in order to see the forest. They may have great difficulty visualizing any specific outcome of the turbulent process that has been unleashed. They may fail to recognize it for what it really is: - a path to democracy. One can get a better view of this path and see the first steps clearer at a greater distance. One begins to see the stability the peace has delivered over the years by resilience. The question, however, remains: will this delicate process sustain itself?
Certainly, there are so many things that still need to be fixed or developed. The national and local infrastructure is, practically, nonexistent. Many public institutions have not even been conceived yet. The healthcare system is in shambles; public education is minimal; unemployment is high, and urgent actions must be taken to prioritize and manage the meager resources one has.
Corruption among officials is rampant and it must be at least curtailed. Inept politicians, directors, and an overabundance of totally incompetent policy makers have created a desperate situation. A systemic improvement is inconceivable unless this issue is properly resolved.
There are too many other areas in dire need of substantial improvement as well. And, after all that has already been said, one can ask the perfectly legitimate question: Is there a glimmer of hope? Is there a remote chance for a successful resolution of the present dilemma? What redeeming seed remains there that is worth the effort not to give up? What is it that makes this war-torn region, devastated by famine, diseases and hatred, which resembles more a hellhole than a country, appear sufficiently encouraging for the great powers of the world to take notice? Specifically, what makes this democracy, in its infant stages, stand out particularly now in view of the new world-order ideology promulgated by the United States' president which is based on and accentuates the concept of "freedom and democracy to all"?
This change in the American policy toward the Middle East, heralded in the name of liberty, encourages bringing about gradual changes that would lead to eventual replacement of brutal dictatorial regimes. This new policy may work to Somaliland's advantage as well by setting an example not merely for the affluent Middle Eastern countries.
This freedom and the road to democracy is what made Somaliland stand out in the crowd.
However, the path to freedom has never been an easy one. It has never been without struggle and sacrifice. The outcome, certainly, can hardly ever be predicted. And this is where Somaliland ventures now. If nothing else, Somaliland's struggle for the survival of its freedom deserves attention. Hopefully, the Somaliland common citizens will too take notice and appreciate what is at the heart of the struggle and what has initiated the success achieved so far. In essence, it is not something an outsider would ever understand. It is the product of emotional attachment to valuing peace, tranquility, and a sense of patriotism. In the end, it is a simple act of coming together to guard and cherish ones common interest.
But, what is preventing us to complete the path towards democracy and who is the enemy?
There can be no doubt that who the enemy is when an alien rushes across the borders and invades ones homeland. This becomes even more difficult, when the enemy is "homegrown in your own back and front yard." How devastating and disheartening it is to discover that so many of the very same officials, who are charged with the solemn responsibility of protecting and safeguarding one's hard-fought-for freedom, are precisely the ones, who are usurping their assumed authority, -- stealing and plundering left and right, confusing the public with useless rhetoric and are trampling the very principles that are needed to ensure the survival of the new democracy.
The big question and an extremely difficult task would be how to isolate such an enemy without having to resort to finger pointing?
Identifying and weeding out the perpetrators would be not only horrendously difficult, but it would also be an utterly hazardous task. The enemy will fight back ruthlessly, without mercy, with all the means it has at its disposal, jealously guarding its personal interests and preserving its continued power. Without finger pointing, there is no other way to single out the enemy within -- the abusers of power. And in the process one is faced with various forms of retributions including being arrested and jailed. Unfortunately, that is the only open option for citizens to take.-.. Pointing out the bad apples and forcing authorities (State Elders) to take actions.
When the old regime collapsed and the political marriage of some thirty plus years failed, the de-facto speech gag rule collapsed as well. It was virtually a culture of silence that forced the public to condone gross embezzlement and plundering of all forms of public resources (from funds to lands). Since there was a total lack of scrutiny and accountability, the few tax dollars the country received that could have been used to build basic institutions, were instead diverted and were drained into personal pockets of corrupt officials and their kinships.
Almost miraculously, with the collapse of the old regime and its culture of silence, the imposed stagnation of thought and of speech came to an end as well. Deplorably, however, new forms of corruption continued as ruthlessly as under the old regime. Until now, though, the average citizen was able to enjoy the only new found freedom - the Freedom of Speech. This first and foremost freedom that survived from the ruins is now being threatened and challenged as well by self-righteous politicians or individuals in power.
Why Freedom of Speech is so important in this transitional period?
Free Speech is so essential to every nation as to every person. Somalilanders are no different. They love to talk and talk and talk. They love to talk about useful and important things, as they love to talk about silly things. In the process they find new friends and whole groups who have same dreams, same hopes, same aspirations.
The ability to associate freely with whomever one chooses, to be able to organize and form groups to discuss and resolve common problems is, therefore, equally important. The right to publicly criticize anyone harming the interests of the society and to stand up against injustice is now needed more than ever, if the democratization process is to continue.
Nevertheless, citizens need to be aware of the blurry find line between national security, self-respect, and exercising one's freedom.
Make no mistake, we expect our politicians to rise above the skirmishes. As role models for generations to come, they must refrain from mudslinging and personal attack. Stop scoring points at the nations expense and focus the issues! Use constructive language that bridges the political gap!
And Please stop the name calling like teenagers (Gamboolay)?
We already now that without Freedom of Speech, without Freedom of the Press, without Freedom of Assembly and Association the democratization process will suffocate and die! Without democratization, the nation will not see justice. Without justice there will be no better future. Without a better future, the enormous sacrifices have been made in vain.
Already the price of freedom has been extremely high! Too many lives have been sacrificed for our own and for our children's future. Now it is up to us to defend our freedoms, to exercise it wisely, and to shape our future! The next parliamentary elections will be crucial!
The question is, will the new legislators represent the interests of the common citizen and of the nation, or again of a particular clan?
So very much is at stake! So very much can be done!
No Freedoms, no Democracy, no Future!
Be responsible politician and Somaliland will sustain its good name within democratic nations.
Magan Ibrahim Minnesota,USA.
Source: BBC Monitoring /Source: Radio Harge in Somali 1700 gmt 11 Feb 05 Somali 1700 gmt 11 Feb 05
Communique on Somaliland President's working viist to South Africa, from 30 Jan. to 9 Feb.2005
1- The Somaliland President Dhahir Rayale Kahin, made a working visit to the Republic of South Africa during the period 30 January to 9 February 2005, accompanied by the Somaliland Foreign Minister Edna Adan Ismail, Information Minister Abdillahi Duale and Fisheries and Coastal Development Minister Mohammed Mahmoud Farah.
2- During the discussions held on Tuesday, 1 February, in Cape Town, attended by the Somaliland President and ANC leaders in the Western Cape, both sides exchanged ideas and discussed ways to consolidate Somaliland's emerging democracy with particular attention to the up-coming Somaliland parliamentary elections scheduled for 29 March 2005. The two sides also welcomed the steady progress being made in developing people-to-people's relations between South Africa and Somaliland.
3- The Somaliland President and ANC leaders furthermore welcomed the planned African Union fact-finding mission to Somaliland and exchanged ideas, which urged African leaders in areas of conflict on the Continent to cooperate with the African Union to solve outstanding problems in a peaceful, and fair manner. The Somaliland President praised President Thabo Mbeki's peace-building efforts in Africa and his efforts to promote Nepad's goal of inter-African trade, to achieve the aims of a stronger and renewed African continent.
4- Both the Somaliland President and ANC leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the nurturing of peace and stability on the continent. They also reiterated the need for urgent action in implementing the culture and language of dialogue in the Horn of Africa.
5- The Somaliland President paid a courtesy call on President Thabo Mbeki's Minister in the Presidency Dr. Essop Pahad, as well as on the provincial premier Mr. Thabang Makwetla of Mpumalanga and held talks with the Premier of the Western Cape, Mr. Ebrahim Rasool.
6- President Kahin's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the University of South Africa's (Unisa) ABET department signed a Memorandum of Understanding on the Establishment of Joint Programmes on 8 February, which commits the parties "to the development of an indigenous programme for Adult Education and basic literacy". Both sides agreed a Unisa team will visit Somaliland to begin the joint programme as soon as possible, in order to contribute to the implementation of Nepad's goals and the United Nations Millenium Development Goals in education.
7- The President and his delegation also met with religious leaders, such as the Acting President of the Muslim Judicial Council, Moulana Ighsaan Hendricks.
8- During his visit the Somaliland President met with key South African business people, such as Tokyo Sexwale and the Oppenheimers.
9- The President and his delegation also had the opportunity to visit some of South Africa's navy bases, Soweto's Hector Peterson Museum, the Apartheid Museum, Robben Island and to address the closing session of the Mpumalanga Growth & Development Summit. The Somaliland President also responded to speaking invitations from key South African institutions, such as Pretoria-based Academy of Self-Knowledge, the Institute for Global Dialogue, and the South African Institute of International Affairs.
Enquires:
Iqbal Jhazbhay, Pretoria. Mobile: + 27 82 880 8603 E-mail: iqbal@unisa.ac.za Issued by : The Somaliland Ministry of Information, Hargeisa, Republic of Somaliland, 9 February 2005
Further information on Somaliland, see:http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/country_profiles/3794847.stm http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo18/success.html
BBC Monitoring International Reports, February 10, 2005/Source: SBC Online, Boosaaso, in Somali 9 Feb 05) BBC Monitoring
EX-SOMALI PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE ARRESTED IN SOMALILAND
Source: http://somalilandcenter.com/ Feb-10-2005.
Somaliland: On The Verge of Becoming a One Party Police State
But at the end, they win back their humanity, defeat the demons inside them and restart a new life. Somaliland, with its brutal suffering under Siyad Barre, the great loss of life, the peace initiated by its traditional elders and the successful Council and Presidential elections is a living example of humanity's inherent goodness and the will to succeed despite all odds. Now Somaliland is at a major cross-road with the dream of becoming a recognized sovereign state and the upcoming Parliamentary elections the backbone of realizing this dream.
Unfortunately, it appears our President lacks the leadership mettle to take our country into the next realm of statehood. It seems he never heeded the trust we put in him by electing him to the highest office despite his past career and apathetic Vice Presidency. His past actions in his short term from appointing a bloated and incompetent cabinet, human rights violations, unlawful and arbitrary detentions, neglect of the Sool and Sanag regions to swindling millions (padded budgets) of dollars from our meager resources is well recorded in both the Somaliland media and in every Somalilanders mind. Cozying to Djibouti's Omar Gelle showed us his willingness to betray Somaliland's interests for his own personal and political gain.
He even went further than the accepted political norms by publicly ordering his countrymen not to dare criticize his mentor; Ismail Omar Geelle. Our President never weighed the detrimental consequences his policies could have on the issue of our democratization and nationhood. The recent visit of three of his most powerful ministers to Djibouti is not merely a coincidence. President Omar Gelle of Djibouti is known for his fraudulent practices and intimidating the populace during elections.
But all these transgressions, lack of vision and political ineptness is dwarfed by his governments recent devious shenanigans. Our President, not content with his executive powers, his control over the judiciary, his well placed friend and party member, Suleiman Mohamud Adan (Gaal) as the head of the Senate and a majority at the soon to be defunct Parliament, introduced a legislation through one of his MPs specifically designed to give his government total control over the up coming Parliamentary elections. This started in earlty December 2004 when pro UDUB MPs left the session discussing the recommendations of the committee designated to prepare the Parliamentary Election laws. The same pro UDUB MPs continued sabotaging the discussions when they absented themselves from the session of December 27th 2004 where the agenda was the Parliamentary Election Laws. This concerted effort was further highlighted by our President's meddling into the affairs of the Elections Commission and the appointments of potential new members. Finally pro UDUB MPs succeeded in hijacking Somaliland's Parliament and introduced this absurd and one sided legislation. If this legislation succeeds, he and his administration will end up with total control over all aspects of political life in Somaliland. The president we elected in a democratic election intends to deprive us of all the political and democratic gains we righteously fought for. Our Somaliland is on the verge of becoming a One Party Police State.
By introducing this legislation, the government showed its willingness to hijack, corrupt, block or disrupt the democratization process of our country. With this action the government intends to either have control over the parliamentary elections, or cry wolf and blame the opposition for rejecting this ill-intended legislation. Fortunately, The Somaliland Electoral Commission have already voiced their concern and stated, in a statement issued in Hargeisa January 21st, 2005, that the electoral law passed by the House is an obstacle to holding the parliamentary elections. Likewise, the Somaliland Forum issued a similar statement denouncing this trampling on the democratization process of the country. All Somalilanders in the Diaspora and inside Somaliland are morally required to stage their protest against the government's political maneuvering to sabotage our democracy.
In the meantime, President Riyaale's administration and UDUB supporters are orchestrating a campaign to divert the people's attention from the real issues. The president's statements, during Mohamad Hashi's nomination to Elections Commission, which foster suspicion and hatred between our country's communities, the detentions of a traditional elders in Hargeisa, the placement of additional security check posts between Hargeisa and Burao within the last two days, and an unofficial quasi curfew are all parts of a strategy adopted by the government to divert the public.
As part of this strategy, many UDUB frontline supporters in the Diaspora already started concerted media attacks against the opposition, particulary Kulmiye and any other citizen who dares to speak out, to distract Somalilanders from preserving their democratic gains. Since early December 2004 UDUB ideologues in the Diaspora promoted the idea of a fourth solution to the parliamentary elections impasse: holding the elections, the registration, census taking and district demarcations at the same time. Many in the Diaspora dismissed this idea as a far fetched and impractical idea, but little we knew. The wholesale
" Fight for the Parliamentary Elections and Stay alert to deny the government the chance to stage a fraudulent electoral process".
Ironically, Somaliland's Foreign Minister, Dr. Edna Adan Ismail, is scheduled to address a meeting at the Wits University in South Africa on February 3, 2005 about Africa's Success story.
A success we fought for and others could see, but we are going to loose if our President and his administration gets away with their plans.
Mohamad Doaleh, Ottawa, Canada
Africa News, February 8, 2005/BYLINE: UN Integrated Regional Information Networks
Somalia; Human Rights Key to Peace And Stability, Says Expert
Speaking at the end of a 13-day mission to Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar called on the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) to pursue actively the integration of international human rights norms and standards into the reconstruction of its executive, legislative and judicial branches.
"Unless human rights become a cornerstone of the TFG's agenda, the longterm stability of the country cannot be guaranteed", a press statement released by the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator's Office for Somalia quoted him as saying.
He agreed with the TFG prime minister, Ali Muhammad Gedi, on the importance of establishing a "Truth and Reconciliation Commission to redress the suffering of the millions of Somalis who lost either their relatives and/or livelihoods during the many years of conflict and to bring those responsible to justice", the statement said.
Alnajjar visited Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, and Garowe and Bosasso, the capital and coastal port of the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, respectively. He also met members of the TFG, local authorities, civil society groups and representatives of donor countries.
Among issues discussed were "women's and children's rights, prison conditions, the rule of law, the establishment of independent human rights commissions and the situation of internally displaced persons (IDPs)".
The expert also discussed the condition of Somalia's coastline and coastal waters, which have been severely affected by illegal fishing by foreign vessels, and more recently by the Indian Ocean tsunami.
Alnajjar called on the authorities in both Somaliland and Puntland to release all prisoners of war, captured during clashes between the two sides in the disputed region of Sool, last year.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, February 8, 2005/Source: Qaran, Mogadishu, in Somali 8 Feb 05 p2) BBC Monitoring
PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN SOMALILAND POSTPONED
The electoral commission of Somaliland has postponed the elections that were expected to take place on 29 March this year and has not given another date for the elections.
Political parties in Somaliland have also differed on how to hold the elections, with the most bitter rift being between the opposition Kulmiye party and the ruling UDUB (Democratic United National) Party.
The Kulmiye party has refused to attend a meeting between all political parties and the government.
Source: http://www.businessinafrica.net/features/politics/411646.htm/ Published: 08-FEB-05
Somaliland President Dhahir Rayale Kahin
Dear Brothers and Sisters
As many of you are aware, this is my first visit to South Africa, and as you can see, I have decided with my ministers, that Cape Town will be our first city of focus in South Africa.
As far away as South Africa may seem to be from Somaliland and the Horn of Africa, I assure you that South Africa is Somaliland's closest friend on this continent. The Western Cape province should be congratulated for taking the lead in developing South African-Somaliland people-to-people relations, under the leadership of Premier Ebrahim Rasool.
I am extremely pleased to be with you at a time when South Africa is completing its 10 years of democracy, stability and reflecting on its up-coming challenges. This is also a time, when the people of Somaliland join you, as you reflect on 50 years of the Freedom Charter, which was launched by Africa's oldest liberation movement, the African National Congress.
Not only do we have in South Africa, the ANC, Africa's oldest liberation movement and arguably the best, I am also honoured and humbled to be in the presence today of South Africa's oldest surviving Muslim organisation, the Muslim Judicial Council (MJC).
We in Somaliland plan to hold this year a seminar on lessons from Islam in South Africa and the Freedom Charter. This seminar will be co-hosted by the Somaliland Academy for Peace and Development and the University of South Africa.
I am informed by Iqbal Jhazbhay, our advisor on Somaliland-South Africa relations, that your late Minister Abdullah Omar, reflected this self-effacing, modest character. I understand that President Thabo Mbeki highlighted his spectacular and admirable dimension of the late Minister's character at his funeral last year.
My delegation, myself included, were proud and humbled, as we visited the various areas of Cape Town, including Khayelitsha, to be associated fully with Africa. As you say in your local language, Africa ke-nako, Africa's time has come this century, for its full renewal and for it to free itself from the clutches of colonialism and all forms of bondage.
In this respect, Somaliland was honored and humbled by the historic opportunity it had, when a renowned Somalilander, Ambassador AR Abby Farah, led the distinguished UN fact-finding team to South Africa in 1989, which met with South African leaders, such as the late ANC giant, Walter Sisulu.
Our Ambassador Farah, also chaired the historic UN Centre against Apartheid from 1969 to 1972. Later, Somaliland diplomats, as well as the late President Egal, worked with the new chair of the UN Centre against apartheid, Mr. ES Reddy, for over two centuries, in promoting international sanctions against South Africa and support for its liberation movements.
Allow me here to express the deep appreciation of the people of Somaliland for South Africa's hospitality extended to the late Somaliland President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, who passed away while undergoing treatment at Pretoria's Military 1 hospital in May 2002. The late President Egal belonged to a generation of African leaders at the time of independence from colonialism, and was a contemporary of Kwame Nkrumah, Leopold Senghor and Jomo Kenyatta. President Egal was the last democratically elected Prime Minister of a united Somalia (1967). Finally, as you will have opportunities this evening to engage with my ministers of foreign affairs, information, fisheries and coastal development, I hope we will see each other again either here in Cape Town or Hargeisa to advance Nepad's goal, to further inter-African solidarity and trade.
Somaliland has been described, I quote from the ANC journal Umrabulo, "As a Success Story, Somaliland is Africa's Best-kept Secret". You will get to experience, on the ground, at first hand Africa's Best-kept Secret, how it has managed to have no foreign debt.
You will also experience, first hand, how Somaliland has relied on our women, elders, ulama, religious scholars, and internal resources to build the country from ashes. How South African companies such as Mvelephanda Holdings have attained our oil concessions, how your well placed mineral companies such as Plat Min are beginning gem stone mining and how South Africa's telecommunications sector have installed satellite technology, which gives us broadband, 24-hour internet access at times faster than some homes in Cape Town or Pretoria.
About Somaliland
Somalia, became independent one week after Somaliland and the two independent Somali `States' united to form the Somali Republic, with Somaliland being the `mother' country and the more senior of the two partners.
Nevertheless, the Act of Union, which should have formalised the unification of the two Sovereign Somali states, was never ratified by the Parliaments of the two countries, which makes the 31-year-old union between Somaliland and Somalia only an informal partnership.
Regretfully, like in many partnerships, the initially hopeful union of the two young countries ended in disaster and culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between Somalia and Somaliland. We all remember the union between Senegal and Gambia, which lasted only six months, and that of Egypt and Syria, which lasted three years. The union between Somaliland and Somalia lasted 31 years but culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between the two countries before they separated.
During the years of civil war, and while the world did nothing to stop it, the military regime of the Somali dictator Siyad Barre perpetrated war crimes and acts of genocide against the people of Somaliland. Government airplanes indiscriminately bombed our major cities while tanks and other heavy military artillery pounded civilian dwellings without pity, flattening schools, hospitals, mosques, and 90% of the capital city.
In February 1991, one month after Somaliland's victory, and the fleeing of the troops of Siyad Barre from Somaliland territory, traditional elders met in Berbera.
They unanimously agreed not to seek revenge among themselves nor have malice for any persons from Somalia still living in Somaliland. Consequently, ten thousand Somalia troops that became stranded in Somaliland were fed and sheltered for three months until a safe corridor was secured for their safe return to Somalia.
In December, 2002, Somaliland held their first Local Government elections, followed in April 2003 by the first Presidential elections.
The first Parliamentary elections is expected in March this year, and a year later that of the Upper House of Elders (Senate), all this in order to complete with the long and difficult transition from a traditional, clan-based political system to a stable multi-party democracy in Somaliland.
"Regretfully, even though Somaliland is a country that can be considered a miracle and a rare African success story, the former Organization of African Unity, as well as the present African Union, have spent more time and effort over Africa's failures and conflicts instead of giving credit to Africa's achievements similar to that of Somaliland today," notes Dr. Edna Adan Ismail, minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Somaliland.
"Undermining the achievements of Somaliland, sadly also undermines the goals of NEPAD that are to promote peace, stability, and good governance in Africa. Independence and sovereignty for Somaliland is a reality with no turning back of the clock. What remains is for the international community to come to terms with that reality and to arrive at the only possible and just conclusion: recognition of Somaliland as a rightful member of the world community of nations," he adds.
Ismail, says that failing to do that would be a great discredit to human rights and to democracy itself. It would further destroy the hard-won stability that Somaliland enjoys today, and would result in another mass exodus from the Horn of Africa. "The people of Somaliland have made a clear choice. Will the international community respect the choice of the people of Somaliland ?" he concludes.
The Observer, February 6, 2005, SECTION: Observer News Pages, Pg. 26
Comment: Letters to the Editor: A good story
I enjoyed Fred Halliday's Three Dustbin theories of history (Comment Extra, last week), but would ask him to think again in labelling all the Horn of Africa as a former pro-Soviet area with no transition to democracy.
Somaliland is a former British protectorate which suffered grievously under a Soviet-backed dictator and in 1991 declared itself an independent republic. A president was elected and a civilian government established. Although still unrecognised internationally, the country has made great efforts to support law and order and establish an infrastructure and a viable economy.
In April 2003 a further peaceful election was held, and President Dahir Kahin and his party were elected, the main opposition party conceding this although losing by only a small number of votes. With limited resources the democratically elected government, with no evidence of corruption, are struggling to develop a viable economy and infrastructure.
Good stories about Africa are seldom heard: here is one positive story which needs wide publicity, not binning.
Professor Sally Tomlinson, Vice-chair of Trustees, Africa Education Trust, London WC2
BBC Monitoring International Reports, February 6, 2005/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 5 Feb 05) BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND: PRESIDENT KAHIN HOLDS TALKS WITH SOUTH AFRICAN MINISTER
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ Feb 6 2005
Somaliland brings case for recognition to Pretoria
Last week President Dhahir Rayale Kahin and three of his cabinet ministers visited SA for talks with Minister in the Presidency Essop Pahad, senior foreign affairs officials and businessmen. Ethiopia has said it will be second (to recognise Somaliland). We are searching for number one, said Kahin, who spoke at the Institute for Global Dialogue in Midrand last week. Pretoria's recognition last year of the Saharawi Democratic Republic (Western Sahara), which seceded from Morocco, may have given Somaliland encouragement for its chances. African regional powers such as SA, Kenya and Ethiopia maintain contacts with the Somaliland, a country with 3,5-million people, and the president says his country co-operates closely with the US in fighting terrorism in the region, but the prospects for recognition from Pretoria are remote. Last year Chris Mullins, the British foreign office's top Africa official, visited the country, which before independence in 1960 was known as British Somaliland.
Somaliland bases its legal case for international recognition on the fact that it was the first of the Somalias to achieve independence in 1960. The country bolsters its case by citing that it has held elections that have been recognised as free and fair by a number of observer groups and insists that it has good governance. But with the establishment of a form of transitional government for Somalia and the fear that precedents that could be set for other regions that may wish autonomy in Africa, there is little impetus for recognition.
However, the AU intends sending a mission to Somaliland soon for talks that hold out a chance the issue could be placed higher on Africa's agenda. International recognition would give Somaliland access to much-needed development aid. The bulk of the aid the country currently receives is for immediate humanitarian needs rather than longer-term development needs. The country's economy is heavily dependent on revenues it receives from Ethiopia for the use of the port of Berbera, its gypsum deposits and its livestock exports to Gulf states.
Copyright c 2005 Times Media Ltd.. Source: Financial Times Information Limited - Europe Intelligence Wire.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, February 5, 2005/Source: Codka Xoriyadda, Mogadishu, in Somali 5 Feb 05) BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND PREFERS TO FIGHT THAN UNITING WITH NEW SOMALI GOVERNMENT
"We have a functional government with democratically elected president, so how can we talk to a warlord who was not elected by his people" said President Riyale speaking to Reuter news agency in South Africa.
Speaking about his view towards the new Somali government, President Riyale said that the government led by Abdullahi Yusuf will not make any change in Somalia.
"It is just a dream, they are dreaming having a government, it is not a true government, and it is a government in exile, which is far from the chaos and anarchy that dominates Somalia," said the Somaliland leader.
President Riyale, who is in efforts of getting international recognition for his government, is currently visiting South Africa.
He said that Somaliland would prefer to fight if any reunification efforts of with southern Somalia are carried out.
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/ Feb 05, 2005
Somaliland- Africa's Secret Success Story
The South African Institute of International Affairs
In Association with The Institute for Global Dialogue & University of South Africa
Jan Smuts House, East Campus, Wits University
03/02/2005
Somaliland- Africa's Secret Success Story
by Dr. Edna Adan Ismail Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Somaliland
I bring you greetings from the Republic of Somaliland and consider it a great honour to up-date you with the situation in my country.
From the outset, please let me explain that Somaliland's existence, as an Independent State is a historical fact and today's reality, which the National Geographic refers to as 'an area of special sovereignty'. Recently, the African Union has taken the issue up and the current chairman of the AU intends to send a fact-finding mission to Somaliland as soon as possible.
Established as a British Protectorate in 1884, Somaliland became independent on June 26, 1960, and was immediately recognised by 34 UN Member States, including the five Permanent Members of the Security Council.
This makes Somaliland the first independent Somali country to become a member of the United Nations, and 44 years later, since we have neither resigned from our membership in the UN, nor given away our sovereignty to anyone, we still claim ownership of our independence and that of our membership in the UN.
Regarding our neighbour, former Italian Somalia, it became independent one week after Somaliland and the two independent Somali `States' united to form the Somali Republic, with Somaliland being the `mother' country and the more senior of the two partners.
It is worth mentioning, however, that the Act of Union, which should have formalised the unification of the two Sovereign Somali states, was never ratified by the Parliaments of the two countries, which makes the 31year-old union between Somaliland and Somalia only an informal partnership.
Regretfully, like in many partnerships, the initially hopeful union of the two young countries ended in disaster and culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between Somalia and Somaliland. We all remember the union between Senegal and Gambia, which lasted only six months, and that of Egypt and Syria, which lasted three years. The union between Somaliland and Somalia lasted 31 years but culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between the two countries before they separated.
During the years of civil war, and while the world did nothing to stop it, the military regime of the Somali dictator Siyad Barre perpetrated war crimes and acts of genocide against the people of Somaliland. Government airplanes indiscriminately bombed our major cities while tanks and other heavy military artillery pounded civilian dwellings without pity, flattening schools, hospitals, mosques, and 90% of the capital city.
Tens of thousands of our people became massacred, and over half a million were driven from their homes becoming internally displaced. An additional million sought refuge in refugee camps in neighbouring in Ethiopia, Djibouti and Yemen.
In Somaliland, we keep discovering mass graves to this day and so far, over a hundred have become registered by UN Forensic Experts. These atrocities were only some of the reasons why the people of Somaliland fled to all corners of the world to seek refuge wherever they could find asylum.
Please allow me to show you a video of what Hargeisa looked like in 1991 when it was liberated from Somalia.
Peace Processes in Somaliland
After the liberation of our country in 1991, the hard won peace and stability that we enjoy in Somaliland today were achieved through the sheer determination of our men and women and that of our traditional elders. Unlike peace conferences in other parts of Africa, peace in Somaliland was homegrown and was brokered entirely with the initiative and resources of our people.
1. The First Peace Conference in Berbera
In February 1991, one month after Somaliland's victory, and the fleeing of the troops of Siyad Barre from Somaliland territory, our traditional elders met in Berbera. They unanimously agreed to let `bygones be bygones' and not seek revenge among themselves nor have malice for any persons from Somalia still living in Somaliland. Consequently, ten thousand Somalia troops that became stranded in Somaliland were fed and sheltered for three months until a safe corridor could be secured for their return to Somalia.
This general amnesty still holds and Somaliland is proud to have a large number of labourers and merchants from Somalia living and working in Somaliland without any restrictions or fear for their lives. That's what Somaliland's Democracy is all about !
The Second Peace Conference of Somaliland
The leaders also agreed to hold a Second National Peace Conference, and which became convened three months later in Burao in April/May 1991.
During the Burao Congress, elders and representatives of the Clans of former Somaliland Protectorate met under the shades of Acacia trees. They agreed to separate from the Somali Democratic Republic, and on the 18/5/1991, the Independent and Sovereign State of the Republic of Somaliland was born once again.
Immediately, Somalilanders had no choice other than to rise to the challenges and get on with the daunting task of rebuilding Somaliland on a self-help basis. Reconstruction took place without the benefit of a Martial Plan, without the political recognition that the country deserves, without international support, but with only their meagre resources to rely on.
In October 1992, sporadic inter-clan fighting broke out which prompted an immediate reaction and strong involvement of women who held mass demonstrations for peace. The women handed petitions to the elders threatening that these demonstrations would continue unless the elders, politicians and government representatives declared an immediate cease fire and swore in public that all parties would adhere to the terms and conditions of the cease fire. Their demands were immediately met.
The Third Somaliland Peace Conference.
The third National Congress took place in Borama in1993. This Congress was held with the intent of developing a system of Governance and a National Charter for Somaliland.
It was convened under humble and traditional settings instead of taking place in expensive five star international hotels. All Peace Conferences of Somaliland were bottom-up processes and have enjoyed full community support, an approach that has ensured the adherence to the agreements that have been reached on every occasion.
After four months of debates and deliberations in Borama, the 500 representatives of all the clans of Somaliland elected the first Elected President and Vice-President (Our Late President Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal who died in South Africa in 2002, and Vice President Abdurahman Aw Ali ).
During that Congress, the `Borama National Charter' was drafted and adopted and became the Blueprint for the civilian system of Government that has been in place since that time.
This National Charter laid the foundation for the development of the Somaliland Constitution which became approved in May 2001 by an overwhelming majority of 97% of Somalilanders.
The people of Somaliland also re-affirmed their support for their country's sovereignty during this Constitutional Referendum which is consistent with the right of people to self-determination as entrenched in the Charters of the African Union and the United Nations.
In December, 2002, we held our first Local Government elections, followed in April 2003 by the first Presidential elections.
We now plan to hold our first Parliamentary elections in March this year, and a year later that of the Upper House of Elders (Senate), all this in order to complete our long and difficult transition from a traditional, clan-based political system to a stable multi-party democracy in Somaliland.
Demobilisation of Militia
Following the Borama Congress, Somaliland became the second African State after South Africa to achieve a general and voluntary Demobilization of its Militia. Demobilisation of our Freedom Fighters was achieved without international assistance and without international troops to make it happen.
During that historic and highly emotional demobilization ceremony, the militia of one the largest and strongest groups of SNM freedom fighters smartly paraded into the fully packed Hargeisa Sports Stadium, saluted the flag and the President of Somaliland as well as their Sultan, and proceeded to line up their military hardware. This became the first of several other daily and weekly parades with different militia groups laying down their arms and becoming incorporated into the National Army.
The above facts and processes were confirmed by the late Rocky Williams who spent a month in Hargeisa and in his interview on Radio 702 of 4 January 2005.
Stability in Somaliland
After fourteen years, Somaliland is a country of hope and determination. Landmines have been removed and over a million refugees have returned home from refugee camps or from the Diaspora. Tens of thousands of dwellings have been rebuilt and major economic infrastructure has been repaired.
Today, we have an economy that is increasingly attracting foreign investors who wish to do business in Somaliland. Above all, Somaliland is at present building a society founded on peace, justice, and the rule of law.
We wish to reaffirm our commitment to the peace and stability of the region, which includes unreserved respect for the unity, and territorial integrity of States. We stand neither for cessation, nor for the revision of Africa's borders. Somaliland was among the first African States to be free from colonial rule, and our demand for recognition implies full respect of the borders received at the moment of independence from Great Britain. We are by no means the first African state to have entered into a voluntary union with another and subsequently withdrawn from that union intact. Egypt and Syria, Senegal and Gambia and Senegal and Mali have all done likewise.
The good relations we enjoy with neighbouring States are the cornerstones of our foreign policy, which envisions a more stable, democratic and prosperous Horn of Africa.
Economic Development
Somaliland has chosen a system of free market economy, which seems to fully agree with the entrepreneurial character of the people of Somaliland. Consequently, the economic development in Somaliland has been very dramatic in spite of the repeated Saudi Arabian ban on the export of our livestock which has been imposed three times during the past ten years and which is still in force.
At first, the biggest investments were directed towards the reconstruction of private dwellings, shops, schools, ports and airports and other public property. Among the most impressive undertakings are :
Repair and reconnection of the Hargeisa water supply.
Maansoor and Ambassador Hotels, which are beautiful three/four star hotels, that favourably compare with similar star hotels in the Horn.
Reconstruction and rehabilitation of the well known Hargeisa Club
Construction of Private Hospitals and Clinics
Construction of villas and private houses at an amazing rate with elegant villas cropping up in different neighbourhoods in the major towns of Somaliland.
Openning of Amoud and Hargeisa Universities, and Burao Iniversity only a few months ago.
Construction of Private Schools and Colleges.
Reconstruction of the Airport of Hargeisa, Berbera, Burao, Borama and others.
Reconstruction and dredging of the port of Berbera which now offers a berth to large cargo ships.
Reconstruction of the Hargeisa Electric Power Plant
Repair of the artery roads and reconstruction of the bridges between Hargeisa and Berbera, Hargeisa and Borama, Berbera and Burao
Construction of market places, the biggest of which is the new Gobanimo Market in Hargeisa.
Construction, establishment and expansion of private banks and money transfer businesses.
The emergence of major communication and IT systems.
The beginning of the Industrialization in Somaliland.
Several industries have been set up such as :
Several Aluminium factories for doors and windows
Flour Mill
Mineral Water bottling plant
Soft drinks bottling plant
Honey bottling
Poultry Farming
Bakeries and other catering businesses
Nails factory
Stone crushing industries and brick making
Carpentry and furniture workshops
Plastics factory
Micro-plant for sponges, mattresses and pillows
Tailoring and clothing businesses
Skins and hides
Somaliland has mineral resources that have not yet been exploited. We have oil, gas, coal, and the world's largest gypsum deposits. In addition to this, we have an 850 kilometre-long coastline that is rich with marine resources, waiting to be exploited. The major Port of Berbera serves as a ,ajor outlet/inlet for land-locked Ethiopia with a population of over 65 million. Berbera airport also has the longest runway in Africa having been built by the USA as one of the six landing sites for the Columbia shuttle.
Conclusion
Regretfully, even though Somaliland is a country that can be considered a miracle and a rare African success story, the former Organization of African Unity, as well as the present African Union, have spent more time and effort over Africa's failures and conflicts instead of giving credit to Africa's achievements similar to the shining example we have in Somaliland today.
Undermining the achievements of Somaliland, sadly also undermines the goals of NEPAD that are to promote peace, stability, and good governance in Africa.
Independence and sovereignty for Somaliland is a reality with no turning back of the clock. What remains is for the international community to come to terms with that reality and to arrive at the only possible and just conclusion: recognition of Somaliland as a rightful member of the world community of nations.
Failing to do that would be a great discredit to human rights and to democracy itself. It would destroy the hard-won stability that Somaliland enjoys today, and would result in another mass exodus from the Horn of Africa that would take our people to the four corners of the world again.
The people of Somaliland have made a clear choice. Will the international community respect the choice of the people of Somaliland ?
Thank you very much for your kind attention.
http://www.awdalnews.com/wmview.php?ArtID=4754/ February 05, 2005 / By Afkar Abdulla, Khaleej Times, 5 February 2005=
Arab countries' backing sought for Somaliland
Waraabe, who is hoping to be the next president of the self-styled Republic of Somaliland, told Khaleej Times that he needs the support of Arab countries to gain international recognition for his country.
"We are a real state that is ruled by a constitution. Not many African countries can do what we have done. We ask for recognition from the international community," he said.
Waraabe is currently in Dubai to keep his supporters from this region updated on the political situation in the break-away Republic of Somaliland, which in 1991 declared it secession from the east African country of Somalia.
He said that Somaliland was the first Somalian state that achieved independence on June 26, 1960, even before Somalia, and got recognition of 35 countries around the world. Five days later, when Italian Somalia became independent, Somaliland mistakenly had an unratified, disastrous union with Somalia from July 1, 1960 which continued till May 1991.
The withdrawal from such union was decided after Somalia inflicted unforeseen denials, injustice, atrocities and destruction in Somaliland for 30 years (1960-1990), Waraabe said.
"The Somaliland people, who were together in the struggle for independence, were together in the reproclamation of Somaliland's independence," he said.
Waraabe appealed to Arab countries to support the Somaliland. "My party stands in the opposition because of the inefficiency of the current government, which failed to achieve international recognition for Somaliland, and is not working hard enough to achieve this goal," he claimed.
Commenting on the Somalian government of Abdullah Yousif, which has the international community's recognition, Waraabe said: "President Yousif was unfit to head Somalia out of its 13-year-old crisis and instability, but if he succeeds in ensuring peace and stability in the north, the government and opposition power in Somaliland will establish a dialogue with him - not in regard of unity, but for reconciliation and cooperation between the two countries."
Waraabe said security and stability was the top priority of his party, which is trying to change the government of President Dhahir Rayale Kahin during the coming election in March. "The most important thing to people in my country is peace and stability. I believe we can now sustain that because there has been a positive move towards embracing democracy," he said.
The opposition leader, who is optimistic about the future of Somaliland, stressed that his country is one of the 11 African nations that agreed to form an anti-terrorism origination to protect the country from being used by terrorists who are networking in African countries.
"Somaliland is terrorism-free as terrorists couldn't find a suitable platform to launch their operations," he said.
Source: United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF)
UNICEF Somalia Review Nov - Jan 2005
Tsunami update: UNICEF and partner organizations undertook relief efforts reaching an estimated 8,000 to 12,000 people in Hafun and other areas hit along the Northeast Somalia ('Puntland') coastline on December 26. An estimated 80 percent of homes in Hafun were destroyed. Initial consequences were lack of clean water and sanitation facilities and a serious shortage of food. Areas currently assisted by UNICEF besides Hafun include Bender Beyla, Arris and Garad.
It has been difficult to assess with accuracy the total number affected in Northeast Somalia due to the remoteness of many villages and lack of roads. In late January a multi-agency assessment got underway to get a more accurate perspective as well as the long term consequences of the tsunami.
UNICEF has distributed blankets, jerry cans, plastic sheeting, cooking sets, mosquito netting and soap to the most vulnerable. Other activities have included chlorination of drinking water, repair of damaged wells, construction of new water sources, trucking of water to communities and digging of latrines. UNICEF through a local community-based organization is rehabilitating 10 damaged wells in Hafun.
UNICEF has supplied dewatering pumps for removing sea water and debris which was swept into the wells by the tidal wave.
Relief interventions have also focused on the treatment of the sick and the training of health workers on management of diarrhoea diseases, acute respiratory infections, anaemia and antenatal care and the provision of medical supplies and equipment. Among those UNICEF has trained are workers of the Somali Red Crescent Society. As a result of UNICEF interventions, water borne diseases have declined.
In Kulub and Garacad villages, UNICEF distributed shelter materials to families that were affected. The waves destroyed Kulub village and its water sources. UNICEF is to rehabilitate five wells in Garacad village as well as construct latrine facilities in Garacad and Kulub.
UNICEF has also supported initiatives to ensure resumption of schooling. After the tsunami struck Hafun, displaced residents occupied the local primary school building. In mid-January, UNICEF in collaboration with the local community education committee facilitated the vacation of the building to allow the school to reopen. Prior to the tsunami, the school had 92 students. Advocacy initiatives after the tsunami led to the enrolment in Hafun village surging to 148 with 85 of the pupils being girls. UNICEF provided tarpaulin sheets to serve as shelter for two additional classrooms.
Other coastal communities of Foocaar, Baal Madow and Garaan, all in Hafun district, which didn't have schools previously, are now readying to open them. UNICEF has helped the communities to form education committees. The communities will use plastic tarpaulin sheets provided by UNICEF as shelter for the classrooms.
To date, UNICEF Somalia has received approximately $500,000 in total from the US and UK Funds for UNICEF while pledges have been made by the US OFDA/USAID. A donation of shelter items and fishing nets was also made by the Coca Cola company. Together with supplies that UNICEF already had inside Somalia for rapid response to emergency situations, these amounts have been adequate to cover the response so far. Additional funding may become necessary for longer-term recovery efforts.
More can be read about UNICEF and its work in the tsunami affected areas at www.unicef.org/somalia/
Political developments
Political developments: In Northwest Somalia ('Somaliland'), the House of Representatives deputy speaker, Abdilkadir Ismail Jirde, resigned citing the blocking of legislation for regulating parliamentary elections. Mr Jirde alleged that the chairman of the House of Elders (Upper Chamber of Parliament) and pro-administration legislators were opposed to the forthcoming parliamentary elections, scheduled for March 29, 2005. The bill on the Parliamentary Elections Act has been before the Lower House for the last several years.
The Presidential elections in Northeast Somalia took place on 8 January 2005 leading to a peaceful change of President. Mohamud Muse Hirsi 'Adde" - a former military general - was elected as President replacing Mohamed Abdi Hashi who had been acting as president of Puntland since Abdullahi Yusuf, the previous President, was elected as President of Soimalia at the Somali National Reconciliation and Peace Conference in Kenya in October 2004.. Mohammed Hassan 'Af-Qurac" was elected vice president. Puntland is a semiautonomous region of Somalia. It however has no intention of breaking away from Somalia unlike Northwest Somalia which broke away and declared sovereignty with no desire to be part of Somalia.
Cabinet approved: The Somalia Transitional Federal Parliament (TFP) on 13 January endorsed the cabinet appointed by the Prime Minister of the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), Dr Ali Gheddi Mohamed. The new government is expected to relocate from Nairobi to Somalia in mid-February.
Security developments...
Central/Southern Somalia experienced intermittent fighting among various communities. The fighting in Galgadud, Hiran, Benadir (Mogadishu) Bay and Bakool regions claimed lives and property.
Police chief killed: In Mogadishu, General Yusuf Ahmed Sarenle, the commander of the police force of the Transitional National Government (precursor to the current Transitional Federal Government) was shot dead at his house in Harmar Bile section of Wardigley district in Mogadishu early in the morning of 23 January. The killing was the latest in a string of attacks that have targeted senior military and police officials in Mogadishu.
Driver killed: A contractor distributing relief items was attacked in Il Foocshe village in Jariban district of Mudug region. The relief items were looted and the truck driver killed. The team had been contracted to distribute relief items by WFP in the tsunami hit areas along the northeast coast of Somalia.
Cinema attack: On 13 January an attacker threw a hand grenade into a cinema in Bulo-hubey section of Madina district in Mogadishu. Four people died on the spot and seven others were wounded in the 11.30pm incident. At least two children were reported to be among the wounded.
Cemetery desecrated: Some unknown militia removed about 70 skeletons from the Old Italian Cemetery located near the SOS Hospital in Mogadishu South and placed them near Mogadishu International Airport. Local organizations including civil society groups, women's organizations, religious groups, intellectuals, youth groups and local radio condemned the action.
Health programme update...
Immunization: Residents of 115 settlements in Eil Afwein, Erigavo and Badhan districts in Somaliland were immunized in an effort supported by UNICEF, the local administration and NGOs. A total of 3,164 children were immunized against the six childhood killer diseases: polio, diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, measles and tuberculosis. A total of 2, 653 people were provided with vitamin A supplements and 1,269 women of child-bearing age vaccinated and provided with tetanus toxoid immunization.
Nutrition update...
UNICEF and WFP distributed supplementary food rations to 1,655 children in Sanaag and Togdheer regions in northern Somalia. In Central/Southern Somalia, UNICEF distributed information on infant care.
Education update...
Drought: Some nine out of 11 schools in Togdheer region of Somaliland that had closed due to effects of drought reopened through the efforts of the Somaliland administration and the community.
In Central/Southern Somalia, UNICEF staff met those of the Women Care Association (WOCA), a local NGO based in Jowhar, Middle Shabelle region. The discussions focused on how to improve educational management and increase community awareness on enrolment with special focus on girl-child education. WOCA runs seven schools with an enrolment of 397 school age children and 324 youth learners.
UNICEF conducted social mobilization to boost school enrolment among children of riverine communities in Middle Shabelle region. Remarkable progress was reported on non-formal education initiatives in Jowhar, Central Somalia. Non-formal education (NFE) helps people who missed out on formal schooling to learn how to read and write.
Youth development...
The rehabilitation of Berbera Youth Multi-purpose Centre in Somaliland continues. In Central/Southern Somalia, UNICEF conducted a five-day training on conflict resolution and peace building for 33 youth from Middle Shabelle, Benadir and Middle Jubba regions.
The training focused on basic knowledge and skills on conflict management and peace building initiatives.
HIV/AIDS prevention and control update...
Awareness raising: Information materials for HIV/AIDS awareness were distributed to resource centres run by local NGOs and the communities in Somaliland. The latest issue of KOOR, a magazine that focuses on issues related to HIV/AIDS and the youth was distributed throughout Somalia. It is produced by youth in Somaliland with support from UNICEF.
UNICEF distributed information, education and communication materials for HIV/AIDS awareness in Central/Southern Somalia.
UNICEF staff visited Jowhar Hospital laboratory and discussed the testing of blood for HIV, pre and post-test counseling with hospital staff. Though the hospital tests blood from donors, it does not carry out counseling. HIV/AIDS awareness raising workshops were conducted in Huddur, Central Somalia. They targeted members of youth and women's groups and the urban poor.
Child Protection update...
Girl prisoner: UNICEF continued to lobby for the release of a 16-year-old girl, Zam Zam Ahmed Dualeh, from prison in Hargeisa, Somaliland. On December 15, 2004, Zam Zam was sentenced to five years in prison for alleged espionage. Following this, the UNICEF Somalia Representative Jesper Morch appealed to Somaliland President Dahir Rayale Kahin to pardon Zam Zam. In January 2005, the President said in an interview with the media that he would consider clemency if and when Zam Zam requested for it. (Editor's note: On 2 February 2005, the Somaliland administration released Zam Zam into the custody of Ghanim Alnajjar, the UN Independent expert on human rights in Somalia, who accompanied her back to Puntland).
Child soldiers: The rehabilitation and reintegration programme for 360 former child soldiers continued in Mogadishu, Merka and Kismayo towns.
If you have questions about the UNICEF Somalia Monthly Review please contact: Denise Shepherd-Johnson, Communication Officer. E-mail: dshepherdjohnson@unicef.org OR Robert Kihara, Assistant Communication Officer. E-mail: rkihara@unicef.org, Tel: 254-2-623958/ 623950/ 623862/ 623959/ 350410, Fax: 254-2-520640/ 623965
Somali enclave won't cooperate with "warlord" Yusuf
JOHANNESBURG, 4 Feb. 2005 (Reuters)--The president of Somalia's unrecognised Somaliland enclave has raised the stakes in the war-scarred Horn of Africa, saying he would not cooperate with long-term foe, new Somalia President Abdullahi Yusuf.
Somaliland, an enclave on the Gulf of Aden, declared independence from anarchic Somalia in 1991 and has since enjoyed relative peace but is unrecognised internationally.
"We're a government functioning with a democratically elected president. How can we deal with a warlord who is not elected by his own people?" Somaliland President Dahir Rayale Kahin told Reuters in an interview late on Thursday.
"I won't deal with him. When he becomes president of Somalia, like me elected by his own people, maybe we can talk."
Yusuf was elected on October 10 as head of Somalia's government by delegates attending a national conference held in Nairobi.
In late October the enclave urged Yusuf, former leader of Somalia's Puntland territory, to withdraw members of his clan from near its border, accusing him of attacking Somaliland even after his election as Somali president. Yusuf's aides say Somaliland started the fighting, which has now abated.
Somaliland has fought sporadic clashes with Puntland for years over the ownership of eastern areas of Somaliland which Puntland's leaders claim as their own on the basis of ethnicity.
Hoping to turn a new page, Yusuf has pledged to work peacefully with Somaliland as he tries to restore order to Somalia, which descended into anarchy in 1991 following the ousting of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre.
He has vowed to bring stability to Somalia within one year.
Kahin said anarchy in Somalia would doom to failure the 14th attempt at creating an effective central administration.
"I don't see it as a government, it's a dream of a government that they have, it's not a practical government. It's an exile government that doesn't exist. Somalia doesn't exist. There is chaos and anarchy," he said.
Diplomats say the re-establishment of the government in Somalia is a key condition for foreign donor funding for its attempts to rebuild an effective national administration.
Its leadership is due to return to the country after a team of lawmakers flew in to Somalia's capital Mogadishu this week to prepare for Yusuf's arrival, but no date has been set.
"NO REUNIFICATION"
Mohamud Abdullahi Jama, information minister and deputy prime minister in Yusuf's Transitional Federal Government (TFG), said the Somaliland authorities had consistently refused to take part in the peace talks that resulted in Yusuf's election.
Nevertheless representatives of Somaliland's clans were members of the TFG's parliament, and once the government was successfully established back in Somalia "hopefully we will come to some understanding" with Somaliland, he said.
Kahin, in South Africa to drum up support for international recognition of his territory, said Somaliland would fight off any attempts of reunification.
"We will have only brotherly neighbourhood, no chance of reunification," Kahin said. "The people of Somaliland have made their decision not to go again into union with Somalia through a referendum and I cannot change the will of the people."
Kahin spoke after his officials gave a presentation entitled "Africa's Secret Success Story" at a Johannesburg gathering.
"I have come to indicate to the South African government and its people our case for recognition. We have said many times African countries should take the lead in this," he said.
Somaliland, a region of 3.5 to 4.5 million people, won independence from Britain in 1960 and formed a united republic with ex-Italian Somalia. An uprising against Barre was followed by years of devastation as he turned his forces against the northwestern enclave. When Barre fled, Somaliland split away.
Source: United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) 31 Jan 2005
EC and UNICEF join hands to support education in Somalia
UNICEF will use the funds to promote pupil enrolment and to ensure quality teaching and learning under initiatives spanning a two year period from 2005. Part of the funds will be used in a major education enrolment campaign through UNICEF Somalia's Every Child Counts Initiative. Community education committees which manage schools in most of Somalia will also be targeted under specific interventions to ensure they are better able to manage schools under their supervision.
Currently only about 19.9% per cent of Somali children are in school. According to the 2003/2004 Survey of Primary Schools in Somalia, 285,574 children were enrolled in primary schools. This was a 5.7% increase from the previous year. Of those enrolled only 35% are girls. As per the latest survey there were 9,088 teachers of whom only 1,210 (13%) were female with one teacher having about 31 students per class in average. There are 1,172 operational schools in Somalia. Since 1997 UNICEF, its partners and local authorities have been collecting data on primary education through annual school surveys, made possible in part by funding support from the EC.
Without a central government for most of the last 14 years, the task of running schools has mostly fallen on community education committees established in 94% of the schools in Somalia. UNICEF in collaboration with local authorities has trained and will under the new agreement, continue to support the committees.
"UNICEF intends to use the EC grant to continue the in-service training of teachers, rehabilitate schools and equip them with adequate water and sanitation facilities," said Noel Ihebuzor, UNICEF Somalia Education Officer. ''Training for local education authorities and ministries is also to be undertaken under this partnership. UNICEF will also use the funds to create community learning centers where less privileged Somalis will be able to access primary education."
The support's net effect will be to ensure 80,000 more Somali children go to school and thus acquire the necessary skills that will make them live healthier and happier lives. A particular beneficiary group in this partnership project is the girl child, who is specifically identified for special support in the areas of enrolment and retention and quality learning in primary school.
Most primary schools now use the new lower primary national curriculum developed by UNICEF, UNESCO and other partners. Previous support from the EC and other partners made it possible to develop curricula and materials for the primary school system. The present funding is further testimony of EC commitment to broadening access to quality basic education services for all and for girls in particular.
UNICEF welcomes this renewal of EC support to the education sector in Somalia which has since 2000 seen major improvements in access and quality.
For further information contact: 1. Noel Ihebuzor, Education Officer, UNICEF Somalia. Email: nihebuzor@unicef.org. Tel: +254-20-623950/53/55/70. Mobile: +254-734-400-080.
2. Robert Kihara, Assistant Communication Officer, UNICEF Somalia. Email: rkihara@unicef.org. Tel: +254-20-623950/53/55/70. Mobile: +254-721-244-800.
Source: United Nations (UN) 03 Feb 2005
17-year old Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh released from prison
Seventeen-year old Ms. Dualeh was arrested on 15 August 2004 and on 15 December 2004 was sentenced to five years' imprisonment by the regional court of Hargeisa - four years for alleged espionage and one year for purportedly lying about her name, identity and clan. She was suspected to be obtaining secret information about the Vice-President's house on her visit to Hargeisa from Puntland. She denied the charges.
Allegations have been raised that Ms. Dualeh was mistreated by police officers during her detention. Upon the request of the Independent Expert, the Somaliland Government confirmed its commitment to investigate these allegations, and ensured that it would fully respect any decision by Ms. Dualeh to pursue these allegations in a court of law.
Dr. Alnajjar is on his fourth annual fact-finding visit to the region since being appointed Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June 2001. His mandate is to assess the prevailing human rights situation in Somalia and report his findings to the UN's Commission on Human Rights.
During his mission, Dr. Alnajjar held substantive talks with top Somaliland officials, including the Vice-President, the Justice and Interior Ministers, the Attorney General, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. He was also able to meet with leading members of the opposition, representatives of local and international NGOs and agencies, and the media.
Amongst the matters raised during these discussions were women's and children's rights, prison conditions, Somaliland's election timetable, the ongoing efforts to establish an independent human rights commission, the controversial Public Order Law, and other related issues.
In discussions with the Interior and Justice Ministers regarding the Public Order Law, it was suggested that the members of Somaliland's National Security Committee, which has the prerogative of applying the law's provisions, urgently study the possibility of revising the law, with a view to reconciling it with international human rights standards. The ministers agreed to look into this matter with their colleagues in the National Security Committee.
The Independent Expert continues his mission this week with visits to Garowe, Bossaso and the tsunami-stricken Hafun-area.
Source: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/4237155.stm/ 4 February, 2005, 16:16 GMT
Teenage Somali 'spy' alleges rape
Zam Zam Ahmed Dualeh said she had been on a visit to her uncle when she was arrested last August, beaten with sticks and rifles and raped.
She is now with her family in Gaarowe, the main town in neighbouring Somali region of Puntland.
Ms Zam Zam was accused of spying for Puntland - an accusation she denied.
She was given a five-year prison sentence before being pardoned earlier this week by Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin.
Wounds and bruises
Ms Zam Zam said she spent two weeks at the central police station in the Somaliland capital, Hargeisa.
"They used to take me to a location out of town at 1900 and return me to the station the following morning at 0200," she told the BBC's Somali service.
"They tortured me with sticks and the muzzle of a gun. They kicked and punched me. You can still see the wounds and bruises on my body.
"In the courtroom, I recognised the individuals who treated me that way and when I tried to identify them, I was insulted and told to shut up."
She strongly denied spying for the semi-autonomous region of Puntland.
Somaliland has declared itself independent from Somalia but this has not been internationally recognised.
Somaliland and Puntland have clashed over disputed parts of their common border.
Panafrican News Agency (PANA) Daily Newswire, February 3, 2005
UN RIGHTS EXPERT SECURES DETAINED GIRL'S FREEDOM
Dualeh, 17, was suspected of obtaining secret information about the Vice President's house on her visit to Hargeisa from Puntland. She denied the charges.
The self-declared independent state of Somaliland, a region of Somalia, released Dualeh into the custody of Alnajjar, who is set to accompany her back to her home region of Puntland.
Dualeh was arrested on 15 August 2004 and on 15 December of that year she was sentenced to five years' imprisonment by the regional court of Hargeisa -- four years for alleged espionage and one year for purportedly lying about her name, identity and clan.
The UN expert, who was on a three-week tour of duty to assess the situation in the Horn of Africa nation, said allegations have been raised that Dualeh was mistreated and raped by police officers during her detention.
Upon the request of the expert, the Somaliland government confirmed its commitment to investigate the allegations, and ensure that Dualeh's right to fair treatment is fully respected and her future decision to pursue the allegations in a court of law is granted.
Alnajjar is on his fourth annual fact-finding visit to the region since his appointment as an independent expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia by UN secretary-general Kofi Annan in June 2001.
His mandate is to assess the prevailing human rights situation in Somalia and report his findings to the UN's Commission on Human Rights.
US Fed News, February 3, 2005
17-YEAR-OLD ACCUSED OF ESPIONAGE RELEASED INTO CUSTODY OF INDEPENDENT EXPERT ON HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOMALIA
The United Nations issued the following statement: The Independent Expert on the human rights situation in Somalia, Dr. Ghanim Alnajjar, issued the following statement today:
Hargeisa-Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, a 17-year-old imprisoned on espionage charges, has been unconditionally released by Somaliland authorities into the custody of the Independent Expert on the human rights situation in Somalia, Dr. Ghanim Alnajjar. He will accompany Ms. Dualeh back to her home region of Puntland.
Ms. Dualeh was arrested on 15 August 2004 and sentenced on 15 December 2004 to five years' imprisonment by the regional court of Hargeisa - four years for alleged espionage and one year for purportedly lying about her name, identity and clan. She was suspected of obtaining secret information about the Somaliland's Vice-President's house on her visit to Hargeisa from Puntland. She denied the charges.
Allegations have been raised that Ms. Dualeh was mistreated by police officers during her detention. Upon the request of the Independent Expert, the Somaliland Government confirmed its commitment to investigate these allegations, and ensured that it would fully respect any decision by Ms. Dualeh to pursue these allegations in a court of law.
Dr. Alnajjar is on his fourth annual fact-finding visit to the region since being appointed Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia by United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June 2001. His mandate is to assess the prevailing human rights situation in Somalia and report his findings to the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.
During his mission, Dr. Alnajjar has held substantive talks with top Somaliland officials, including the Vice-President, the Justice and Interior Ministers, the Attorney General, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. He was also able to meet with leading members of the opposition, representatives of local and international non-governmental organizations and agencies, and the media.
Amongst the matters raised during these discussions were women's and children's rights, prison conditions, Somaliland's election timetable, the ongoing efforts to establish an independent human rights commission, the controversial Public Order Law, and other related issues.
In discussions with the Interior and Justice Ministers regarding the Public Order Law, it was suggested that the members of Somaliland's National Security Committee, which has the prerogative of applying the law's provisions, urgently study the possibility of revising the law, with a view to reconciling it with international human rights standards. The ministers agreed to look into this matter with their colleagues in the National Security Committee.
The Independent Expert continues his mission this week with visits to Garowe, Bossaso and the tsunami-stricken Hafun-area.
Source: http://somaliland.org/ns.asp?ID=05020303/ African Rights (UK) - London,UK - 03 February, 2005
ZAMZAM AHMED DUALEH RELEASED FROM PRISON
African Rights welcomes the release, from prison yesterday, of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, the 17-year old girl who was arrested in Hargeisa on August 15. She was sentenced to five years in prison after a grossly unfair trial in which she was forced to defend herself because her lawyers had been detained. The move comes some weeks after President Dahir Rayale stated, on the Somali Service of the BBC, that he was ready to pardon her if Zamzam and her mother submitted a petition for a presidential pardon.
The release will of course be a huge relief for Zamzam herself, who has been under immense distress, and for her mother, Nadifa Jibril, who has endured a difficult and, for the most part, lonely battle as she struggled to support her daughter, to navigate an unjust and confusing legal system while worried about the children she had left behind at home.
As previously detailed by African Rights, Zamzam was detained on charges that she was part of a conspiracy to murder Somaliland's Vice-President, Ahmed Yusuf Yassin, and that she had acted at the behest of men based in neighbouring Puntland. No tangible evidence was ever produced by the prosecution to substantiate these serious allegations. From the very beginning, when Zamzam was first brought to court on 4 October, the trial was deeply flawed, marred by lack of respect for basic human rights, particularly given the fact that she should have been tried as a juvenile, and by obvious and persistent political interference. Moreover, in the course of several months, her mother, her lawyers and her supporters have been subject to intimidation, harassment and even, on occasion, violence.
It is to be hoped that Zamzam will make a swift recovery from the trauma she has endured. However, it would be wrong to imagine that this outcome constitutes a victory for justice. The decision to release Zamzam constitutes a tacit acknowledgement of the injustice of her detention, yet there has been no statement of apology and the prospects that she or her family will receive compensation are minimal. Indeed, the opportunity to draw a line under this incident may well be welcomed by those behind Zamzam's original arrest and by the police officers she has accused of rape and torture, suggesting that their actions will not receive the scrutiny they deserve. The case has raised numerous issues of significance in relation to human rights, women's rights and civil society in Somaliland and African Rights will continue to explore these and to consider what action may now be appropriate.
African Rights (UK), PO Box 18368, London EC4A 4JE, Email: afrights@gn.apc.org
Somaliland frees 16-year-old jailed for spying
Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh was arrested in August at the vice president's house in the capital Hargeisa. She was jailed in December after being found guilty of obtaining secret information about Somaliland state security.
Human rights group Amnesty International had called for her release as a minor, or for her retrial in compliance with international standards of fair trial as soon as possible.
Announcing her release, Somaliland Justice Minister Ahmed Hassan Ali told a news conference: "In the case of this young girl, human rights organisations have, in defending her rights, violated the rights of others."
He added without elaborating: "It has become imperative to make some new laws and procedures for the functions of these organisations inside Somaliland."
Zamzam was expected to be flown to her home in the neighbouring Somali enclave of Puntland by U.N. officials, Somaliland officials said.
Somaliland, which is not recognised internationally, declared independence from anarchic Somalia in 1991 and has since enjoyed relative peace.
But it has fought sporadic clashes for years with the neighbouring Somali territory of Puntland over the ownership of several eastern areas of Somaliland that Puntland's leaders claim as their own on the basis of ethnicity.
The court, which said Zamzam was 17 years old, tried her as an adult despite her age even though the universal age of an adult is 18 years, Amnesty has said.
The court sentenced her to four years in prison and added one year on a charge of falsely identifying herself to the police. The court reduced Zamzam's sentence from 10 years because of her age. She had appealed against the sentence.
Zamzam said while she was in custody during her trial, six policemen raped and tortured her. She said government officials pressed her to drop the rape claims in exchange for freedom, but she declined the offer. A judge dismissed her rape and torture allegations.
Tiny Somaliland has estimated population of 3.5 million to 4.5 million, and won independence from Britain in 1960. It immediately joined up with neighbouring ex-Italian Somalia in the south and east to form a united republic.
But an uprising against then-Somali military dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in the 1980s was followed by years of devastation as he turned his forces against the northwestern enclave. When Barre fled the country in 1991, Somaliland split away. The rest of Somalia slid into lawlessness
Source: http://www.somalilandnet.com/ Feb 03 2005
Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh released from prison
Seventeen-year old Ms. Dualeh was arrested on 15 August 2004 and on 15 December 2004 was sentenced to five years' imprisonment by the regional court of Hargeisa - four years for alleged espionage and one year for purportedly lying about her name, identity and clan. She was suspected to be obtaining secret information about the Vice-President's house on her visit to Hargeisa from Puntland. She denied the charges.
Allegations have been raised that Ms. Dualeh was mistreated by police officers during her detention. Upon the request of the Independent Expert, the Somaliland Government confirmed its commitment to investigate these allegations, and ensured that it would fully respect any decision by Ms. Dualeh to pursue these allegations in a court of law.
Dr. Alnajjar is on his fourth annual fact-finding visit to the region since being appointed Independent Expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan in June 2001. His mandate is to assess the prevailing human rights situation in Somalia and report his findings to the UN's Commission on Human Rights.
During his mission, Dr. Alnajjar held substantive talks with top Somaliland officials, including the Vice-President, the Justice and Interior Ministers, the Attorney General, and the Speaker of the House of Representatives. He was also able to meet with leading members of the opposition, representatives of local and international NGOs and agencies, and the media.
Amongst the matters raised during these discussions were women's and children's rights, prison conditions, Somaliland's election timetable, the ongoing efforts to establish an independent human rights commission, the controversial Public Order Law, and other related issues.
In discussions with the Interior and Justice Ministers regarding the Public Order Law, it was suggested that the members of Somaliland's National Security Committee, which has the prerogative of applying the law's provisions, urgently study the possibility of revising the law, with a view to reconciling it with international human rights standards. The ministers agreed to look into this matter with their colleagues in the National Security Committee.
The Independent Expert continues his mission this week with visits to Garowe, Bossaso and the tsunami-stricken Hafun-area.
Source: http://www.somalilandfuture.com/ February 02, 2005
Editorial - Beyond the Red Carpet
This development, which was fully initiated by Mr. Shihim, generated some modest interest and support from various corners of the political spectrum from the current administration to the opposition party and the elders. Someone else had to come and hit them over the head with the notion that Somaliland can actually influence the outcome of a neighbor's election, but it seemed that the wheels were finally turning and local politicians realized that Somaliland had some useful cards to play at this table.
Mr. Shihim came to Hargeisa and left without too much fanfare after meeting various officials from the government and Kulmiye representatives, and not much happened in the form of a follow-up or even a statement from the government regarding what transpired at the meeting or the prospect of supporting such a candidate to advance the cause of recognition.
The small ripples created by Mr. Shihim's visit to Hargeisa must not have set too well with president Ghelle of Djibouti, because it prompted the Somaliland government to send a high-level delegation whose members represented each clan residing in Somaliland today. This can only be described as an appeasing gesture from the Somaliland government to show president Ghelle that he can rely on this administration's support in the upcoming Djibouti election. Why else would one use the ultimate tribe card in a form of a delegation, if not to send a subliminal message?
To show his approval of this action by the Somaliland government, president Ghelle of Djibouti is going to open the border and allow Somaliland citizens to use their own passports instead of the old Somali passport. The office of the Somaliland representative in Djibouti is also going to be open once again, and of course the delegation received the always sought after "red carpet" treatment which by all accounts in the minds of many in this administration outweighs any other consideration and by itself is considered a major milestone.
Instead of being overly impressed with the red carpet treatment, the Somaliland Administration needs to develop some perspective in comparative judgment. On one hand we have what president Ghelle has offered so far, which appear to be token concessions with the promise of better future relations between the two countries. This could be seen as a good foundation to build on or an offer good only until he gets re-elected. On the other hand we have the possibility of full recognition by Djibouti if the opposition party wins with the implicit support of the Somaliland government and its people.
If seeking recognition is an important goal of this administration it is difficult to explain their actions so far, and it is even more difficult to explain why the major opposition parties, Kulmiye and UCID, have not elevated this issue to its proper stature and advocate an outright support for Mr. Shihim in the hope of bringing him into office in the May election in Djibouti.
The ordinary citizen in the street may be too overwhelmed with just making ends meet on a daily basis and may no longer have the luxury of debating this matter, but what happened to the local Press? Why are Haatuf and Jamhuriya not addressing this issue and posing the relevant questions to the leadership in the country?
Is the recognition of Somaliland a priority for the people of Somaliland or is it an issue given only lip service when debating our Southern brothers?
If it is important to you that Somaliland gets recognized as a sovereign nation, it is vital that the local papers, the Diaspora, the opposition parties and people in the streets who can, tell president Rayaale and his administration that their effort in this regard is less than adequate and falls far short of what is expected of them.
Red carpet treatment won't do the trick any more, it is time for some serious tangible results to be brought home.
Sourcer:alternativeview.net
Source: Awdalnews Network on 2 Feb. 2005
Somaliland President Kahin's speech at a dinner hosted by the Muslim Judicial Council in Cape Town
- My brother Moulana Ihsaan Hendricks, Acting President of the Muslim Judicial Council,
- Respected Premier Ebrahim Rasool, Premier of the Western Cape Province, Members of Parliament,
- Esteemed `Ulama, businesspersons and leadership of the Western Cape Province of South Africa,
- Voice of the Cape management and the listeners of the Voice of the Cape radio
Dear Brothers and Sisters
Thank you, Moulana Ihsaan Hendricks, for hosting my delegation here this evening, and thank you for receiving us here with the warmth of Cape Town's distinctive hospitality.
As many of you are aware, this is my first visit to South Africa, and as you can see, I have decided with my ministers, that Cape Town will be our first city of focus in South Africa.
As far away as South Africa may seem to be from Somaliland and the Horn of Africa, I assure you that South Africa is Somaliland's closest friend on this continent. The Western Cape province should be congratulated for taking the lead in developing South African-Somaliland people-to-people relations, under the leadership of Premier Ebrahim Rasool.
I am extremely pleased to be with you at a time when South Africa is completing its 10 years of democracy, stability and reflecting on its up-coming challenges. This is also a time, when the people of Somaliland join you, as you reflect on 50 years of the Freedom Charter, which was launched by Africa's oldest liberation movement, the African National Congress.
Not only do we have in South Africa, the ANC, Africa's oldest liberation movement and arguably the best, I am also honoured and humbled to be in the presence today of South Africa's oldest surviving Muslim organisation, the Muslim Judicial Council (MJC).
We in Somaliland plan to hold this year a seminar on lessons from Islam in South Africa and the Freedom Charter. This seminar will be co-hosted by the Somaliland Academy for Peace and Development and the University of South Africa.
As many of you are aware, the MJC reflects and celebrates 60 years of service with no expectation. I am confident that the MJC will be rewarded by Allah the Compassionate and the Best of the Source of All Sources, the extraordinarily Compassionate, as we say in the Qur'anic Arabic `Al-Rahman, Al-Rahim'.
Please be assured that you will receive all the required co-operation and support from my government, the people of Somaliland and our vibrant civil society institutions, whenever this might be needed.
Our meeting here today of North and South in Africa, is Unity, Tawhid. Unity in the most profound sense. True Tawhid, as we were taught when I was a young boy in Somaliland, amongst the Qaadiri-yiin, is based on the complete understanding and appreciation of the self.
This truly means that, until you know you do not exist and that we humble ourselves with all our modesty, you cannot know that only He, Allah, exists.
I am informed by Iqbal Jhazbhay, our advisor on Somaliland-South Africa relations, that your late Minister Abdullah Omar, reflected this self-effacing, modest character. I understand that President Thabo Mbeki highlighted his spectacular and admirable dimension of the late Minister's character at his funeral last year.
This challenge of modesty, managing our lower ego tendencies, as pointed out by Al-Ghazali in Arabic, as Al-Jah, and looking up to the Higher in us, continues to remain our challenge today .
As we look around and marvel in appreciation at Allah's Infinite beauty, we come to know that everything comes from the One Source and goes back to Him, Allah. As we are fond of saying, there is only one P O Box, that is P O BOX ONE - Allah the All Effulgent is the beginning and the end with His outstanding Prophetic messages (Sunduuq al-Bareed Wahid, Al-Ahad, Al-Samad lam Yalid wa lam Yulad).
Over the past two days, that we have been in Cape Town, when our delegation was taken around your beautiful Cape peninsula, when witnessing your spectacular bay area from our rooms at the break of dawn, to visiting Shaykh Yusuf's Karamat, Shaykh Muhammad Ghaibi's Karamat, Robben Island, the Simon's Town Naval base, Chapman's peak, we were left with the powerful feeling in our hearts and minds that Allah's power is experienced in certain places more powerfully than in others.
The power of Allah in human beings is its greatest place of activity, as experienced by the warm hospitality of the South African people and its government, as fully experienced in the South African leadership of President's Nelson Mandela, Thabo Mbeki and the giants of South Africa, such as Oliver Tambo, Moulana Ismail Cachalia, Imaam Haroon, and Yusuf Dadoo.
Here in Cape Town, Allah's barakah, the subtle energy that flows through everything seems to flow so purely. This subtle energy called barakah, with the good leadership you have here, flows purely with all it dynamics and challenges. To deny the flow of this energy and purity itself called Light or Nur is to limit Allah and to reject Tawhid, our Oneness of Light and humanity. That we all come from One Source and return to One Source, Allah, no matter which race, class or religion we belong to.
My delegation, myself included, were proud and humbled, as we visited the various areas of Cape Town, including Kha-ye-litsha, to be associated fully with Africa. As you say in your local language, Africa ke-nako, Africa's time has come this century, for its full renewal and for it to free itself from the clutches of colonialism and all forms of bondage. We are, as we say in Arabic, Al-Ahraar, under Allah's care.
In this respect, Somaliland was honored and humbled by the historic opportunity it had, when a renowned Somalilander, Ambassador AR Abby Farah, led the distinguished UN fact-finding team to South Africa in 1989, which met with South African leaders, such as the late ANC giant, Walter Sisulu.
Our Ambassador Farah, also chaired the historic UN Centre against Apartheid from 1969 to 1972. Later, Somaliland diplomats, as well as the late President Egal, worked with the new chair of the UN Centre against apartheid, Mr. ES Reddy, for over two centuries, in promoting international sanctions against South Africa and support for its liberation movements.
Allow me here to express the deep appreciation of the people of Somaliland for South Africa's hospitality extended to the late Somaliland President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, who passed away while undergoing treatment at Pretoria's Military 1 hospital in May 2002. The late President Egal belonged to a generation of African leaders at the time of independence from colonialism, and was a contemporary of Kwame Nkrumah, Leopold Senghor and Jomo Kenyatta. President Egal was the last democratically elected Prime Minister of a united Somalia (1967).
Finally, as you will have opportunities this evening to engage with my ministers of foreign affairs, information, fisheries and coastal development, I hope we will see each other again either here in Cape Town or Hargeisa to advance Nepad's goal, to further inter-African solidarity and trade.
Somaliland has been described, I quote from the ANC journal Umrabulo, "As a Success Story, Somaliland is Africa's Best-kept Secret". You will get to experience, on the ground, at first hand Africa's Best-kept Secret, how it has managed to have no foreign debt.
You will also experience, first hand, how Somaliland has relied on our women, elders, ulama, religious scholars, and internal resources to build the country from ashes. How South African companies such as Mvelephanda Holdings have attained our oil concessions, how your well placed mineral companies such as Plat Min are beginning gem stone mining and how South Africa's telecommunications sector have installed satellite technology, which gives us broadband, 24-hour internet access at times faster than some homes in Cape Town or Pretoria!!
Shukran and may you experience the best of the best. I thank you for your attention.
Inquiries: Iqbal Jhazbhay, Pretoria. Mobile: + 27 82 880 8603, e-mail: iqbal@unisa.ac.za
Issued by : Ministry of Information, Hargeisa, Republic of Somaliland, 1 February 2005.
Source: http://www.somalilandnet.com/ Feb 02 2005
Holidays in the Danger Zone: Places that Don't Exist
All of the breakaway states have declared independence after violent struggles with a neighbour. Some now survive peacefully, but others are a magnet for terrorists and weapons smuggling, and have armies ready for a fight.
In these two programmes Simon Reeve visits six such places: Somaliland, Trans-Dniester and Taiwan (part one); Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia (part two).
Interview: Simon Reeve
BBC Four: Was there one country that was the starting point for thinking about these "places that don't exist"?
Simon Reeve: Yes. A friend of mine mentioned that he was doing business with some Somalilanders. I said, "Somaliland? Where's that?" He said it was a country in the north of Somalia and to my shame I didn't know anything about it. I found out that it's a functioning state within Somalia. It seemed extraordinary to me that there is no real government in Somalia but the world recognises it as a country, and then there's Somaliland which has elections and a functioning democracy, but the world doesn't recognise it as a proper country. It just seemed a very strange situation. I discovered that there were all these other countries, some of which I'd vaguely heard of, some I hadn't. Then of course there's Taiwan, which everybody has heard of, but not everybody knows isn't recognised as a proper state. It has no seat at the United Nations and no major countries have an embassy there.
BBC Four: What are the main negative factors affecting these countries because they are not recognised?
SR: It leaves a lot of these people in limbo. Many people can't get proper passports and it's difficult for them to travel because no other governments recognise their country. To many of them I also think it's a bit of an insult that they've built a functioning state and yet the rest of the world won't recognise their existence. From our perspective I think it's better to bring them inside the international community. When they are outside it doesn't give international organisations the chance to keep an eye on what's going on. For example, Interpol can't efficiently operate in Trans-Dniester because it doesn't recognise it exists. There are great concerns about the risks of arms manufacturing there, but nobody can really find out the truth because they can't go there.
BBC Four: I got the impression that you enjoyed Trans-Dniester because it was in such a Soviet time warp.
SR: All the places we went to were fascinating, but Trans-Dniester was very unusual because it did feel like stepping back in time. I didn't go to the old Soviet Union, I was a bit too young then, but Trans-Dniester is how I imagine it would have been. Indeed, people there said that they didn't really want to change when the Soviet Union collapsed, didn't want to be become a Western European state, and didn't want McDonald's and Starbucks. They'd kept things pretty much the way they were, so it was a fascinating place to visit precisely because of that.
BBC Four: Did you have a favourite?
SR: The whole thing was a great adventure frankly and a chance to go to places that very few people get to visit, and to show people countries they've never even heard of. Somaliland was perhaps the highlight because it was incredible to see what the people had achieved with virtually nothing. That was a very moving experience and the people were quite inspirational. They rebuilt their country after a devastating civil war with very little help from the outside world, but with sheer hard work and a belief in their own national identity they've been able to build a functioning state. Speaking on a personal level I find it very sad that their requests for international recognition fall on deaf ears. This is a country which has virtually no foreign debt. Now that's rare in Africa and it's primarily because they aren't recognised so the IMF won't give them loans. It also means that there's not a lot of money sloshing around in the government coffers so there's not much corruption. We met the president of Somaliland, which was quite interesting. He made the point that he runs the country on just a few million pounds a year. It seems incredible to us that they can do such things, but everybody accepts that they've got less money.
BBC Four: And a least favourite?
SR: Each country was very different and had something special about it. Everywhere we went we met truly wonderful characters who were brimming with hospitality. But Nagorno-Karabakh was a place that made me quite sad because everywhere you went, on both sides, people loathed the other side. There didn't seem to be much hope for any improvement for the people there. With people still in trenches facing the opposition in Azerbaijan - there's the threat of war there at any moment.
BBC Four: These programmes always have surreal moments, but this series seemed to have even more than your last one. Are there any that stick in your mind that were particularly bizarre or unexpected?
SR: I actually got quite emotional when I saw the Chinese tourists trying to look at the Taiwanese propaganda. I was more emotional about it off camera than I was on camera. It just seemed such an extraordinary situation. You had tourists from a country which is emerging as one of the world's great economic, and potentially military, super-powers. They are very keen to find out what's happening in the rest of the world, including just over the Ceremonial guard in Taiwan water in Taiwan. For years they've been able to see these small signs on the horizon which have been spouting out Taiwanese propaganda, and then as soon as they try to get close to the signs to see what they say, the Taiwanese coast guard turns them back. It was a very weird situation.
BBC Four: I enjoyed your encounter with Mr Big Beard in Somalia.
SR: Yes, buying a Somali diplomatic passport from Mr Big Beard in a Mogadishu back street market was a fairly weird experience.
BBC Four: Mogadishu did seem genuinely hairy.
SR: It is a very, very dangerous place. It seems to have been virtually abandoned by the rest of the world precisely because it is so dangerous. That just condemns the people who live there to almost perpetual suffering. It actually made me think of Afghanistan in terms of how the rest of the world was involved there at one point. There was foreign involvement in both Afghanistan and Somalia in the 1980s and then in the early 90s the international community pulled out of both countries. It was still pretty bad when the rest of the world was in Somalia, but then they pulled out and the inhabitants have been left to suffer on their own ever since. I think there is the potential for similar problems to those in Afghanistan if the rest of the world doesn't get involved properly in Somalia.
BBC Four: There also seemed to have been a lot of instances when the camera had to be pointed at the ground to avoid your filming being noticed.
SR: There were a few times when filming became dangerous. The countries we were in are inherently lawless by their very nature. They exist in a vacuum of their own. There is no British embassy you can turn to. You take somewhere like Trans-Dniester, which is quite clearly functioning as a country, but the international community does not operate there and there's no one to turn to if you get into trouble. So you are entirely dependent and at the mercy of the local government and the local security people or secret police. You do have to be responsible and careful. If someone points a gun at you, you point your camera the other way, and if they tell you to stop filming, then you have to make a judgement on whether you are going to get into a lot of trouble if you do carry on.
BBC Four: I realise that they are all very different, but where do you think these countries are going?
SR: All of these countries have sought independence after a war or major conflict and the threat of a future war hangs over them. Taiwan is the most serious for the rest of the world, because if Taiwan and China go to war, it will drag in other countries in the region, and possibly even the United States. I think Somaliland is a likely candidate for international recognition. The government and the people there have done so much to build a functioning country that it does make you wonder how the rest of the world can ignore them. It's a real African success story.
HOLIDAYS IN THE DANGER ZONE: PLACES THAT DON'T EXIST, Part 1: Tuesday 1 February 2005 9pm-10.30pm; 12.30am-2am; Saturday 5 February 7.30pm-9pm, Part 2: Wednesday 2 February 2005 9pm-10pm; 12.45am-1.45am; Sunday 6 February 11.40pm-12.40am; 2.40am-3.40am
Source: Awdalnews Network, 1 Feb. 2005
Somaliland President engages with key South African leaders
According to a statement issued on Monday, 31 January 2005, by Somaliland Ministry of Information, President Kahin, on a 11-day working visit, met today with the ANC's Western Cape leadership -Africa's oldest liberation movement.
1 -Key areas which were explored, included lessons to be drawn from the Western Cape experiences in elections, as Somaliland prepares for its first up-coming March parliamentary elections. There was additional focus on ways to improve the fragile peace in the Horn of Africa through advancing Somaliland's stability.
2- Of interest, were also the lessons of the Western Cape in entering into a partnership with the former apartheid National Party, in the governance of the Western Cape. £
3- The two sides also exchanged ideas on the emerging programmes of the African Union and ways to further engage in dialogue to solidify the AU's programmes of action.
4- Both sides exchanged concrete information on ways to ensure women play a central role in society. A prime highlight of the President's visit was a tour of South Africa's prime sights of Islam in South Africa and a tour of the naval base in Simon Town, where the President and his delegation were briefed on South Africa's capacity to undertake naval peace-building and relief duties.
Enquires: Iqbal Jhazbhay, Pretoria. Mobile: + 27 82 880 8603 E-mail: iqbal@unisa.ac.za Issued by :
Ministry of Information, Hargeisa, Republic of Somaliland, 31 January 2005
Further information on Somaliland, see: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/country_profiles/3794847.stm, http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo18/success.html
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ Feb 1 2005
What does this country want from us?
Somalilanders are indeed optimists and enthusiasts who are tirelessly devoted to the well being of their homeland. Nevertheless I profoundly stress on the saying that goes "Action speaks louder than words". How many of us are up to date with the harsh reality of nurturing and fostering a toddler state which has yet to establish and present itself on the global arena? How many of us are really concerned about what really goes on much less do anything to initiate in facilitating any remarkable venture. Speaking from a personal perspective I think we ought to pinpoint exactly where our pitfalls lie for I feel that majority of us seem to have an unrealistic expectations that everything will work out itself or perhaps worse, we seem to depend on a non existent initiative which "one day" will revolutionize our country and save us from the gruelling challenges of fitting the jig saw back together.
I am strongly criticising this blithe notion however I am in no way disregarding the efforts or undermining fellow Somalilanders who humbly accepted the challenge of fabricating the existing system of statute in the country despite the uncountable and unspeakable obstacles which we were faced with not very long ago. I believe brushing our problems aside and waiting for global recognition to amend the vulnerability is not the answer but supreme motivation from every Somalilander to collaborate and support the strive to reform the country and bring it up to a standard level.
It not paradoxical to have inconsistent views on certain aspects however I do intend to highlight many areas I feel demand utmost attention. Many of you may say that I should have distinguished between the level of government involvement and public contribution with regard to re-shaping and protecting the state and its people but I know just as there is a good woman behind every dignified man there is a dedicated and devoted nation behind every successful state and vice versa.
I have the full acknowledgment that this matter has been addressed many times still I must emphasize that responsibility lies with us and it's us who should prepare the beds for us to slumber on it is our job to outline the framework of our goals and objectives so that the coming generations could have a safe, stable and fruitful prospects one which at no occasion we will be inclined to let go.
I believe undertaking actions towards patching up and amending the following exiting problems will guarantee us undeniable achievement:
1. Renovation and maintenance of our dreadful and treacherous infrastructure (roads etc)
2. Fighting corruption and the openly exercised treachery that lurks beneath every fold of civil privilege and has destroyed public buoyancy. This revolting deed not only obstructs any sort of social and economic advancement it also impedes progression and development.
3. Strengthening the educational system and enriching our existing resources as well as spreading whatever little influence we have to minimise the level of illiteracy in the country.
4. Joining other developing states in bridging the digital divide as the growth of technology and its know-how is increasing in an unprecedented speed. I suppose it high time we got a firm hold of the tail and do everything in our power to broaden our skills in these areas.
5. Empowering our regional and local commerce and industry with a means of sustaining a stable market with prestigious Preference to purely local resources for example at present there are small industries which manufacture average quantities of production. If local consumers were urged to purchase home grown products and investors & financiers to invest in the local businesses and small scale enterprises, I am certain that we would save millions of dollars currently spent on foreign merchandise
Each an every one of us know exactly what needs doing but its a matter of "HOW" and for this matter I am very proud to say we are not short of brains and proficiency capable individuals.
To conclude this article .. By the will of Allah almighty I wish you all fellow Somalilanders prosperity and elevation and may I take this last chance to say
By union the smallest states thrive. By discord the greatest are distroyed!!!!!!
Wabilaahi Towfiiq
By: Muna Abdullahi, London, Uk
BBC Monitoring International Reports, February 1, 2005/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 1 Feb 05) BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND: PRESIDENT KAHIN HOLDS TALKS WITH SOUTH AFRICAN PARTY LEADER
The meeting between the presidential delegation and the leader of Africa's oldest party ANC discussed various issues including how to promote democracy in Somaliland.
The two sides also discussed how to implement Africa's aspirations.
The president and his delegation which will be in South Africa for 11 days will meet various South African leaders and will discuss how to strenghen the relations between the Somaliland and South Africa.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, January 30, 2005/Source: Xog-Ogaal, Mogadishu, in Somali 30 Jan 05) BBC Monitoring
ETHIOPIAN PREMIER TO MEDIATE IN BORDER ROW BETWEEN SOMALIA, SOMALILAND
Zenawi, who has close ties with the two leaders, called on the two sides to ensure that no more fighting takes place in Laas Canood town in Sool Region.
President Riyale of Somaliland met the British ambassador to Addis Ababa and Prime Minister Zenawi before his trip to South Africa.
Meanwhile, President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad arrived in Addis Ababa last night.
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 31 2005
The leaders of Southern Somalia should accept prevailing realities in Somaliland and avoid the mistakes made by the TNG and the armed Militia FROM MAJEERTAYNIYA
TO: Chairman, African Unity, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia;
Secretary General of the Arab League; Cairo, Egypt;
President, International Crisis Group, Helsinki, Finland;
Executive Secretary, Inter-governmental Administration & Development (IGAD), Djibouti, Republic of Djibouti;
Minister of Foreign Affairs, F.D.R of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa;
Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Djibouti;
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kenya, D.Republic of Kenya;
CC: President, Republic of Somaliland, Somaliland, Hargeisa;
Chairman, Justice and Welfare Party ( UCID ), Somaliland, Hargeisa;
Chairman, Kulmiye Party, Somaliland, Hargeisa.
From: Mr. Ahmed Muse Gedi ( Sanjab ), Secretary General, Justice and Welfare Party,
THE SO CALLED `T.F.G.S' AND ITS ELECTED PARLIAMENT & WAR-LORD PRESIDENT WOULD NEVER RESOLVE THE ANARCHY IN SOUTHERN SOMALIA.
In pursuance to my numerous articles about the political situation in Somaliland, ( i.e. Former British Somaliland), Republic Of Djibouti (i.e. Former French Somaliland) Southern Somalia ( i.e. Former Italian Somaliland) and the lofty dream of Greater Somalia, I would like to remind the World Community and in particular the authorities wielding the mandate of the above Institutions that their efforts in resolving the protracted anarchy of Southern Somalia has failed to achieve positive results, as a result of the following grounds and should therefore support other mechanisms that can HEAL the MISERY and STOP the on-going dirty-clan-wars:-
The Clans Charter ( CAHDI_QARAMEED OR CAHDI-BEELEED) adopted in that conference failed to identify ways and means of dismantling territorial fiefdoms carved by 51 war-lords including MAJERTANIA, which was renamed as PUNTLAND from 1998 and headed by the war-lord elected as the President for the so called Transitional Federal Government for Somalia;
The Charter did not address how the newly elected Transitional Federal Government will reclaim DEFUNCT SOMALI STATE PROPERTIES confiscated by THE 51 WAR-LORDS such as Sea-Ports, Air-Ports, Hospitals, Schools, Offices, Houses and other important properties ;
The Charter did not address how bring JUSTICE to those who committed war-crimes against their brethren during civil-war period 1981-2004 INCLUDING MEMBERS OF PRESENT PARLIAMENT AND THE ELECTED WAR-LORD;
It did not explain how individual properties confiscated by war-lords will be returned to the right owners; The CHARTER failed to discriminate individuals that committed serious crimes against humanity during the period dirty- clan-wars were being waged in Southern Somalia ( i.e. 1981-2004 };
The peace making Organs like IGAD, E.E.C and Arab League should not have approved the election of the most hated war-lord among Southern Somalis as President, since he has committed many crimes against humanity. Qabqable Abdullahi is known as a ruthless psychopath OBSESSED FOR POWER for a period of 40 years and whose main objective will be based on the formula of FACISM ( i.e. divide an rule) inherited from Italian Colonial Administrations that engineered the CRUMBLE OF SOMALI REPUBLIC;
If the objectives of IGAD mission was to resolve the ANARCHY in Southern Somalia it has failed and in reality what they have achieved will complicate the prevailing situation and will make future peace reconciliation efforts more difficult than what it is today, if not futile;
. It is sad and annoying to report that the representatives of certain countries of IGAD are well conversant that some war-lords who are known as the BUTCHERS of HARGEISA, MOGADISHU, BAIDOA, GABILE, BERBERA, BURCO, ERIGAVO, KISMAYO, BOSSASSO, JOWHAR AND MANY URBAN CENTRES have been selected as members of Parliament in the so called Transitional Federal Government For SOMALIA. As a matter of fact most of the common people in Somalia were awaiting Human Rights Activists to hunt for them and bring them to the International Criminal Court in The Hague for the crimes they committed against humanity. A good example of these characters are GENERAL MORGAN, GENERAL GANI AND COL ABDILLAHI Yusuf Ahmed etc...etc;
!93 of the 275 of the Parliamentarians elected (i.e. 70%) are either known war-lords or their closest CRONIES, who will never promote or support development programs or projects, intended to improve the well being of the general public. Most of them are from the ruling elite of the defunct Siad Barre's Regime or newly promoted thugs by the war-lords. 25 % of the elected parliamentarians are Somali Kenyans, Somali Djiboutians or Somali Ethiopians, who have never resided in former Somali Republic Territory nor have shown any interest to live there. They were just bunch of fraudsters merely entrusted to make income from selling their respective voting power;
IGAD did not require the outgoing TNG to submit to the Peace reconciliation conference their operational activities for the period of 3 years and did not require them to handing-over assets they acquired while in power to the elected FTGS. Of course assets were financed from the donations channeled by the Donors tax payers i.e. EEC, USA, Arab League and IGAD countries.
CONCLUSION:
On the basis of the above facts and many other weaknesses, the protracted 14th Reconciliation conference for Southern Somalis which was held in Nairobi over the past two years did not produce any positive results to the common Somali citizens. This conference has actually promoted the WAR_CRIMINALS (i.e. the war-lords), who committed multiple crimes against humanity over the past 23 years, because it has empowered the war-lords and their CRONIES as Parliamentarians and President. Thus any National, Regional or International Authorities that deem such deplorable results as satisfactory should be considered by common Somalis as their ENEMY and should never trust their baseless propaganda, which will endeavor to promote the so called TFGS (i.e. Transitional Federal Government for Somalia) as their future Government. Under the present leadership political instability in Southern Somalia will prevail and the on-going inter-clan wars will increase and thus make prevailing economic, social and political environment much worse.
The leaders of Southern Somalia should accept prevailing realities in Somaliland and avoid the mistakes made by the TNG and the armed Militia FROM MAJEERTAYNIYA led by Qabqable Dagaal Abdillahi Yusuf who spent considerable resources and efforts in destabilizing the political stability of Somaliland during 2000-2004. Somaliland will have a political dialogue only when a legal government from Southern Somalia RECOGNIZES THE INDEPENCENCE OF SOMALILAND. Somalilanders liberated their country at high cost during 1981-1991, after waging a bitter armed struggle against the Regime of Siad Barre under the leadership of SNM and will defend its territory at any cost under the leadership of its elected Government.
RECOMMENDATIONS:-
1. For my Brothers and sisters in Southern Somalia, I will suggest to them that to organize themselves seriously and reconvene a REAL RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE inside the country, in a manner similar to the MECHANISM USED BY SOMALILAND CLANS in resolving their differences and constituting a National Government of their choice without any influence from Foreign Governments. Experience learned from the PERFORMANCES of the out-going TNG tell us that that a bogus Government constituted in Foreign Soil will never become an effective National Government, which can easily gain the trust and support of the masses.
2. It is unfortunate for Somaliland Government and it is citizens that the same war-lord whose militia invaded two Regions of its territory has become the President of the TFGS. This reality will jeopardize peaceful co-existence with our brothers and sister in Southern Somalia. Somaliland is therefore obliged to secure its borders without further delay and invest most of the resources it can avail on the defense of it is integrity. Somaliland Government and the Opposition Parties should mobilize their supporters in defending their freedom which cost them loss of over 100,000 lives and 100s of million$ of their properties. I have no doubt in my mind that Qabqable Abdillahi's priority is to EXPORT DIRTY-CLAN- WARS to the peace loving Republic of Somaliland as soon as his Government on EXILE returns to some where in Southern Somalia. He will try his level best to work-out power sharing mechanism with some of the LUGEONAIRES FROM SOMALILAND and their cronies who will endeavor to destabilize the prevailing political democratization processes that are in progress in Somaliland. Any more time wasted by Somaliland Government will amount to a golden opportunity lost and that will definitely trigger loss of trust and unwanted consequences.
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ Jan 31 2005
Simon Reeve has been interviewed by Jamhuuriya Newspaper
Jamhuuriya: Is this your first visit in to this region? And what idea did you have about Somaliland? And did it change after you have been There?
Simon: Yes, it was my first visit to the Horn of Africa. The idea for the series emerged after a friend of mine in London mentioned Somaliland to me, and I had to confess that I didn't know where he was talking about. I felt slightly stupid, because I was well-aware of the problems of Somalia, but I knew nothing about Somaliland. After that I began looking around for other unrecognised nations, and I realised there are dozens across the world, all of them facing huge challenges because the rest of the world refuses to acknowledge their existence. Then I began to read more and more about the various places, so I had a fairly good understanding of Somaliland before I arrived. But of course, my views developed and my understanding improved during my time in Somaliland.
Jamhuuriya: What was the main purpose of your visit?
Simon: Most people in Britain probably don't realise there are nearly 200 official countries in the world, but there are dozens more unrecognised nations. I wanted to explore the issue of unrecognised nations, and explain the whole issue to people via our television series. Hopefully viewers will get to know about parts of the world they haven't all heard of, and understand the issues and challenges facing breakaway states.
Jamhuuriya: Why did you give the program that name (The places that don't exist)?
Simon: The title is meant to be ironic. Sadly to the international community places like Somaliland, and other states we visited, such as Transniestria, Nagorno-Karabkh, Taiwan, South Ossetia, don't really exist -- the rest of the world doesn't acknowledge there is a country called Somaliland. The title isn't meant literally!
Jamhuuriya: What places did you visit for your television series?
Simon :I spent most of 2004 travelling to unrecognised nations, and the countries from which they broke away or split from, along with my BBC colleagues Shahida Tulaganova, Will Daws and Iain Overton. I visited Somaliland, of course, along with Somalia and Kenya. I also went to Georgia, in the former Soviet Union, which at one point had three breakaway states called Ajaria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. I went to Transniestria, which has broken away from Moldova, also in the former Soviet Union. In Asia I went to Taiwan, which split from China, and during that trip I also visited Hong Kong and mainland China. And then we went back to the former Soviet Union, to the breakaway state Nagorno-Karabkh, which is in part of Azerbaijan, and we travelled around Azerbaijan, crossed into Georgia (again), then drove all the way over the mountains into Armenia. We did a lot of travelling!
Jamhuuriya: Do you have any idea why Somaliland regained its independence from Somalia?
Simon Yes, I think I have a fair understanding of what happened, and why it happened. Yusuf Gabobe kindly agreed to act as my guide in Somaliland, and he was excellent at explaining the history of Somaliland, and why the country wanted to separate from Somalia.
Jamhuuriya: Are the international media including the British media aware of the atrocities that took place in Somaliland?
Simon: No, I don't think people are really aware of the atrocities that took place in Somaliland. I'm sad to say that I wasn't really aware of the suffering until I visited the country. During the late 1980s and the early 1990s the attention of the world was really focused on the collapsing Soviet Union, and there were a number of wars around the world, which - tragically - were overlooked or ignored.
Jamhuuriya: How would you describe the development of Somaliland democratic institutions?
Simon: Personally, I think the progress Somaliland has made over the last 13 years has been extremely impressive. All the more so since the country has had such little help from the rest of the world.
Jamhuuriya: Considering how people of Somaliland rebuilt their own country after immense destruction during the last 13 years of Somaliland republic, don't you believe that it is time the world recognize and support Somaliland instead of spending millions on the non existent Somalia?
Simon: Speaking personally, I think it is outrageous that the international community has abandoned much of Somalia, particularly Mogadishu. I think the Somali people, particularly those in Mogadishu, have suffered terribly in the last decade, and I think much more needs to be done to help them. When I was in Mogadishu I saw a demonstration calling for peace, and that's clearly what the people want. I think the world should do more to help Somalia, while at the same time actively discussing the case of Somaliland's recognition. Personally I think all the countries in the region should be actively discussing Somaliland's recognition, with the assistance of the rest of Africa and the international community.
Jamhuuriya: The People of Somaliland believe that British people and government had forgotten the good relationship that was between Somaliland and Britain, & what do you say about that?
Simon: Sadly I would have to agree -- people in Britain, and the British government seem to have completely forgotten the links between Somaliland and Britain. In the programme we have made, Yusuf talks about the connections, about how Somalilanders fought alongside Britain during the Second World War, about how there is this strong link between Britain and Somaliland. Many other people in Somaliland also mentioned this connection. I am somewhat ashamed that Britain seems to have forgotten the connection.
Jamhuuriya: What was most interesting thing that you have seen in Somaliland?
Simon: So many interesting things!! The sense of resilience, the belief Somalilanders have in their country, the traffic lights (we had just arrived from the tragic chaos of Mogadishu), the ancient rock paintings outside Hargeisa, the sheer beauty of Somaliland, the wonderful beaches, the hospitality, the sense of order and government.
Jamhuuriya: How do you describe Somaliland and the people?
Simon: Warm, welcoming, brave, independent and determined.
Jamhuuriya: How do you see the future of Somaliland as journalist? And What is your comment?
Simon: This is the hardest question to answer. The entire Horn of Africa has suffered so much over recent decades, and I can only hope that a long-term peace can be negotiated between the people and governments of Somaliland and
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ Jan 31 2005
Somaliland Attends 9th IASFM Conference
Mr. Abdillahi Hussein Iman (Dirawal), Minister of Rehabilitation, spoke about Somaliland's experience on "Forced Migration" and temporary and permanent solution, its quest for recognition and obstacles. Here is the full text:
"Distinguished Chair, Ladies and Gentleman,
I would like to highlight our own practical experience and challenges on "Force Migration", but before I do that, I wish to express a brief background on root causes of what took place in our country pertaining to this crisis:
Background: The Military Coup D'etat of 1969, headed by General Siad Barre, that overthrew the elected civilian government, immediately abolished the loosely binding voluntary Act of Union between the former Somaliland Protectorate and Italian Somalia, and other country's laws, including the constitution put on referendum in June 1961, more than 80% of the people of Somaliland rejected its validity. For more than 30 years, the people of Somaliland had been subjected to the rule of terror of the southern-dominated brutal rulers. In more than 10 years of armed struggle, led by SNM, in which the people of Somaliland sacrificed their blood and properties to detach from the ill-fated union of 1960, with Somalia, which they finally did on May 18th, 1991. Somaliland reinstated its nationhood in Burao National Conference where all the clans and other various communities were equally represented in proclaiming what is now the Republic of Somaliland.
Ladies and Gentlemen:
When Somaliland National Movement (SNM) launched an all out offensive on the bases of the army of occupation in 1988, Siad's regime brutally retaliated with the destruction of the main towns in the country. That violent armed conflict, which took the lives of thousands of innocent civilians, mainly women and children, led to Forced Migration across the eastern Ethiopia where they settled at refugee camps for many years. The rest fled to southern Somalia, Djibouti and various other countries. That human plight was probably the largest Forced Migration in the Horn of Africa at that time. Practically, that devastating civil war in 1988 virtually uprooted the entire population of Somaliland.
After the overthrew of that Military regime, the people of Somaliland reconciled peacefully in Burao and May 1991, declared the resumption of their independence lost in 1960 and established their own separate administration from the rest of former Somalia. Somaliland newly appointed administration inherited a devastated country. The establishment of civil administration, peace, stability, security, open door policy to receive and assurance to provide physical safety and rights of Somaliland refugees abroad to return both spontaneously and through UNHCR organized voluntary repatriation, were some of the commendable achievements in Somaliland. This led to the spontaneous return of over 500,000 refugees from neighbouring countries.
The problem of Forced Migrations is commonly happening because of (Civil Wars, Natural Disasters - protracted Droughts, Earthquakes, flood, etc). Civil wars are mainly caused by (poverty, injustice, lack of equity of the national resources, repulsive actions of strong dictatorial regime, arms trade to the poor third world countries) are some of the root cause of forced migration. In Africa, Dictatorial Regimes who often violate the basic human rights and human decency of their own people are one the major causes of forced migration in the continent.
In the case of Somaliland, the long years of conflicts were the main causes of the enormous forced migration. We are all aware that, the aftermath of armed conflicts are, refugees, internally displaced, returnees and Asylum seekers, etc.
In Somaliland, immediately upon the liberation in 1991, the population was almost entirely in exile in neighbouring countries, voluntarily and spontaneously returned to their homeland. This followed by the organized repatriation process signed with hosting countries and UNHCR in 1997 after peace and stability was completely restored in Somaliland. The repatriation is still an on-going process, expected to end in 2005, or earlier in 2006.
Despite the fact that the country is in the era of post-conflict reconstruction and development that began in 1997, especially in the returnee areas, the necessary consolidated endeavours of vital reintegration and development in Somaliland are yet to be realized in due course.
Recent droughts in most of the eastern regions of Somaliland have also caused a large number of rural people to migrate and are currently displaced in the urban centres, where they lead a difficult life. The number of people displaced by recent droughts in the Somaliland eastern regions are not accurately assessed but are estimated to about 260,000. These IDPs are presently worst off that other national repatriates.
The Somaliland government has solicited for a slow speed of the large returnees and carefully determined by the absorption capacity, resilience, and adaptability of basic available services for earlier spontaneous returnee communities in the country. Slowing down the sudden movement of returnees into the country that may result as destabilizing force to the hard-won peace and stability was the concern of the government.
In any event, (Ladies and Gentlemen), Somaliland is committed to continue the process of voluntary repatriation of its refugee returnees abroad with dignity and has been actively pursued in this program. Since 1997 Somaliland, with the coordination and assistance of UNHCER, returned hundreds of thousands of its former refugees to the country, mainly from the neighbouring countries. These large voluntary returnees have been, facing difficulties to integrate with the rest of the communities. The majority of them are of the opinion that they have returned to a hostile environment, and would have preferred to remain in their refugee camps. This kind of situation is exactly the same one a concerned American visitor once described as "Returning Home to nothing".
Mine Problems in Somaliland: Although, Some International mine clearing organizations, namely Halo Trust, Danish De-mining Group, and Santa Barbara foundation, have initiated certain tangible Mine Action activities in Somaliland, nevertheless, the vast areas in the country are still Mine-Contaminated.
Since 1999, these organizations have cleared of Mines in an area approximately 317,000,000 square meters in Somaliland. However, they are huge remaining mine-contaminated areas in the country, mainly the rural returnee areas. DDG survey conducted in four regions of Somaliland, (In October 2002 - March 2003), have identified a total mined area of 374 square kilometres. The survey further identified 779 mined areas in which 600 out of that mined areas were roads. Overall, the landmine impact survey has conspicuously confirmed that the social-economic impact of landmines remains as one of the major obstacles to the repatriation movements as well as an impediment to developing in Somaliland.
To attain a durable solution for refugee returnees in general and in Somaliland in particular, through the process called "Voluntary Repatriation of our Returnees, Sustainable Reintegration" considered a durable solution available, as a temporary solution, and of course with the assistance of the international community, is our country's present/future priorities. In addition, Somaliland presently provides protection and humanitarian assistance to refugees and asylum-seekers, from the neighbouring countries, in accordance with the 1951 Geneva Convention and protocol relating to the status of refugees.
According to the government and aid organizations in Somaliland, a major portion of the organized voluntary returnees for the past eight years, are now internally displaced communities in their own country, since their traditional livelihoods in places of origin were virtually destroyed by the civil wars. This group of citizens together with other refugees from neighbouring countries constitute more than 70% of the population in the Somaliland's major towns - Hargeisa, Burao, Berbera and Borama. This IDP population is leading precarious and appalling living conditions.
These are hundreds of thousands of internally displaced persons and returnees of various backgrounds in Somaliland. The IDPs are the poorest of the poor. Since they are unemployed mostly an illiterate segment of the society, who have no marketable skills, lead a destitute life. Somaliland has been having continues inflow of huge number of refugees from neighbouring Somalia and Ethiopia. The civil strife and militia clashes between various warlords in Somalia for the past 14 years have since then forced thousands of people in Somalia to flee to Somaliland and other countries in the region as refugees. Unfortunately, the UN does not recognize these people as refugees. Unfortunately, the UN does not recognize these people as refugees but considers them as IDPs (IDPs are who have been displaced within their own country).
Despite being an entirely war-torn country by the long years of bloody wars, inhumane oppression, and faced with huge repatriation, reconstruction and reintegration challenges of its own citizens, Somaliland has nevertheless tended to treat the continuous inflow of refugees from the neighbouring countries with sympathy and tolerance. Without this humane treatment, it would have been impossible for these huge refugees to survive in Somaliland over the years. Astoundingly, the insistence of the UN and other aid agencies to treat these refugees, as IDPs is a wrong serious approach, which has a political connation aimed to impede the process of recognition of Somaliland as an independent and sovereign state. The UN so called IDP definition and policies in Somaliland could have unpleasant consequences in future. The UN operations policies here in Somaliland must be in harmony with the country's rules and regulations. Concisely, Somaliland considers non-Somalilander as foreign.
Forced Return of Rejected Asylum-seekers
Despite the fact that the peace, stability and good governance prevail in Somaliland, other conditions are not all favourable for the asylum-seekers of the Somaliland origin to force them to return to the country under current circumstances. This is mainly due to weak economy, lack of employment opportunities, inadequate basic services, the country's major portion of returnees presently displaced in and around the major urban centres and need to be relocated, etc. to name a few.
Rejected asylum-seekers in affluent countries whose asylum applications were rejected often lead a dubious future and have nowhere to return, feel that such rejections are a cruel act and a violation of human decency. This act always causes a deep indignation and anger, which some times cause them to commit crimes and suicide. We believe that these rich countries retain their traditional openheartedness to the asylum-seekers and should revise their asylum requirements and emigration polices to alleviate the pain and resentments these rejections cause to these human beings.
Somaliland has been experiencing a number of cases concerning individual/families of rejected asylum-seekers, who were forcefully deported from, United States, Denmark, as well as a number of other European countries. Information concerning these deportees indicates that, prior to their forced deportations, some of them were tranquillised during their journey, often via Dubai, and mostly dumped in hostile areas which are not their places of origin, like Mogadishu and other locations in Somalia, where some of them were robbed, raped, or even killed. Somaliland has protested to a number of European countries and requested to investigate the authenticity of these heinous cases. Somaliland believes that such kind of forced and involuntary return of reject asylum-seekers as unacceptable and against its laws. Actually, some forced deportees can easily jeopardize the peace and recovery efforts, though insufficiently assisted by the international community, but has been slowly underway in Somaliland.,
In our view, though eliminating forced migrants may be a long-term process, but the three most commonly sought and widely accepted as durable solutions to the problem of forced migration are:
-Voluntary Repatriation of Returnees to their areas of origin
-Local integration of refugees
-Resettlement in first and third countries of asylum, and
-Voluntary Repatriation of Refugee Returnees is generally considered a durable solution. However, the insufficient reintegration assistance that mainly focused on tiny social facilities, which may prevent further migration of the returnees aboard seeking for better life. Since 1997, favourable environment in Somaliland availed the return of about 500,000 refugees through UNHCR assisted repatriation program. On top of an estimated 4 Million of its population, almost all displaced at one time, Somaliland attracted some 60,000 refugees from Somalia and neighbouring countries all of whom are living, mostly as street beggars, in the main urban centres. Aid agencies especially UNHCER nowadays prefers to close down the Refugee camps as quickly as possible, with no prior attention and planning creating a short-term post-conflict rehabilitation/reconstruction as well as a long-term development programs. Establishing sustainable development programs, which can upgrade the economic self-reliance of the communities in the areas of return?
-In order to eliminate root causes and reduce migration the major industrialized affluent countries of the North have been reluctant to donate a portion of their wealth to the poor countries of the South. The objective of these donations is to reduce and eventually stop the flow of forced migration. We have globally a huge gab between Haves and Have-nots, which need to be narrowed. It is apparent that the rich affluent countries are getting richer, and the poorer countries are getting poorer. As preventive measures, rich countries are now putting lot importance movements, establishing "transit processing centres" out side Europe and North America.
-Resettlement may constitute a durable solution for refugees who can neither repatriate nor integrate in their own country of first asylum. It also concerns the organized transfer of refugees from countries of temporary asylum to third countries for the purpose of permanent settlements.
-Local integration in the country of asylum is one of the temporary solutions. This considered a legal, economic, social-cultural and political process. However, refugees in this category are often strangers in the eyes of the community, if assisted sufficiency -UNHCR programs - these refugees can work and live more comfortably among the host population. In our experience, local integration of refugees in our country has been inefficient and has never been designed properly to promote the necessary local integration of this people. Meaningful reintegration of the local overwhelming majority of returnees and IDPs resettle there is rampant unemployment and underemployment, and insufficient social services.
I wish to conclude my concise presentation on the following few remarks:
1-The need to review the fair disbursements of Aid Assistance:
Our experience in Somaliland, for the past 10 years, clearly shows that, unless the few aid assistance donated to impoverished communities, like ours, is not fairly and equitably disbursed to poor of the poorest, its effects always turns out insignificant. In our case, donors modest funds to Somaliland people is often sporadically divided between nearly 40 international implementing partners functioning in the country, whereby each one gets a fraction of bite. We believe that, if this tiny assistance is coordinated and consolidated in to 2 or 3 prioritised sustainable projects that can alleviate poverty and promote economic growth. In our situation, each one of these various agencies implements a small ineffective project, which immediately becomes unsustainable. This useless trend needs to be carefully reviewed to stop the waste of donor's scarce funds to Somaliland.
2-Natural Catastrophe: In our opinion, early-warning systems to alert the peoples, especially in the developing world, have been of paramount importance lately. When natural disasters occur, such as the devastating one just happened in South East Asia, any delays to emergency assistance can cause the lives of hundreds of thousands of human beings.
Awdalnews Network, 30 Jan. 2005
Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin and his delegation arrive Cape Town
This came in a press release by Somaliland's Information Minister and the delegation's official spokesman Abdillahi Mohammed Duale.
In a short statement at the VIP lounge, President Kahin thanked the Cape Town administration, South African citizens and the Somaliland community for the warm welcome given to him and his delegation.
The delegation was joined by Dr. Iqbal Jhazbay, Somaliland's Honorary Representative in South Africa. The delegation earlier made a stopover in Johannesburg.
President Kahin and his delegation will start their official working schedule tomorrow by meeting with South African officials.
Source: Allafrica.com, January 28, 2005/Dagnachew Teklu, The Daily Monitor, 28 Jan. 2005=
Somaliland Foreign Minister: We can have good neighborly ties with credible government in Somalia
"In a situation which resemble a ghostly situation in the Republic of Somalia it is not clear with whom we have to talk too. Let the other side (Somali Republic) set in motion a credible government, accountable to its people and we will think of having a relation like we have with other neighbours." Ismail said who is here with Somaliland President Riyale, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers. President Kahin Dahir Ismail has also held talks with President Girma Wolde Giorgis.
The Foreign Minister, called on the Somali Republic war lords to work for the people of Somali and offer something to the people than destroying the people and the country.
"Let them salvage the country and the people from destruction and nightmare. It is only then we can talk of relations and issue of mutual interest" Minister Ismail stated
We are more concerned in our development, Ismail told reporters, "Let them build their infrastructure like we did, let them save their people from destruction, let them consolidate their mandate and power and we will see what will happen with our relation."
Speaking on the security situation between Somaliland and Punt land, she said, there are small provocations from small groups of shiftas but it is not a major problem for Somaliland.
Whatever happens in the Republic of Somalia it has to address the interest of Somaliland, the Minister further stated.
"The Somali integrity and national independence is not for negotiation, therefore there is no point where there will be an element of negotiation between Somaliland and what ever government can come out of Somalia Republic." Abdullahi Mohamed Duale said Somaliland Minister of Information.
The question of unity or unification is something that is concluded by the power of gun way back. Other issues of cooperation may be addressed in the future as time allows, Duale added.
The Somali Land delegation that held discussion with Ethiopian President and officials, on issue of bilateral interests had previously visited Djibouti and will be travelling to South Africa in the coming days for similar discussions.
http://www.awdalnews.com/ January 29, 2005
A financial lifeline against an economic drain
Khat, pronounced ''cat'' or ''jat,'' is a natural stimulant from the Catha edulis plant, a large flowering shrub that grows in north eastern Africa and the southern Arabian Peninsula. Cultivated for centuries, the plant is used primarily in Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya and Yemen.
Fresh khat leaves are glossy brown and contain a psychoactive ingredient chemically similar to amphetamine. The drug has two active ingredients: cathinone and cathine. Both are found in the shrub as it grows, but cathinone is converted to cathine as the leaves dry and mature.
Chewing khat produces a mild euphoria that is less potent than cocaine or amphetamine. Users report feelings of bliss, clarity of thought and energy, though some people report no effect at all. Chronic users might become aggressive or paranoid.
It is estimated that Somalis usually spend about $300,000 a day on Kenyan khat. This trade looks wonderful on the surface. But dig a little deeper and you'll find this rosy business has an ugly underbelly - khat bleeds dry the limited hard currency available inside Somalia supplied by Somalis living abroad thorough remittance companies (hawalas).
Financial remittances, which offer a crucial financial lifeline, have changed a lot in the last three decades. Remittances were estimated to be worth $ 370 million annually in the 1980s. However, payments sent by Somali immigrants back to their home country have soared after the civil war broke out in Somalia. According to some reports, about $1 billion was transferred in 2003. This is undoubtedly the largest foreign currency infusion into the economy, although the size of the average remittance transfer is minuscule - $50 to $300 - in the world of international finance.
After the collapse of the Somali economy, remittances from the large Somali Diaspora managed to enable the Somalis to survive on their own and to enjoy higher levels of food security and access to private social service than would otherwise be the case. "Preserving the flow of money is crucial to averting a humanitarian crisis in Somalia, where poverty and unemployment are rampant," said Andrea Tamagnini, UNDP Somalia Country Director.
Moreover, remittance companies do not only handle money transfer but they offer a unique platform, which allows a modern economy to operate within a failed state. Ahmed Mohamed, a support consultant for the Somali Financial Services Association, said, "The remittance companies are the only functional financial institutions in Somalia. As such, they are catalyst in every major financial transaction including remitting funds, facilitating trade, financing investments, and acting as quasi-banks with regards to savings and checking accounts."
Unfortunately, khat depletes the hard currency available insides Somalia and regularly creates the domino effect of humanitarian and financial crises. According to the BBC, It is estimated that millions of Somali khat consumers spend a total of $300,000 a day to support their addiction, which is even more than the total amount that the Somali immigrants send to their country to survive. There is no taxation on khat, which could be earmarked for social programs since there is no viable government that maintains the rule of the law and has power over its borders.
Furthermore, khat breeds a social ill and is an economic drain. A report, Experience in the control of khat-chewing in Somalia states that, "the economic problems associated with khat-chewing include the spread of corruption, the theft of public and private property to support the habit, damage to people and to property caused by accidents that occur under the euphoric state induced by the use of the drug, and the loss of many working hours among civil servants and private employees."
Khat does the opposite of remittance companies. It eliminates growth and multiplies unemployment; and it also increases insecurity, which in turn dispirits internal and external investments. Khat removes the hard currency that Somalia needs desperately which could create the opportunity to invest and grow. If there is no growth, high unemployment is inevitable. In addition to that, khat makes those, who are fortunate enough to have jobs inside Somali, lazy. Eng Rukia Osman Mahmoud, an anti-khat activist, said "Our men have become lazy over the years because of the widespread trade that forces them to just sit and enjoy the product." Like the illicit cocaine trade in America and Europe, the criminal control of the khat trade in Somalia fuels violence, which discourages investments.
Banning khat inside Somalia to save the country from its abuse and associated problems is not currently a viable option as there is no effective government that can enforce the banning order, but there should be international co-operation in the efforts to control it.
Africa News, January 28, 2005/BYLINE: The Daily Monitor
Somaliland President in Addis
"In a situation which resemble a ghostly situation in the Republic of Somalia it is not clear with whom we have to talk too. Let the other side (Somali Republic) set in motion a credible government, accountable to its people and we will think of having a relation like we have with other neighbours." Ismail said who is here with Somaliland President Riyale, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers. President Kahin Dahir Ismail has also held talks with President Girma Wolde Giorgis.
The Foreign Minister, called on the Somali Republic war lords to work for the people of Somali and offer something to the people than destroying the people and the country.
"Let them salvage the country and the people from destruction and nightmare. It is only then we can talk of relations and issue of mutual interest" Minister Ismail stated
We are more concerned in our development, Ismail told reporters, "Let them build their infrastructure like we did, let them save their people from destruction, let them consolidate their mandate and power and we will see what will happen with our relation."
Speaking on the security situation between Somaliland and Punt land, she said, there are small provocations from small groups of shiftas but it is not a major problem for Somaliland.
Whatever happens in the Republic of Somalia it has to address the interest of Somaliland, the Minister further stated.
"The Somali integrity and national independence is not for negotiation, therefore there is no point where there will be an element of negotiation between Somaliland and what ever government can come out of Somalia Republic." Abdullahi Mohamed Duale said Somaliland Minister of Information.
The question of unity or unification is something that is concluded by the power of gun way back. Other issues of cooperation may be addressed in the future as time allows, Duale added.
The Somali Land delegation that held discussion with Ethiopian President and officials, on issue of bilateral interests had previously visited Djibouti and will be travelling to South Africa in the coming days for similar discussions.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, January 28, 2005/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 28 Jan 05) BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND PRESIDENT HOLDS TALKS WITH BRITISH ENVOY IN ETHIOPIA
President Riyale and the British envoy discussed several issues including enhancing bilateral relations and cooperation between the two countries.
According to reports, President Riyale Kahin led delegation is expected to leave for South Africa, where it will be on an official visit.
The president of the Republic of Somaliland and the delegation yesterday held talks with the president of federal republic of Ethiopia, Girma Woldegiorgis, at the presidency where he welcomed the Somaliland delegation, discussed the longstanding relations and issues of mutual interest. (Passage omitted)
Global News Wire - Asia Africa Intelligence Wire/ The Daily Monitor (Ethiopia) January 28, 2005/BYLINE: Dagnachew Teklu
SOMALILAND PRESIDENT IN ADDIS
"In a situation which resemble a ghostly situation in the Republic of Somalia it is not clear with whom we have to talk too. Let the other side (Somali Republic) set in motion a credible government, accountable to its people and we will think of having a relation like we have with other neighbours." Ismail said who is here with Somaliland President Riyale, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers. President Kahin Dahir Ismail has also held talks with President Girma Wolde Giorgis.
The Foreign Minister, called on the Somali Republic war lords to work for the people of Somali and offer something to the people than destroying the people and the country.
"Let them salvage the country and the people from destruction and nightmare. It is only then we can talk of relations and issue of mutual interest" Minister Ismail stated
We are more concerned in our development, Ismail told reporters, "Let them build their infrastructure like we did, let them save their people from destruction, let them consolidate their mandate and power and we will see what will happen with our relation."
Speaking on the security situation between Somaliland and Punt land, she said, there are small provocations from small groups of shiftas but it is not a major problem for Somaliland.
Whatever happens in the Republic of Somalia it has to address the interest of Somaliland, the Minister further stated.
"The Somali integrity and national independence is not for negotiation, therefore there is no point where there will be an element of negotiation between Somaliland and what ever government can come out of Somalia Republic." Abdullahi Mohamed Duale said Somaliland Minister of Information.
The question of unity or unification is something that is concluded by the power of gun way back. Other issues of cooperation may be addressed in the future as time allows, Duale added.
The Somali Land delegation that held discussion with Ethiopian President and officials, on issue of bilateral interests had previously visited Djibouti and will be travelling to South Africa in the coming days for similar discussions.
Agence France Presse, January 27, 2005
Breakaway Somaliland rules out unity talks with Somalia proper
"Let them salvage their country and people from destruction and nightmare," said Edna Adan Ismail, the self-proclaimed "foreign minister" of Somaliland, describing conditions in the rest of Somalia as "ghastly."
"Let the other side (Somalia Republic) set in motion a government of credibility, accountable to its people and we will think of having relationship like we have with other neighbours," Dahir Ismail told reporters here.
Transitional Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and his Prime Minister Mohamed Ali Gedi, who were elected late last year, are still holed up in the Kenya owing to insecurity in Mogadishu.
Unlike Somalia proper and the northeastern semi-autonomous region of Puntland, Somaliland is relatively stable and Dahir Ismail urged the new Somali leaders to focus on development issues rather than politics.
"Let them build their infrastructure, like we did, let them save their people from destruction, let them consolidate their mandate and power and we will see what will happen with our relationship," she said.
Somaliland, which took its name from the former British protectorate, unilaterally declared independence from the rest of Somalia, shortly after strongman Mohammed Siad Barre was toppled in 1991, paving way for lawlessness.
Despite developing tools of statehood -- a national anthem, arms of government and a penal code -- Somaliland has never secured international recognition.
Source: Food Security Assessment Unit (FSAU) 25 Jan 2005
Monthly Nutrition Update for Somalia Dec 2004
This month we highlight the situation in Sool and Sanaag where part of the population has experienced some recovery and those in more insecure areas have yet to receive the urgent assistance on which their lives depend.
An overview of the effect of the Tsunami on coastline populations is provided along with reports which highlight the chronic serious food insecurity affecting the lives of populations in Juba Valley and Galgadud Region.
Preliminary results of a nutrition survey in Baidoa District indicate a level which falls within the rates now typically seen in Southern Somalia -- levels that indicate very poor nutritional status of the population. Civil insecurity continues to affect the district causing displacement, disruption of market activities and destruction of harvest.
SOOL AND SANAAG: HIGHEST LEVELS OF MALNUTRITION IN MOST INSECURE AREAS
A recent round of FSAU surveillance activities has indicated very high levels of malnutrition in Lower Nugal Valley and an improvement in the nutritional status of the populations in the Sool Plateau.
Between 20th and 29th November 2004 the fourth round of sentinel sites surveillance was undertaken covering nine sites located in the highly vulnerable areas of Sool Plateau and Lower Nugal valley livelihood zones.1 Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected from randomly selected households in each site. A minimum of 50 under-five children were targeted and assessed in each site.
A total of 534 children aged 6 - 59 months were assessed. The global acute malnutrition level (W/H <-2Z scores or oedema) within Lower Nugal valley was 33.9% (28.2 -- 40.1) and severe acute malnutrition level (W/H <-3Zscores or oedema) 6.6% (CI: 3.9 - 10.3). In Sool Plateau, the global acute malnutrition level was 12% (CI: 8.4 -- 16.4) and the severe 3.3% (CI: 1.5 -- 6.1). Two oedema cases were observed.
The predominantly pastoral population has experienced three years of drought that has resulted in significant loss of animals, assets, high indebtedness, destitution, rangeland degradation and heavy reliance on external aid for a food source. Strong social support and humanitarian interventions have sustained the lives and livelihoods of many households while the good 2004 Deyr rains received in both livelihood zones will contribute to a slow but steady recovery for households with livestock. Households that lost all livestock and are now destitute continue to face a bleak future.
As reflected on the charts, all sites in Sool Plateau reported global acute malnutrition rates below 16.5% while those in Lower Nugal Valley reported above 23%. Compared to past rounds of sentinel sites surveillance, malnutrition levels within Sool Plateau were gradually decreasing with the exception of Hingalool and Awrbogeys. In Lower Nugal Valley, only one site was covered in past rounds of Sentinel Site Surveillance and a gradual deterioration in the nutritional status was observed there.
The reported prevalences of communicable diseases were as follows: Lower Nugal valley sites; diarrhoea 17%, measles 18%, ARI 32% and malaria 1%. Sool Plateau; diarrhoea 11%, measles 0%, ARI 12% and malaria 2%. Diarrhoea and measles had a statistically significant association with children's nutritional status and prevalences The majority of the 47 cases of measles were reported in Carooley (57.4%) and Huddun (38.3%).
Adult nutritional status was assessed among 534 women aged between 15 and 49 years using mid upper arm circumference (MUAC). In Sool Plateau, 5.4% of the women were malnourished2, a significant decline since April 2004. In Lower Nugal Valley, about 10% of the women were malnourished. The majority (75.6%) of the malnourished women were pregnant.
In Sool plateau, the under-five mortality and crude mortality rates were 0.9/10000/day and 0.2/10000/day respectively; lower than those observed in previous rounds. Within Lower Nugal Valley the under-five and crude mortality rates were 6.5/10000/day and 1.78/10000/day.
Most households were applying extreme coping mechanisms and consumption of micronutrients rich foods was minimal with the Lower Nugal Valley population having a less diverse diet. The level of destitution has increased in both livelihood zones. Insecurity has impacted significantly on humanitarian activities. Access in Sool Plateau for food and non-food interventions has been much easier than in Lower Nugal valley. Even with the good 2004 Deyr season, recovery will be slow due to the significant loss in livelihood assets. Humanitarian assistance remains vital at least for the next three to six months and longer among the destitute population. Improved humanitarian access to these populations is a priority.
Notes
1 FSAU in collaboration with MOHL Somaliland has undertaken three rounds of sentinel sites surveillance (December 2003, February 2004 and April 2004) covering mainly the Sool Plateau livelihood zone. Following a review of the sites covered, six previously selected (Shimbiraale, Balibusle, Hingalool, Awrboogeys, Sarmanyo and Godaalo) and three newly identified sites (Carroley, Huddun and Boame) were purposively selected for the fourth round of data collection.
2 MUAC <23 cm among pregnant women; <18.5 cm among lactating mothers as well as those neither pregnant nor lactating
Source: http://allafrica.com/stories/200501280312.html/ January 28, 2005/ from The Daily Monitor (Addis Ababa)
Somaliland President in Addis
If the people in the Republic of Somalia organize themselves and set in motion a credible government that is accountable to the people there is no reason why we cannot have good relations, Somaliland Foreign Minister Edan Adan Ismail said Thursday.
"In a situation which resemble a ghostly situation in the Republic of Somalia it is not clear with whom we have to talk too. Let the other side (Somali Republic) set in motion a credible government, accountable to its people and we will think of having a relation like we have with other neighbours." Ismail said who is here with Somaliland President Riyale, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers. President Kahin Dahir Ismail has also held talks with President Girma Wolde Giorgis.
The Foreign Minister, called on the Somali Republic war lords to work for the people of Somali and offer something to the people than destroying the people and the country.
"Let them salvage the country and the people from destruction and nightmare. It is only then we can talk of relations and issue of mutual interest" Minister Ismail stated
We are more concerned in our development, Ismail told reporters, "Let them build their infrastructure like we did, let them save their people from destruction, let them consolidate their mandate and power and we will see what will happen with our relation."
Speaking on the security situation between Somaliland and Punt land, she said, there are small provocations from small groups of shiftas but it is not a major problem for Somaliland.
Whatever happens in the Republic of Somalia it has to address the interest of Somaliland, the Minister further stated.
"The Somali integrity and national independence is not for negotiation, therefore there is no point where there will be an element of negotiation between Somaliland and what ever government can come out of Somalia Republic." Abdullahi Mohamed Duale said Somaliland Minister of Information.
The question of unity or unification is something that is concluded by the power of gun way back. Other issues of cooperation may be addressed in the future as time allows, Duale added.
The Somali Land delegation that held discussion with Ethiopian President and officials, on issue of bilateral interests had previously visited Djibouti and will be travelling to South Africa in the coming days for similar discussions.
Source: IOL - Johannesburg, South Africa - 28 January, 2005
Somaliland Leader To Meet SA Business Elite
Somaliland is the north-western portion of the Somali Democratic Republic and attained its independence from Somalia in 1991.
During his 11-day visit, Kahin is due to meet South Africa's top business and political leaders to learn how the country had achieved cohesion, as well as the lessons and dangers of federalism, Somaliland presidential advisor Iqbal Jhazbhay said on Thursday.
While Somaliland had "reasonable peace and stability" Kahin hoped to take the lessons of South Africa's experiences home "in order to build and strengthen Somaliland's emerging democracy and its hard-earned peace in the Horn of Africa".
Other areas of interest included lessons for negotiating with adversaries and ways to advance progressive African political parties.
Among the "top five" business leaders Kahin is due to meet is executive chairman of Mvelaphanda Holdings, Tokyo Sexwale, and the Oppenheimer family. He will also meet the African National Congress leaders.
The president's tour begins in Cape Town and takes him to Johannesburg and Pretoria, ending in Mpumalanga, where Kahin hopes to learn about the dynamics of and how to deal with "neighbourly relations".
Given that Somaliland had played a "very big role in the struggle against apartheid" a further aim of the visit was to "reconnect" with the country now that it had achieved peace and stability.
Somaliland ambassador AR Abby Farah led a United Nations fact-finding team to South Africa in 1989, which met with leaders such as the late ANC stalwart Walter Sisulu.
Farah also chaired the UN Centre against apartheid from 1969 to 1972.
Somaliland received its independence from Great Britain on 26 June 1960. After five days it voluntarily united with Somalia but withdrew from that "painful union" in 1991.
Members of Kahin's delegation will include First Lady Huda Barkhad Adan, foreign minister Edna Adan Ismail, information minister Abdullahi Dualeh, and fisheries & coastal development minister Mohamed Farah.
Kahin is scheduled to leave South Africa on February 9. -
Sapa
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ 25 Jan 2005
Somaliland Parliament; Let us wait and create a parliament our kids will be proud of when they take over
Therefore, the establishment of the first ever permanent legislative branch (the parliament) of any democratic community should be scrupulous and rigorously planned. It should be studied again and again, and painstakingly debated and discussed. It must be set it up in such a way that when personalities change through time the composition of the institution does not change with them. It should finally be ascertained such an institution and its law can withstand the test of time and last for centuries.
The newly created parliament should be inclusive and be able to comprehend the state of mind, the psyche and the aspirations of the diverse community which it serves. It should be capable of making laws that can resolve all incidents and be accepted and ratifies in every region. It must try to regulate human actions only and not their thoughts, because no one can regulate the thoughts of any man, but one can always regulate the actions of all men.
The point I am trying to make is to create awareness to the multi-faceted difficulties that will face the future parliament, because once it is instituted it can not be changed for a long time. Moreover, unlike this current parliament whose only mandate is to maintain the peace, which they fulfilled flawlessly, the new parliament will be expected to make laws that can deal with every aspect of governing country. Therefore, we should put an efficient parliament in place in advance.
The parliament we design today will make laws 200 years from now and those laws will reflect the composition of the parliament of that time. And if the composition of that parliament does not reflect the diversity of the community of that time, it will definitely provoke an irreconcilable violence that can dwarf the economy and destabilize the country to say the least. Hence, the only way to create such an unbending parliament is to have a one man one vote.
Therefore, let us stop the rhetoric and start a population census and voter registration immediately so we can have a strong and balanced parliament in about five to ten years. Remember, five to ten years is not a long time when we are creating an institution which is expected to last for centuries. Such fundamental foundations should never be done in haste, but should rather be meticulously prepared to sustain.
Some people are adamant to hold the parliamentary elections today, but they haven't forwarded a viable method and haven't adequately explained how they want it done.
Some say it should be done by regions, but different regions have different population density; 100,000 people may live in one region and 25,000 on the other.
Others say it should done according to the British allocated seats of 1960, but the colonial allocation was biased because; late Egal won the election with 2,500 voters in Berbera while Ibrahim Aw Dahir lost with more than 10,000 voters in Borama in 1969.
Yet, others say it should be done by clan. That is fine. There are four major clans ( Issa, Gadabursi, Issaq and Daarood ) and the others in Somaliland, and there are 82 seats. Let us give the 2 seats to the others and divide the 80 by 4; each clan gets 20 seats. Some people may disagree with this assessment and claim that there are more Darood than Issa , therefore Darood should get more seats. Unfortunately, their argument won't hold water, because the criteria they suggested was by clan and that has nothing with numbers, for one clan is one clan and one clan gets one share.
In short, the only fair method is one man one vote; if one clan has more voters than the other, let them get more members in the parliament.
And to those who accuse the current parliament of protecting their jobs, I say be patient please and don't let premature emotions over-ride your good common sense. These members were here for about 15 years and another 5 to 10 years won't be that much different.
But, if the citizens are tired of the current members and want new faces while we are completing the voter registration, let us keep the status quo and write a bill signed by the all incumbent members which states that the elected parliament is only temporary and will be replaced by the permanent parliament as soon as the population census and voter registration is completed. That could be the best solution for now, because, there is no way we can hold a fair permanent parliamentary election today; if we did, someone will be disfranchised and may even incite violence and the end of Somaliland.
Let us wait and create a parliament our kids will be proud of when they take over
Thank you
Sincerely
Hussein Dahir Obsiye, hdobsiye@yahoo.com
Source: http://somalilandcenter.com/ Jan 26-2005
Operation Just Cause: Naming the Ring Leaders of the Enemy Within
However, in this article, we would like to quickly role the dice by bringing to the public attention the list of some of the ring leaders of the enemy within that we earlier discussed. Although, the names contained in this list may be familiar to many and that it may not have the "shock and awe" impact since the intrepid people of Somaliland already knows who is who in Somaliland or knows who is who of its leaders particularly in this inept, visionless, and idea and morally bankrupt Riyaale administration, an administration that is indeed, heavily infested with the former loyalists of the fascist regime of Tyrant Siad Bare. In other words, this is an administration that is loaded with a number of high profile war criminals, foreign/Greater Somalia/Somaliweyn agents, possible terrorist eiders and abettors, saboteurs, hard core common criminals, hypocrites, and petty opportunists.
Nevertheless, we feel obliged to compile this list again so as to remind our fellow nationalistic and patriotic people in Somaliland and in the Diaspora that these callous and odious ring leaders of the enemy within are well into the thick of their evil plans and are, even as we speak, working covertly and overtly and unabatedly breaching our peace and security, breaching our unity, wrecking the lives of our people particularly the poor citizenry, undermining our hard won independence, threatening our cause, and endangering the existence of our country, Somaliland.
On the other hand, you may recall an earlier article in Somali titled, "Khatarta Astaamaha Kelitalisnimada Maamulka Somaliland (Dangers of Dictatorship Characteristics in Somaliland Administration) by Hassan Gagale, which is dated on May 6, 2004 had also discussed the issue and mentioned some of the ring leaders of the enemy within we are talking about. And this article seeks no more than to expand on the same issue that was well articulated by author above mentioned author particularly by compiling a complete list of the enemy within so as to bring it to the attention of the public.
As a result, the following is the list of the ring leaders of the enemy within:
1. Dahir Riyaale Kahin, President of JSL. 2. Ismail Adan Osman, Minister of Interior. 3. Hussein Ali Duale (Cawil), Minister of Finance. 4. Abdullahi Mohamed Duale, Minister of Information. 5. Ahmed Mohamed Adan (Qaybe), Speaker of the House of Representatives. 6. Abdiqadir Jirde, 1st vice Speaker of the House of the Representatives. 7. Abdi Idris Duale, Spokesman of the Ministry of the Executive/State. 8. Ahmed Haji Dahir Elmi, Minister of Planning. 9. Abdi Hassan Buuni, Minister of inter-Parliamentary Coordination (House of Representatives and House of Guurti). 10. Hussein Abdi Qalib, Attorney General. 11. Mohamed Egeh, Police Commissioner. 12. Farah Said, former Chief Justice of Supreme Court. 13. Feysal Haji Jama, current Chief Justice of Supreme Court. 14. Abdirahman Duale, Governor of Central Bank. 15. Mohamed Ismail Bullaale, Secretary-General of UDUB party. 16. Feysal Ali Waraabe, Chairman of UCID party.
While there exists other mid-level members of the enemy within particularly in both the Central and local governments such as governors, mayors and councilors of major cities mainly of the UDUB party, other senior civil servants, and some traditional leaders; their effects is minimal without the mobilization, direction, and coordination of the above stated ring leaders of the enemy within who are in alliance with the enemy without such as in Somalia, Djibouti, and Majeertenia.
Overall, it is essential to state that the enemy within may disguise themselves as nationalistic or patriotic or in whichever manner they want, but they can not hide from the probing eyes of the vigilant public and soon they will be met by the wrath of the people, be cornered, herded like cattle, and be taken to the gallows to be executed one by one by hanging in public. God willing, they will soon face the justice of the people.
Victory and Liberty to Somaliland,
Farah Ali Jama, Ottawa, Canada
Source: http://www.somalilandfuture.com/ January 26, 2005
Does KULMIYE Need Leadership Review? Dr. Tani You Are Such An Ingenious Spin Doctor
Having said that, I would like to refute some of the allegations made by my fellow countryman, Dr. Tani. I have nothing but admiration for Tani's courageous involvement in Somaliland's struggle against Afweine's barbaric regime. However, individuals can have differences of opinion and it seems that I found Tani's latest article corny and rather humorous in his perfunctory attempt to divert attention away from Riyalle's government and put the blame of the shortcomings of Somaliland on KULMIYE party. Dear Dr. Tani, it seems that you have watched and mastered the tactics employed in the "Wag the Dog" movie.
We have been watching the political melodramas happening in Somaliland and I am assuming that someone has to come and rescue UDUB and Riyalle's government, because we all know that the government is indeed stuck in quagmire. We are aware of the fact that the House of Parliament, which happens to be 80% UDUB members, has passed a bill that gives them an unjustified salary increase. We are also cognizant about the way that these zombies in the so-called House of Parliament circumvented our hopes for parliamentary election.
Furthermore, the budget of the government and Riyalle's speech to both houses, which simultaneously occurred recently, were the political core issues of discussions among Somaliland's concerned citizens in the past couple of weeks. As you know, Mr. Ali Guled has presented an immaculate record about our meager annual budget's resource allocation and has shed light on the way Riyalle and his lackeys presented their scheme in ransacking our limited resources.
With all due respect, I was expecting someone from the UDUB camp to refute what Ali Guled had presented or the other issues at hand, such as the mystery shrouded in the implementation of the anticipated parliamentary election. I digress, but it seems Tani went off on tangents. He thought he could get his way if he shed crocodile tears in using the proverbial case of the pot calling the kettle black.
Without further ado I would like to present how Tani has tried to debase the record of KULMIYE party by using innuendos and hearsay platitude. To begin with, he stated his argument upon the following "I am only provoking thoughts. I do not claim to be absolutely right. Just brainstorming. Of course, it is very interesting. I think we all agree on that. Well according to me, Kulmie lost the election (that is to say the last presidential election) due to the following fundamental mistakes." Then he stated five elements to be the reasons. First of all, according to Tani, the KULMIYE candidate for the presidency was an old man. Second he said, "The SNM officers they put on the forefront of were heroes of the struggle, however the people of Somaliland do have a darker side of these officers in their collective memory." According to him these officers were also responsible in inciting the civil wars that took place in Somaliland after it was liberated. His third argument was, "the Kulmie party was perceived by a large sector of the population as an exclusionist party. People voted for UDUB simply because it was more inclusive." His fourth reason, "Kulmie seems to have presented itself as an elitist party. The common man in Somaliland does not like elitism and class to appear from their leaders."
His last argument; "their campaign manager SIFIR was a traitor involved in another scheme of sabotaging Somaliland. He had ulterior plans of stealing the country to the south, once Kulmie party wins the election". As I stated earlier, I do revere Tani by virtue of the way he put his life in danger by participating in Somaliland's struggle against Afweine's tyranny. By no stretch of imagination will I cast aspersions on his honesty and patriotism. Nevertheless, I would like to challenge the veracity of his argument. First of all, in my opinion his argument has only three dimensions, which are the following: According to him, Muj. Silaanyo is an old man. Secondly, KULMIYE has a lot of people that participated in the SNM struggle. Thirdly, KULMIYE is exclusionist (his third and fourth arguments are based upon same presumption). As for SIFIR being a saboteur of Somaliland? We all know that and we also know that he was kicked out of the KULMIYE party. Therefore, unless someone is alluding to the fact that Muj. Silaanyo and SIFIR are from the same region; I do not see why one should have to convince Tani that KULMIYE has nothing to do with this morally bankrupt individual called SIFIR.
Dr. Tani, we know politics is a very complicated matter, especially when it comes to Africa. Some times the emotional aspect far outweighs reasoning and the conscious aspect of our humanity. I, for one, do not even trust the so-called modern nations because they seem to me as an extension of our primal tribal survival instinct. In other words, modern nations to me are nothing but another way of promoting a sophisticated tribal institution. Hence, I have always been suspicious of anything involving jingoistic flag waving. Nonetheless, one tends to have a certain affinity with his or her natural habitat and community. The loss of more than one hundred thousand lives in Somaliland during Afweine's ethnic cleansing has tremendously impacted my consciousness and the way I perceive the world. And believe me, I would /shall never ever support any form of prejudice, bigotry, injustice, and deprivation of universal human rights and freedoms. Having said that, let us get to the gist of your argument.
You and I both live in Canada and we consider ourselves very fortunate, relatively speaking, to lead such a comfortable life. You are familiar with our present Prime Minister Martin's age when he ascended to his current position. He was just passed the retirement age, which is 65 by Canadian standards, but the Canadian public gave him the trust and the mandate to lead their cherished nation. You are also aware of the fact that Mr. Churchill was recalled from retirement when his country, Great Britain, was daunted by Hitler's aggression. If we think of more recent political history, Reagan comes to mind. Many people believe his policies towards the former Soviet Union defeated the communist system and eventually lead to communism's demise. He was viewed by many Westerners to be amongst the top four US presidents. When President Reagan was re-elected for the second term he was a decade older than Silaanyo. Forgive me, for I gave as examples, leaders from the Northern Hemisphere. But let me give you another example from the Sub-Saharan continent, and I am talking about the distinguished Mr. Nelson Mandela who led his country when it was needed the most. He was 75 years old. He single handedly prevented the exodus of white wealthy South Africans because he showed them a sense of trust, leadership, and, of course, belonging. He showed tolerance and maturity.
Therefore, your premise about Silaanyo's age is based upon discrimination and, as such, it is spurious and misleading. I can not believe that you come up with such a nonsensical presumption, for you know age discrimination is illegal in Canada, a country you have chosen to live in. On the flip side of your argument, we know how inexperienced Riyalle is. He was a junior NSS agent and had never been involved in government administration prior to his appointment to Somaliland's government. In fact, his lack of experience is a liability to our nascent nation. Pay attention to his policies; are we better off or worse off now than we were when president Egal was at the helm of Somaliland? The answer is very clear; under Riyalle's watch we lost a large area of our territory to the Militia of Warlord Yussuf. Tani has called upon the people of Sool to join you in building a new nation in Somaliland. But the fact of the matter is- Riyalle has created a psychological mistrust between the people of Sool and the rest of Somalilanders. For instance, in 1960 the communities of LasAnod and Awdal were allies under one political party, SUP. Who do you think has abrogated that alliance? You know the answer my dear fellow countryman. Why has he stationed Somaliland's army at the Adhi-Adeeye vicinity? Riyalle has personal grudges towards them and he is still alienating them bar none.
The mismanagement of Riyalle's government is beyond any rational individual's comprehension. Please Dr. Tani, read Ali Guled's analysis about Somaliland's present budget and give us your take on it. Riyalle under his synthetic ministries receives as income, in the neighborhood of 3 million USD (His salary is $385,876, the maintenance of his residence is $276,297, the artificial Ministry of Presidency is $1,703,923- all in U.S.D.). Isn't that disgusting? Please Dr. Tani, do not tell me that you are condoning such vulturous remuneration. Also, Dr. Tani, I am giving you the benefit of the doubt; just show us any tangible progress that the government of Somaliland has achieved for the last three years under Riyalle's guidance. As for your second premise, you said that KULMIYE assembled former SNM leaders as their candidates. That is true, but do not forget that UDUB put some former SNM heroes as their candidates as well. Evidently, KULMIYE has no monopoly over the SNM heroes, but perhaps it has proportionately more than UDUB does. So what? People have different beliefs and choices in democracy.
You have also pointed out that generally speaking people do not trust former SNM heroes because they were involved in Somaliland's civil wars. Again, you are dead wrong. Not ALL former SNM heroes were involved in these civil wars. In addition, you can find all of the former SNM members in both KULMIYE and UDUB camps respectively. My question is then, how come you failed to present the virtues of UDUB candidates? If you alluded that some of KULMIYE's candidates were war criminals, how come you did not present the impeccable records that UDUB's upper echelon possess? Isn't that selective memory, Dr. Tani? Last but not least, you reiterated the fact that KULMIYE is an elitist and exclusionist Party. But again, you did not elaborate your sources or your intentions. You should have given us elaborate examples so that people could see your perspective unambiguously. If you were trying to depict that somehow many former members of SNM are members of KULMIYE and by virtue of that, exclusive, again I can not follow your train of thought. Do you mean then, that being a KULMIYE Party member and being a former SNM member are mutually exclusive? If that is not the case then, are you using the name, SNM, in a pejorative sense? In any case, I find your article very fascinating indeed. Though I wonder why your article's main theme was an election that took place three years ago. You could instead have addressed relevant matters, such as, the budget of Somaliland, the much anticipated parliamentary election, Riyalle's last speech, unemployment, poverty and disease, environmental disasters, rampant corruption and mismanagement and many other crucial matters at hand, that have become synonymous with Riyalle's administration. But you choose to beat around the bush; hence your article was inundated with shenanigans and empty rhetoric.
I know you are a true UDUB member and I appreciate that. But I am disappointed by UDUB members in general, for they are shirking their national duty and responsibilities. Please, present concrete evidence when you are defending your party. Other non-UDUB members of Somaliland often pinpoint the weaknesses of Riyalle's government with concrete evidence. Be it human rights violations by Riyalle's government as the cases of the arrested journalists and Zamsam or be it its egregious mismanagement that is prevalent at every level of Riyalle's regime.
As for the readers, the latest article of Tani epitomizes the lack of vision by Riyalle's government and his Party- UDUB. We all know that Riyalle's government is in crisis and does simply not have the leadership to navigate the nation in this grave time of crisis and out of this difficult time that our people are facing. Dr. Tani's article was the classical case of "a drowning man may clutch foam." The UDUB government has neither style nor substance. Pathetic indeed! May God bless Our Noble People Ali Hassan (kubad) Toronto, Canada
Source: Alternativeview.net/Awdalnews Network, 26 Jan. 2005
Somaliland President leaves for Addis Ababa after talks with Geelle of Djibouti
Talking to to the Somaliland online news site Alternativeview.net from Djibouti, Somaliland Information Minister and delegation spokesman Abdillahi Dualeh, said that the delegation was leaving for Addis Ababa at 7:00 PM local time and would be staying in the Sheraton Hotel in Addis.
He said the delegation will depart from Addis Ababa to South Africa on Saturday evening to South Africa".
The delegation includes President Rayale, first lady Huda Barkhad, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Edna Adan Ismail, Minister of Information, Abdillahi Dualeh and other Ministers as well as members of the president's staff.
Dualeh said that the Somaliland delegation will meet with Ethiopian government officials, however he did not provide details about whom they would meet from the Ethiopian side and the nature of those talks.
Eariler, Riyale had talks with both Djiboutian President and Prime Minister on ways of furthering cooperation between the two countries.
Source: BBC - London, UK - 26 January, 2005
"I Think Somaliland Is A Likely Candidate For International Recognition" Simon Reeves.
In these two programmes Simon Reeve visits six such places: Somaliland, Trans-Dniester and Taiwan (part one); Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia (part two).
Interview: Simon Reeve
BBC Four: Was there one country that was the starting point for thinking about these "places that don't exist"?
Simon Reeve: Yes. A friend of mine mentioned that he was doing business with some Somalilanders. I said, "Somaliland? Where's that?" He said it was a country in the north of Somalia and to my shame I didn't know anything about it. I found out that it's a functioning state within Somalia. It seemed extraordinary to me that there is no real government in Somalia but the world recognises it as a country, and then there's Somaliland which has elections and a functioning democracy, but the world doesn't recognise it as a proper country. It just seemed a very strange situation. I discovered that there were all these other countries, some of which I'd vaguely heard of, some I hadn't. Then of course there's Taiwan, which everybody has heard of, but not everybody knows isn't recognised as a proper state. It has no seat at the United Nations and no major countries have an embassy there.
BBC Four: What are the main negative factors affecting these countries because they are not recognised?
SR: It leaves a lot of these people in limbo. Many people can't get proper passports and it's difficult for them to travel because no other governments recognise their country. To many of them I also think it's a bit of an insult that they've built a functioning state and yet the rest of the world won't recognise their existence. From our perspective I think it's better to bring them inside the international community. When they are outside it doesn't give international organisations the chance to keep an eye on what's going on. For example, Interpol can't efficiently operate in Trans-Dniester because it doesn't recognise it exists. There are great concerns about the risks of arms manufacturing there, but nobody can really find out the truth because they can't go there.
BBC Four: I got the impression that you enjoyed Trans-Dniester because it was in such a Soviet time warp.
SR: All the places we went to were fascinating, but Trans-Dniester was very unusual because it did feel like stepping back in time. I didn't go to the old Soviet Union, I was a bit too young then, but Trans-Dniester is how I imagine it would have been. Indeed, people there said that they didn't really want to change when the Soviet Union collapsed, didn't want to be become a Western European state, and didn't want McDonald's and Starbucks. They'd kept things pretty much the way they were, so it was a fascinating place to visit precisely because of that.
BBC Four: Did you have a favourite?
SR: The whole thing was a great adventure frankly and a chance to go to places that very few people get to visit, and to show people countries they've never even heard of. Somaliland was perhaps the highlight because it was incredible to see what the people had achieved with virtually nothing. That was a very moving experience and the people were quite inspirational. They rebuilt their country after a devastating civil war with very little help from the outside world, but with sheer hard work and a belief in their own national identity they've been able to build a functioning state. Speaking on a personal level I find it very sad that their requests for international recognition fall on deaf ears. This is a country which has virtually no foreign debt. Now that's rare in Africa and it's primarily because they aren't recognised so the IMF won't give them loans. It also means that there's not a lot of money sloshing around in the government coffers so there's not much corruption. We met the president of Somaliland, which was quite interesting. He made the point that he runs the country on just a few million pounds a year. It seems incredible to us that they can do such things, but everybody accepts that they've got less money.
BBC Four: And a least favourite?
SR: Each country was very different and had something special about it. Everywhere we went we met truly wonderful characters who were brimming with hospitality. But Nagorno-Karabakh was a place that made me quite sad because everywhere you went, on both sides, people loathed the other side. There didn't seem to be much hope for any improvement for the people there. With people still in trenches facing the opposition in Azerbaijan - there's the threat of war there at any moment.
BBC Four: These programmes always have surreal moments, but this series seemed to have even more than your last one. Are there any that stick in your mind that were particularly bizarre or unexpected?
SR: I actually got quite emotional when I saw the Chinese tourists trying to look at the Taiwanese propaganda. I was more emotional about it off camera than I was on camera. It just seemed such an extraordinary situation. You had tourists from a country which is emerging as one of the world's great economic, and potentially military, super-powers. They are very keen to find out what's happening in the rest of the world, including just over the water in Taiwan. For years they've been able to see these small signs on the horizon which have been spouting out Taiwanese propaganda, and then as soon as they try to get close to the signs to see what they say, the Taiwanese coast guard turns them back. It was a very weird situation.
BBC Four: I enjoyed your encounter with Mr Big Beard in Somalia.
SR: Yes, buying a Somali diplomatic passport from Mr Big Beard in a Mogadishu back street market was a fairly weird experience.
BBC Four: Mogadishu did seem genuinely hairy.
SR: It is a very, very dangerous place. It seems to have been virtually abandoned by the rest of the world precisely because it is so dangerous. That just condemns the people who live there to almost perpetual suffering. It actually made me think of Afghanistan in terms of how the rest of the world was involved there at one point. There was foreign involvement in both Afghanistan and Somalia in the 1980s and then in the early 90s the international community pulled out of both countries. It was still pretty bad when the rest of the world was in Somalia, but then they pulled out and the inhabitants have been left to suffer on their own ever since. I think there is the potential for similar problems to those in Afghanistan if the rest of the world doesn't get involved properly in Somalia.
BBC Four: There also seemed to have been a lot of instances when the camera had to be pointed at the ground to avoid your filming being noticed.
SR: There were a few times when filming became dangerous. The countries we were in are inherently lawless by their very nature. They exist in a vacuum of their own. There is no British embassy you can turn to. You take somewhere like Trans-Dniester, which is quite clearly functioning as a country, but the international community does not operate there and there's no one to turn to if you get into trouble. So you are entirely dependent and at the mercy of the local government and the local security people or secret police. You do have to be responsible and careful. If someone points a gun at you, you point your camera the other way, and if they tell you to stop filming, then you have to make a judgement on whether you are going to get into a lot of trouble if you do carry on.
BBC Four: I realise that they are all very different, but where do you think these countries are going?
SR: All of these countries have sought independence after a war or major conflict and the threat of a future war hangs over them. Taiwan is the most serious for the rest of the world, because if Taiwan and China go to war, it will drag in other countries in the region, and possibly even the United States. I think Somaliland is a likely candidate for international recognition. The government and the people there have done so much to build a functioning country that it does make you wonder how the rest of the world can ignore them. It's a real African success story.
For our readers in the UK, they can watch Simon Reeve's programm about Somaliland on the following dates and times on BBC Four.
Part 1: Tuesday 1 February 2005 9pm-10.30pm; 12.30am-2am
Part 2: Wednesday 2 February 2005 9pm-10pm; 12.45am-1.45am
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ 26 Jan 2005
Somaliland's President Dahir Riyale Kahin visiting Djibouti, Ethiopia and South Africa
Riyale, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers, left Berbera early Wednesday and is expected to meet top business, religious and political leaders of these countries.
Previous news reports said that the President will be accompanied by Information Minister Abdillahi Mohammed Dualeh, Foreign Minister Edna Adan, and others.
Somaliland, a former British Protectorate united with the former Italian Somalia in July 1960 to form the Somali Republic, restored its sovereignty after the collapse of Siyad Barre's dictatorial regime in 1991.
Since then it had restored peace and stability and embarked on a democratization process, holding municipal and presidential elections. Parliamentary elections are also scheduled to be held in late March 2005.
Though not recognized by the interntional community, Somaliland has good diplomatic relations with its neighbours Djibouti, and Ethiopia, some key African European countries including its former colonizer Britain.
Awdalnews Network
http://www0.bbc.co.uk/bbcfour/documentaries/features/photogallery/places1.shtml
Source: http://somalilandcenter.com/ Jan-24-2005.
Somaliland Foreign Minister Edna Ismail to address a meeting in South Africa
One of Somaliland President Dhahir Riyale Kahin's first decisions after Somaliland's 2003 democratic presidential elections, was to appoint Dr. Edna Adan Ismail as Minister of Foreign Affairs. This is the most senior position yet held by a women, in any Somali government and in the Horn of Africa.
Her prodigal activism for Africa and Somaliland's reconstruction is much sought after. Currently, she is also the President of the Somali Studies International Association and President of the Somaliland Association of Victims of Torture. At the Edna Adan Maternity Hospital in the Somaliland capital of Hargesia, she established an outstanding mentorship programme for young nurses. Minister Edna has been voted Somalilander of the Year, as well as the recipient of the 2002 prestigious Amanitare Award for contribution to the Health of Women and Children in Africa. In 1997, she was given the UNDP manager of Year Award and the Djibouti government's "Commandeur de l`Ordre National du 27 Juin". Recently, she was awarded an honorary doctoral degree from Clark University in the USA.
Somaliland currently has its own president, parliament, currency, flag, passport and universities, but officially does not exist. It's remembered as the African country with the briefest independence - five days between its independence from Britain in 1960 to its `union' with Somalia in what came to be known as Somalia. The `union', however, proved a disaster and collapsed in 1991. An estimated 50 000 people in Somaliland were killed in the years 1988 to 1990. Hundreds of thousands also fled to Ethiopia. Somalia, still retaining the name of `Somalia', limps along as a stateless and increasingly dismembered society, compounded by chaotic political conditions and warring armed factions. In contrast today, Somaliland boasts law and order and a potential to survive. Several Somaliland students, incidentally, attend South African universities.
Date : Thursday, 3 February, 2005.
Time : 17h30 for 17h45 to conclude at 19h00.
Venue : Jan Smuts House, East Campus, Wits University.
RSVP : Mrs Katy de Villiers
Tel : (011) 339 2021,
Fax : (011) 339 2154,
Email : devilliersk@saiia.wits.ac.za
Source: http://somaliland.org/ 19 January, 2005
SOMALILAND: An Opposition Obsessed With Election And A Government Determined To Either Wreck It Or Rob It
The government says that the parliamentary election is right on schedule and will take place in the country on 29th March 2005 as planned. However, if a free and fair election is required it is not realistically feasible to stick to that date for a number of obvious reasons.
If you have been closely following the news from the country lately, you will know that the election bill which was pending for more than four years has yet to pass through the house of parliament. The electoral commission is in a state of disarray partly because they are cash-strapped and partly because the logistics required to implementing a fair and free election throughout much of the country is woefully inadequate.
Furthermore, there is no scintilla of hope that the election will take place in the Harti-inhabited region of Sool and parts of Sanaag. In a brief but hard-hitting communiqu,, the intellectuals of Borama community in Canada expressed their grievances about the mean share of seats allocated to their region. Shortly before that, the Borama representatives walked out of the parliament in protest over the same issue. President Rayale himself apparently joined ranks with his folks men when he lambasted the leadership of the two main opposition parties who nominated Mujahid Mohammed Hashi to the electoral commission following the death of a member who happened to be from Borama (a member normally nominated by the opposition). So far, the president rejected the nomination of Mujahid Mohammed Hashi twice even though the president has no right to reject him and his approval is solely a formality. In a recent BBC radio interview, the president who was raving and ranting was quoted as saying ` I am not badhiwale [messenger]. It's beyond my comprehension how a whole region [Borama] could be overlooked'. UCID, which was long suspected to be a subsidiary of UDUB, has finally shown its true colours. It broke ranks with KULMIYE when the going got rough and has withdrawn its support from KULMIYE over the re-nomination of Mohamed Hashi.
Instead it suggested that the opposition should seek another candidate. This move wrong-footed KULMIYE and gave the government ammunition to use against it. The government is now gleefully pointing an accusing finger at KULMIYE in complicating the matter by sticking to its position regarding the re-nomination of Mohamed Hashi even though it is rightfully entitled to do so. To complicate matters further, the president is in no mood to compromise since the opposition is split down the middle. Now the president wants someone from Borama be nominated to that vacant post in the electoral commission. But the Borama community are not alone in their grievances over this divisive and headache inducing issue over the allocation of seats. A segment of the Sanaag inhabited communities similarly issued a press release and expressed their concern over the ungenerous share of seats allocated to their region. There are other communities or regions that have strong reservations about the unfairness of this whole system.
The water was further muddied when 42 Somali women who represent all the three parties of the country issued a press statement and vowed to boycott the elections because of the proposed electoral framework's inherent discrimination of women vis-.-vis the allocation of seats. Other minorities are in uproar and furious that they are being sidelined and their pleas deliberately ignored. They are raging in anger that they have to submit their fate to the will of the majority. The local human rights organisations are wary of the rapidly deteriorating human rights situation in Somaliland and how it is difficult to hold a fair and free election under these difficult circumstances.
The government is now faced with a stark choice: either to proceed and rob the election if pressed hard or precipitate a series of mini crisis that would eventually scuttle the launching of the election. The government's unwillingness to hold the election stems from two main factors:
Firstly, the incumbent MPs are reluctant to fast track in legislating the election bill as that would hasten the convening of the parliamentary election. To them, the prospect of losing their posts (their only source of income and livelihood) through a democratic election is unthinkable. The legislators had no qualms or concerns about the past local and presidential elections because none of them had a direct bearing on their livelihoods. This one however will hit them where it hurts.
Even if the parliament were to approve the highly controversial election bill, the House of Elders might at best procrastinate it or at worst reject it on grounds of national security since the allocation of seats to regions and or clans can easily plunge the country into an irrevocable political and social upheavals. At any rate, the painstaking issues that need to be resolved outweigh the remaining time line available for holding the election.
Secondly, the government itself cannot and will not allow a parliament whose majority of MPs belong to KULMIYE, as that would seal their fate in one way or the other. There is palpable fear among government officials that, in the event of a triumphant victory for KULMIYE, the question of accountability and transparency will be brought into the equation and may even be enforced- something which the government is hitherto unwilling to submit itself to; the political programs of the government will be rigorously scrutinised and criticised and finally there is the dreadful probability that the president might be impeached or, to make matters worse, a plot might even be hatched, as some government officials fear, to bring the government down if the president continued to perpetuate the country in its present form or shape. In a nutshell, a powerful opposition will change the direction of the government. Thus, The government's top echelons are running scared and are frantically working round-the-clock behind the scenes in a bid to sabotage the prospect of holding any sort of democratic election while at the same time uttering, as a lip service to the public and the international community at large, that the election would go ahead as planned.
This chain of events and other stalling tactics led many people to conclude that the government had always wanted to kill the parliamentary election. Rayale is a pretty damn clever contrary to what many people might think. He knows that time is not with him and his government remains extremely unpopular with the people. He will fight tooth and nail to prevent an election from happening. In the event however the government is forced to hold the election, it will use every trick in the book to win the election.
Rayale's recent address to members of the Parliament and House of Elders to pass the election bill within a week, as if he is the boss of both houses, is nothing more than a wicked exercise designed to portray the government as being honest and sincere about the election. Also, the passing of the election bill will release a desperately needed EU fund intended for the elections, which will ultimately end up in the coffers of UDUB.
In spite of these evident scheming tactics, the KULMIYE party high command is blindly obsessed with the elections but lacks any strategic vision beyond that. I wonder if they had plotted strategies on how to proceed. I wonder what deluded them into believing that they would win this election in spite of the government's high state of readiness to steal the election if pressed hard into holding it?
What assurances do they [KULMIYE] have from the government that the election would be properly conducted? In the event of a dispute regarding irregularities, fraud and other polling offences who are they going to complain to? What pledge have they been given that the state machinery such as radio, television, and press will not be used against them? Who is going to guarantee that the political slush fund out of the state coffers (the missing millions of dollars exposed by Mujahid Mohammed Hashi) will not be used to manipulate the outcome of the election?
Sources close to Djibouti government say that Guelleh had already began to contribute to Rayale financially to ensure that UDUB is not defeated in the parliamentary elections as the outcome can easily tip the scales in favour of the opposition and may consequently disrupt the inexplicable personal friendship between Guelleh and Rayale. In a quid pro quo, Guelleh needs Rayale's help in his upcoming elections.
Many grass supporters of KULMIYE are furious that the party is being myopic and simply obsessed with elections without giving much thought to what will happen in the morning after? Didn't the KULMIYE leadership recall how the Supreme Court ruled in favour of UDUB in the last presidential election dispute when it announced that UDUB won not by 80 votes but by 217 votes without justifying how it arrived at the latter figure?
Did the KULMIYE leadership forget how their supporters almost all of whom women and children were brutally beaten up by the police and, amid screams and cries for help, locked up in Hargeisa Central Police Station while rightfully protesting against the election fraud?
Did it escape their mind that the president who banned them without any reasonable justification whatsoever from making public speeches at Kheyriyadda would allow them to win the election?
Did they not realise that if this president had an iota of honour and respect for the Mujahidiin, he would not even have rejected Mohammed Hashi's nomination in spite of their differences? What possible countermeasures can KULMIYE come up with to keep the playing fields even when confronted with the power of state?
KULMIYE may galvanise the entire Somaliland voting public but in the end that will not be good enough because the government will definitely lay its paws in the ballot box. That this will happen is as certain a fact as the sun rising in the morning. As one member of the electoral commission confessed soon after the end of the last presidential elections, `KULMIYE had the people, the government had the ballot papers'.
For the KULMIYE high command, not only it defies the conventional wisdom to put their trust in the same president, the same biased institutions and the same electoral commission that cheated them before but also it is an act of extraordinary folly to expect this government to respect the constitution, to honour its pledges, to uphold the rule of law and to pave the way for a level playing field in the election.
We fought against injustices and oppression in order to establish a free and democractic republic, where all people of all clans live in brotherhood enjoying equal rights and opportunities. This election will not enable us to attain that goal. It will be booby-trapped with all sorts of obstacles designed to revert us back into the mire of injustices from which we pulled out ourselves. We must seek innovative system to ensure the rights of everyone. In a recent Africa Highlights, Somaliland was described in this way, "..While democracy and human rights were strengthened in most of Africa, some severe set backs were noted. The self declared republic of Somaliland is slipping off its road to democracy". This election will be a downright sham as things stand right now. Nothing good will come out of it.
KULMIYE would be best served to stay away this election. They should not legitimise an illegitimate system that will eventually rob KULMIYE as a party and will rob minorities from their rights. The proposed electoral system is fundamentally flawed and will not provide political rights to all Somalilanders on an equal and morally defensible basis within the framework of universally accepted democratic values. As the moment of truth approaches the nation will hold its breath as to what decision the KULMIYE leadership will take: will they wrestle with the government in this tub of sewage or will they remain clean and stay out of this mess.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, January 17, 2005/Source: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 17 Jan 05) BBC Monitoring
SOMALILAND: MINISTRY DENIES REPORT ON OIL SHORTAGE
The report released by the Ministry of Trade and Industry said the country had oil reserves which could last for over three months.
Providing a full report on how oil had been procured, the ministry gave a stern warning to persons who would jeopardize the oil trade saying such persons would face severe action and would have their trading licences confiscated.
It is also urged oil companies to avoid any action that would affect oil sales in the country.
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/ January 17, 2005
US VERSUS THEM MENTALITY
According to the Somali view of life, a person can only achieve happiness by being part of a group. From birth to death the Somali is always part of a group. The group usually lives in one region, which they regard as their very own.
At the same time the tribe provides its members with security. A person who belongs to a tribe feels that he or she is not alone. In bad times, they can turn to the other members of the tribe and feel confident that they will help. Our most important organizational units have been the tribe. We normally count as clan members all descendants in the male line from a forefather generations back. A tribe is a congregation of many clans. The clan members are connected to a village or an area, whether the members of the clan live there or not.
The clans that make up a tribe are related to each other through common ancestors and because they feel that their roots are located in a certain region. A tribe branches off into sub-tribes and sub-sub-tribes all the way down to the level of a clan. It is possible for an individual to draw a genealogical map which clearly shows his position in the tribal structure. Throughout history knowledge of the genealogies has been a practice. To us, tribalism is a sense of identity, community, cooperation, family, and belonging. It is means to the Somali people "US VERSUS THEM" mentality. The most important organizational unit among Somalis is the extended family and the clan. The head of the extended family/clan is normally one of the elders (Aaqil, Sultan, Ugaas, etc.). When difficult questions have to be solved, several of those elders discuss the questions.
The system of Government has to be different from the tribal system we all know. After the collapse of the Somali Government, the Somali people have divided themselves along tribal lines and each tribe has congregated in its own region or locality. This has created different autonomous regions where some regions have claimed sovereignty and independence. This is the reason why the peace negotiation in Kenya has never been materialized. Among greed and power, tribalism is the cause of the wars in Somalia. The Newly formed Somali Government in Kenya is based on the worst tribalism. Likewise, Somaliland is not different than that. When a government is formed on the basis on tribalism, and positions are given to the Elders of clans and warlords who have no knowledge, experience, and education to lead a ministry and do the sophisticated and intricate functions of a ministry, there will be no government or civil laws. Elders and warlords always benefit from chaos, civil wars, and poverty.
Somaliland has practiced a form of government and stability for sometime but it has never been flawless. We must not deny the efforts of our people and admit to them that they have surprised the world communities in achieving peace and to some extant democracy. However, the leaders of today's Somaliland have to change so many things in order to have a place in history of Somaliland. The election date has been set and election laws are to be debated. We hope the elders will focus the differences of opinions of Somalilanders and be fair to all of them. They have to realize that democracy and success will not be reached unless we all agree on the division of the 82 MPS which are at stake in the election. The most important factor of all is the election for those MPS and secondly the government after the election. What we see happening in Kenya and Somaliland is not right and do not lead us to stability and democracy. When you select the government on clan basis and give all positions to chiefs and warlords who have no idea of what a government is, the result will be more bloodshed. In Somaliland, it is somewhat different, but still lacks the criteria of selecting the government on the basis of competency, experience and knowledge. In order to be better and a model for the others, Somaliland has to re-engineer itself to use modern political management techniques.
My advice to those leaders in Somaliland is two folds. Firstly, decide the laws governed by the parliamentary election as the President has already hinted in his speech. Beware of favoring one clan or the other and act according to the population density of the regions. We all know the history of statistics of the population of Somaliland and that fact has been verified and evaluated. Secondly, in these discussions, a guideline for the nomination of ministers has to be put in place. This guideline has to specify the qualifications, experience, and background of the individuals who will take responsibilities. The government posts have to be advertised. The interested parties have to summit their resumes and portfolios. There should be an independent selection committee who will verify the information provided by those individuals. The interested parties can come either inside Somaliland or be a Somalilander who lives abroad. The leaders of Somaliland have to consider recruiting some of the people from abroad. The Somalilanders who leave abroad have varieties of knowledge, experiences, and political maturity. They can contribute all those elements into the system. If we follow those procedures and implement accordingly, Somaliland future will be brighter and a lot of credit will go to the present leaders who paved the way for our future. We should not base our democratic system on hand-picked people through tribal lines. I do not care if all ministries come from the same clan as long as their nomination satisfies the process above. We should let the elders play their historical role and never jump into the fray and spoil this democratic process.
Wish all friends and Somalilanders HAPPY EID and NEW YEAR. Let us pray for our leaders to save us from the evils of GREED and IGNORANCE.
Source: BBC Monitoring January 16, 2005/ Radio Hargeisa & Xogogal Newspaper, Jan 13 2005
Somaliland ministers discuss security with US army officials in Djibouti
The two sides discussed security in the Horn of Africa and ways in which Somaliland and US can cooperate on the issue.
Also the two sides discussed ways of extending training to Somaliland forces who are at the borders and the coast. The ministers have also met US ambassador in Djibouti, Marguerita D Ragsdale, and asked her to assist Somaliland conduct the parliamentary elections.
Meanwhile, Somaliland ministers hold talks with Djibouti president Asia Intelligence Wire
A Somaliland delegation led by the minister of internal affairs, Isma'il Adan Usman, today met the Djibouti president, Ismail Omar Guelleh at State House, Djibouti.
The two sides, Somaliland and Djibouti, discussed how to strengthen the relations between the two brotherly countries, the strengthening of peace and social matters.
The meeting was attended by Djibouti's ministers of foreign affairs, internal affairs and finance.
Source: Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 11, 2005
Somaliland is Seeking its Own Demise
Much has been said lately about Somaliland (1), but hardly ever does any writer focus on the pros and cons that may possibly come with the birth of a recognized independent Somaliland. As we are aware of, a peaceful Southern Somalia would be much better off and less longing for the union than Somaliland. That is if the significance and all common interests embedded in Somali unity are ignored and the nation diverges into two entities. After all, in Somalia most of the resources are located in the South.
Somaliland is a self-declared state that lacks international recognition and claims to represent the communities of Northern Somalia, regardless of one's clan wish of self-determination or lack of it and/or political association. That assertion has yet to be convincing to the majority in the North let alone those in the South. Apart from the numerically smaller clans, there are basically three major communities in Northern Somalia (2) namely; Samaroon and Ciise (westerners3) who reside in the west, Isaaq in the center and Harti (easterners4) in the east. Present day Somaliland was coined together in May of 1991 following the fall of Siyad Barre's government. At a conference organized in Burao by heavily armed Somali National Movement (SNM) militia, the Isaaq clan unilaterally declared secession of the ex-Northern Region from the rest of the Democratic Republic of Somalia.
It is a self-evident that Somaliland has achieved a relatively functioning system of government in so far as resuming peace and a semblance of stability is concerned. Other regions, with the exception of Puntland, which enjoys a comparable peace and stability, should emulate this achievement; And Somaliland should be commended; However, if the agenda is conquering others for expanding Isaaq clan authority and its domain of political dominance, and ignoring facts on the ground, then the centerpiece of Somaliland's stability will fall into an irreversible path that would lead to chaos and destruction. Likewise, the Somaliland rulers' motto of "Submission by a brute force" may in the long run drag it into a civil war to its own detriment.
The driving forces, for the secession ideology among the Isaaq, are led by a handful of zealots, while the rest of the population favor remaining with the republic, provided that federalism based on a fair system of power sharing and wealth distribution is established.
Somaliland purports to be an "oasis of democracy." However, the irony to this is there are non-Isaaq representatives in the Somaliland government who are virtually second-class citizens in Hargeysa. They are neither in the decision-making loop, nor have the support of the people and regions that they claim to represent. To support this, we need not refer to the past. Suffice to say that the ongoing case of the unfortunate young girl Samsam Axmed Ducaale (Samsam vs. Somaliland) attests to all.
Her own maternal uncle, a Minister in the Somaliland administration, could not bail her out while her ill-fated investigation is underway. At first, the Minister denied that she was related to him, but he later admitted his familial relationship with the abused child, only after the case surfaced and caught in the eyes of the human rights organizations. It is reported that he was afraid of backlash and repercussions. Indeed, this is a disgrace for all involved parties, and an insult to Somali cultural mores as well. Indeed, this case has already done an irreparable damage to Somaliland. On one hand it exposed to the world their inherent disregard for human rights and justice, and on the other has marred their case for recognition. As her saga unfolds, it is something relevant to watch as this touches the emotions of her relatives and Somalis at large, and undermines the baseless claim of Hargeysa's rulers as an administration for an "Oasis of democracy."
The recognition of Somaliland by any state would eventually drag Somalia, which seems to be currently moving at least in the right direction, from an era of unforeseen instability, war, and mayhem. The region, which has already been devastated by more than a decade of anarchy, and civil war, might lapse into an elevated state of chaos, which could serve as a safe heaven for criminals, and terrorists. Suppose Somaliland was recognized: First a joy and jubilation mood will kick in through the streets of some major cities in the central part of Somaliland. The easterners will not accept this recognition and will not be part of a sectarian Somaliland. They will never bow down to being seceded from the rest of the republic. Mixed feelings may emerge from the west (Boorama and Saylac), some in favor of the recognition, and others against it.
When celebration lets up, the reality on the ground will light up. Somaliland will anticipate securing its borders in order to gain nationhood attributes, particularly in the eastern part. This endeavor will be the defining moment of the survival of Somaliland. Moreover, referencing to the personalities and characteristics accepted in Somaliland leadership, and the trend of their political conduct, the likelihood that they would attempt to seal off their imaginary borders by force is high and most likely that is the path Somaliland will take. Subsequent to this maneuver, Harti clans will quickly move on to fortify their defenses to ensure that Hargeysa's militia does not approach their towns in the east. The clash between these contending views is nothing other than a civil war that may in the long term involve a show down between Isaaq and Daarood. This could in the long run destabilize the entire region which will be in no one's interest.
Furthermore, Somaliland's economy is more primitive and even poorer than that of a "Banana Republic", and is primarily based on the tariffs collected from the goods that come through Berbera Port and the livestock that is shipped from there. By all accounts, it is a primitive economy. The livestock considerably comes from non-isaaq regions be it inside Somalia or the Somali State of Ethiopia. If Somaliland goes to war against easterners, who populate Puntland, coupled with an inadequate resource, and antagonistic neighbors, rulers of Hargeysa would soon be obligated to scrap for every penny, including looting its own people to spend even higher than the current 45% of its meager revenue on weaponry, logistics, and other services required for sustaining the war front.
This is where opportunity cost does not discriminate and comes in. Apparently, a small fraction of the total revenue of the state will be left for all other expenditures of the government institutions. History of other instances teaches us that warfare is one thing that Somalis know how to pursue, which means that a civil war in Somaliland may be protracted and costly in terms of human life and treasury for all concerned. Let alone Somaliland having the stomach to pacify and bring into line easterners, even America with all its might has not so far succeeded in pacifying the Iraqis. Therefore, for Somaliland to sustain this conflict will not be painless and will definitely cause massive social disruption. This will eventually energize and put in a better stand those opposed to the war and secession and may finally invoke internal struggle within Somaliland. At the end, this would initiate the demise of the notion of Somaliland.
Finally, the old Somali adage holds true here "Belaayo dibno la qabtay leedahaye dabo la qabto ma laha", meaning when loosely translated, it is easier to prevent war than to try to contain it. Thus, Somaliland leaders should not be confused about where the solutions to their problems are: Self-determination of all people and clans must be respected. In order to avoid the prospect of an all out war, Somaliland leaders should abandon their claim of secession of regions based on the concept of Britain's protectorate and admit that they can not accomplish their policy of land grabbing within the framework of self determination. Leaving other people's affairs to them, moving out of their territories, and respecting the importance of peace and interdependence among the communities, would be in the best interest of all.
1- I. Somaliland is derived from the colonial British Somaliland Protectorate
ii. Isaaqs regard Somaliland as an independent state which encompasses six regions, (Awdal, North West, Sahil, Togdheer, Sanag, and Sool)
iii. Hartis treat Somaliland as a new English word, which is a synonym for Isaaqland. These words can be interchangeably used, and they regard their regions Sool, Sanaag, Cayn (Southern Togdheer) to be part of the autonomous state of Puntland
2- Somaliland and northern Somalia are interchangeably used in this article
3--Westerners is an alias used for Samoroon, and Ciise of the west in this text
3- Easterners is an alias used for the Harti of the North (sub clan of Darod)
Washington Times, January 11, 2005, SECTION: LETTERS; Pg. A16
Relationship between Somalia and Somaliland
However, Somaliland's recent democratic successes should not come at the expense of Somali sovereignty, which Mr. Rahn ignores.
It should be noted that Somaliland was never intended to be "independent" from Somalia. The British, who controlled northwestern Somalia (known as Somaliland), and the Italians, who controlled northeastern Somalia (known as Puntland), including the southern part of Somalia, agreed to grant independence on the same date, July 1, 1960, to facilitate the merging of the two areas into one Somalia.
The British, wanting to claim they gave independence first, jumped the gun and gave independence to Somaliland four days ahead of when Italians gave independence to their territory. Nonetheless, the two areas were quickly merged, reflecting the desires of the people of both areas to be one country. Now, a great number of Somalilanders strongly oppose the secession of Somaliland.
The desires of the people from both areas to be one nation make perfect sense when one understands the clan ties between the people of Somaliland and Somalia.
In addition, the ties continue to be close when one understands that the current president of Puntland, adjacent to Somaliland, is from Somaliland and the current government of Somalia has provided 61 seats in its parliament for the Dir clan, which is the ruling clan in Somaliland.
In fact, some members of the Dir clan are pushing for independence from Somalia. In that regard, from a clan perspective, independence makes sense. Nationwide, internationally and culturally, it makes no sense and probably is one of the reasons no one is moving or should move to recognize a Somaliland state.
It also is important to note that Somaliland is not comparable to Yugoslavia or the Baltic States, as Mr. Rahn states. Yugoslavia was separated because of the historical irreconcilable religious differences and extreme hatred therein.
The Baltic States have distinct languages, religions and ethnic differences. More important, the Baltic States were independent in 1918 and lost that independence only through Soviet aggression. Somaliland and Somalia are one in culture, language and religion.
It also is very bothersome that Mr. Rahn has attempted to equate the current government of Somalia with the Siad Barre regime of the 1970s and '80s. The current president of Somalia, Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, who was elected on Oct. 10, was imprisoned by, and fought against, Mr. Barre for years. President Yusuf, as president of Puntland, also fought terrorism throughout the 1990s in and around Puntland. Without Mr. Yusef's help, Somaliland would not have the democratic opportunities it has today.
It is not true that all of Somalia is in chaos. Somalia has made great strides in the past year in reconstituting its government for the first time since 1991. It has an elected parliament, which is inclusive of all the major and minor clans, including members of the ruling clan in Somaliland.
The parliament has selected the president, speaker of the parliament and prime minister. The prime minister has put his Cabinet together and has presented his plan of governance to the parliament. It is working to establish itself in Somalia and should do so in the next month.
Most important to the United States, the government of Somalia is very aggressive in supporting Western standards in all phases of governance, economic development and fighting terrorism. Somalia is strategically located and has the strategic resources and desire to become a great friend to the United States.
A year from now, even greater strides will have been made and the world will appreciate Somalia. Accordingly, Somalia can no longer be described in the terms Mr. Rahn used in his column, and because of this, when the time is right, Somalia and Somaliland will be as they were, one nation under one God.
ABDULLAHI DEL, Ambassador-designate, Embassy of Somalia, Washington
Source: http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 11, 2005/BBC Monitoring
Somalia: New Puntland leader pledges to end dispute with Somaliland
He said that he plans to ensure that the two sides start a new chapter of relationship based on cooperation. Gen Muse told HornAfrik that he has not made any contacts with president Riyale since he was elected as Puntland leader last week, but confirmed contacts between president Riyale and some Puntland traditional chiefs which they discussed regional security.
Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/ January 11, 2005
SOMALILAND WATER SCARCITY AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE MDGs
Meeting Basic Needs:
For Safe And Sufficient Water And Sanitation
By Noah Arre, noahark1382@yahoo.com
ABSTRACT:
Water, the source and origin of all life, is scarce in Somaliland. The country lies within the tropical monsoon region, but has <1000M3 per person per year. Its annual average rainfall is only 253mm, (western areas and far eastern Sanag region, receive 430mm rainfall) with no major perennial rivers while the potential evapotransportation is above 2000 mm per year.
So, water scarcity is a major deterrent to sustainable socio-economic development in the country and to this date, success in the development of water systems remains elusive. In addition, a 1997/2000 inconclusive survey by the government (Somaliland) shows that the areas-Y water quality is too poor indicating that most of the country-Ys drinking water sources are unfit for direct human consumption. In fact, access to safe water is limited to only 20% for urban areas. And of the 60% of the nomadic population who raise agriculture and livestock, less than 10% has access to safe water when almost none has access to sanitation.
Consequently, many water-related diseases are rife, endemic and epidemic in Somaliland with high morbidity/mortality rates causing many pre-mature deaths of 138/1000, Oxfam 1992-K(limited information says diarrhea alone claims about 100,000 mostly children in Somalia, nationwide).
Considering this water scarcity and the need to provide coverage for Somaliland people by 2025 to meet the Millennium Developmental Goals and the World Summit For Sustainable Development targets set for Sub-Saharan Africa, the World Community, NEPAD, AMCOW, Africa Water Task Force etc. have major moral leadership challenges/obligations waiting ahead especially if this fledgling democracy is to meet those goals.
Introduction
Water is life. All living things -K humans, animals, plants as well as the ecosystems depend on water for survival and existence. Fortunately, it is plenty in nature as the hydrosphere covers over 70% of the earth. But 97.47% is salty and more than two-thirds of the remainder is trapped in poles as ice and snow and in deep underground. Less than 1% is accessible. In addition, worldwide, freshwater is hugely distributed uneven. It is this poor distribution, the geometrical growth of world population and man-Ys activities that further reduce freshwater resources quantity and quality causing water scarcity crisis worldwide.
Water, What Is It?
Water is a unique blend of colorless, odorless liquid. It is not a living particle but there is no life without it too. Water is also unique in both its physical and chemical properties as it is one of the few substances that expand on cooling to zero degrees centigrade, a condition that facilitates ice to float so that life in oceans and seas is preserved-Klarge bodies of water covered with masses of ice and snow do still provide enough warmth for undersea flora and fauna and still maintain enough dissolved oxygen that is so essential to the survival life. Were it not this uniqueness, oceans, seas and all bodies of water would freeze from bottom up killing lives in it. Blocks of ice and snow would stay unmelted even during hot summers creating drastic climatic change as there would be less water evaporation resulting less precipitation. Water is also unique as it has a moderating effect for it can absorb a lot of heat without itself becoming warmer. This alone can justify why bodies of water remain cool when adjacent sand beaches may fry your bare feet.
In addition, during evaporation, water absorbs heat and escapes into the atmosphere. But when it comes down as rain, the same heat is dissipated back to the atmosphere. Water acts as an energy custodian and as a liquid that is in the oceans, seas and in the air, it acts as a thermostat that regulates heat. Water is also a universal solvent and all living things depend on it for food assimilation that is so important for sustenance and growth.
Water Is Life
Water is the source and origin of all life! All living things depend on water for survival and existence. On the average, our body is 75-85% water. Unlike hunger, which our body can survive for several weeks as the body possesses sufficient reserves, a lack of water will lead to certain death within days as our body cannot retain any water reserves. (Peter Gleick of Pacific Institute of Oakland, California regards 20-40 liters per person per day, as the minimum to meet all person-Ys needs).
In addition, we need water for keeping clean and we need it for farming. Water helps insure that all living things assimilate food nutrients without which life on this earth would be impossible. Biochemical/biological reactions that take place during metabolism and growth of living cells (plant and animal) take place only in aqueous media. With the help of water through osmosis, chlorophyll and sun light, plants absorb nutrients/minerals to build simple sugars. And water helps our body discharge its wastes. It lubricates our systems, keeps them free from waste and maintains a normal body. Water is also a critical component of most global systems, such as climate, vegetation and erosion and human disturbances of one part of the water cycle inevitably have impacts in others.
Water Availability In Somaliland
Worldwide, freshwater is hugely distributed uneven. In addition, pollution and high population growth rate further reduce freshwater resources quantity and quality. It is the sum of these problems that cause water scarcity crisis worldwide.
Somaliland is located in the Horn of Africa-K.its boundaries are defined by the Gulf of Aden in the north; Somalia in the east, Ethiopia in the south and west and Djibouti in the northwest (it lies between latitudes 80 27-Y north and longitudes 420 35-Y east). And though it is in the tropical monsoon climate zone, water availability is a major issue as rainfall is extremely low and variable-Kthe country-Ys average annual rainfall is only 253mm with no major perennial rivers while the potential evapotransportation is above 2000 mm per year. So, the country is water scarce -Kwater scarcity happens when a country has less than 1000M3 per person per year (the 2,800 calories a person needs a day for adequate nourishment requires a minimum of 1000M3 of water).
Somaliland experiences four seasons; only Gu (spring) is rainy (March-May). Hagaa (summer)-KJune-August, is hot and dry and Dyr (fall) late August-November; is cool though occasionally rainy and the Jilaal or winter December- late March is dry. In fact, the country suffers from different types of scarcities (i) natural water scarcity due to its unfavorable arid climate (ii) demographic scarcity because of its huge livestock populations (iii) technical scarcity because of its low level of development. And it is not only lacking available water resources, it is also desperately lacking trained manpower and financial resources to set up institutions that can develop badly needed infrastructure.
In addition, drought with scaring effects and its major impacts on people-Ys and animal life is another feature of the country-Ys physical environment. For instance, severe droughts followed by occasional torrential rainfall kill hundreds of people and thousands of livestock and any sign of it is often received with dread and worry. Prayers and sacrifice for rain are therefore common and the onset of rain is often viewed as the single most important event of the year. So, today, groundwater constitutes the principal source of potable water in most areas and is in fact, the basic component in most of the country-Ys water needs particularly during droughts and with the exception of seasonal rainfall it is the major source.
Fortunately, a 1999 UN studies on groundwater, show that there is sufficient quantity of water to cover the domestic needs of the whole population-K but in spring, excess rainfall water has been getting discharged into the seas after coursing its way through the drains. In effect, it is possible to prevent this wastage of water by storing it during the rainy season for use as drinking water during the dry seasons; or for allowing it to seep underground in dry areas as a measure of maintaining adequate levels of ground water. This water can subsequently be recharged or pumped up for irrigational or drinking purposes-K Somaliland must harvest this by capturing it and allowing it to percolate down into aquifers or store in dams and reservoirs. But, authorities must realize that doing so requires caution as it may cause environmental degradation due to the potential influx of huge livestock and people due to the availability of water.
In Somaliland, access to enough water is limited and the country-Ys main export is dependent on rainfall for adequate pastures and watering. Urban and rural communities access to safe water in most cases is restricted especially in dry seasons-K access is typically available for only about 20% of the population in the urban areas and almost nothing exists for the rural community. So, rural communities depend on four sources of water: the dry wells, the springs, open water holes (ballays; berkads) and boreholes. Most villages use berkads, ballays and boreholes or shallow wells.
(Figure 1) Ministry of Water and mineral Resources (1999):
| Region | Drilled wells | Abandoned wells | Hand dug wells | Springs | Berkad/ Ballays | Water Systems |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Awdal | 37 | 21 | over 300/ important 38/ 22 fitted with pumps | 22 | 31 surveyed/ most bacterial contamination | mini water systems/2 urban/5 rural |
| Galbeed | 62 | 34 | 465 | 8 | 5061 | 11 water systems 2 urban/9 mini water supply |
| Tog Dheer | 43 | 14 | 1300 | 8 | 4920 | 1 water system |
| Sahil | 12 | 6 | over 600 | 20 | --- | 8 water system |
| Sanaag | 35 | 6 | 250 | 38 | 88 | 8 water system |
| Sool | 18 | 1 | 120 | 15 | 300 | 13 water system |
| |
Source: C. Fiallace and E. R. Failace (1986): Waterr Quality Data Book of Somalia, V.2.; Ministry of Water and mineral Resources (1999): Inventory of Permanent Water Sources in Somaliland
Groups from nomadic population for example need supply points that lie within a few days-Y walk even when the weather is bad or fodder is short and the average length of stay at a given place is extended accordingly and the risk of overuse becomes greater. But too many livestock watering points can have disastrous environmental consequences though in Somaliland, the need to preserve human life may sometimes mean that these primary concerns have to be ignored and even non-renewable ground water must be exhausted with long-term repercussions. And uncontrolled groundwater withdrawal causes adverse consequences on the quality of surface and groundwater and thus indirectly on the human health and that of animals. It often leads to over-drafting and a good water supply in rural areas can lead to overgrazing of vegetation and compaction of the soil by the livestock.
The Health Dimension
Water Quality, Sanitation And Health
As a general rule, safe and sanitary freshwater is essential for a healthy living. But water (like health) is subject to degradation. So, when we drink polluted water (dirty water), we are building, over a period of time, the basis for sickness or diminished health. And use of contaminated water gives rise to waterborne diseases-K when microbiological and chemical contaminants enter water supplies, they do so as a result of human activity or are found in nature and the potential for health problems from drinking dirty water illustrated by the local outbreaks of waterborne diseases. Moreover, many diseases have been linked to contamination due to bacteria or viruses probably from human or animal waste. -K In 1992, UNCED estimated that --K80 per cent of all diseases, and over one-third of deaths in developing countries are water-associated, and on average as much as one-tenth of each person's productive time is sacrificed to water-related diseases-"-K and within the developing world, the poorer urban and rural households carry the burden (Agenda 21, UNCED, Chapt. 18, p175).
In Somaliland, water scarcity and pollution due to animal wastes turn springs, wells, bardkads, ballays etc. to filthy trickle-Kpolluted water contains impurities (minerals, gases, viruses, parasites, bacteria, suspensions etc.) that give rise to water borne diseases, creating epidemics and posing greater risks. And a limited survey carried out by the government (Somaliland) shows conductivity, hardness, dissolved solids etc. are too high, conductivity up to 11,000YYS/cm in most sources and the few bacteriological screens conducted (total coliforms) in many areas show Yr200/100ml (world standard zero) The poor sanitation indicates that most of the country-Ys drinking water sources are unfit for direct human consumption.
In addition, the harsh environment and the resulting erosion due to torrential rains further reduce quality of fresh water while deforestation and degradation of once grassy lands accelerate and alter the water cycle, threatening the continuity of the ecosystems and groundwater recharge-K(the dominant hazard is flooding, which when it occurs washes away topsoil slowly choking streams, dams and reservoirs and causing further water quality impairment).
Today, despite the 1980s International Decade of providing safe drinking water and sanitation services for the developing world, only 20% of Somaliland people who live in urban areas have access to clean water supply. And almost all those who live in small towns or rural areas lack access to safe water and adequate sanitation services though the UN considers both a human right.
Global Mortality From Water-Related Diseases Versus Somaliland (figure 2)
| WHO 2000 | 2.2 million (diarrhea diseases only) |
| WHO 1999 | 2.3 million |
| Hunter et al 2000 | more than 5 million |
| UNDP 2002 | more than 5 million |
| Johannesburg 2002 | more than 5 million |
| Water Dome 2002 | more than 3 million |
| UNICEF 1992 | 100,000 per year (Somalia |
| Hinrichsen et al 1997 | 12 million |
Source: world 1996 and others in (peter gleick: dirty water 2000-2020)
As a result, many water-short households are forced to rely on contaminated water supplies. And waterborne diseases like diarrhea, dysentery and cholera etc. are on the rise. Diarrhea alone affects hundreds of thousands mostly children and killing hundreds yearly. Intestinal helminths, trachoma etc. are high. And it is believed that diarrhea alone claims over 100,000 deaths in Somalia (nationwide) and estimates show that one in four dies before fifth birthday. It is therefore, unfortunate that water scarcity is probably the single greatest threat to Somaliland people-Ys health, their environment and food supply. It threatens food security and peace as people seek to cope with shortages.
In environmental terms, growing urbanization further exacerbates the problem as it concentrates large numbers of human beings, demanding dependable sources of water and adequate sanitation services on unprecedented scales-K (Hargeisa, the capital city for instance has grown from 300 to 700 thousand residents and continues to grow). The changes in land use pattern brought about by the urbanization also affect water supplies by altering and accelerating natural rain patterns and runoffs. It erodes soils and speeds evaporation with urban runoff severely degrading quality of life and further creating health and hygiene problems. Most of those who suffer are the poor who live in peri-urban areas.
CONCLUSIONS/RECOMMENDATIONS
- Water is a vital resource that is unfortunately scarce in Somaliland; so the nation must fully assess its groundwater as there are perennial rivers.
- The nation must develop comprehensive national water resource development programs for sustainable water strategies.
- The country-Ys water scarcity can be offset by harvesting spring torrential rainwater in catchments, dams, reservoirs etc. with the intention of replenishing groundwater cycle. But, in doing that it must avoid disrupting the delicate ecological balance of the land as huge influx of people and livestock due to water availability can cause overgrazing exposing topsoil to erosion rendering soil sterile and unproductive.
- The nation should explore ways to acquire simple, inexpensive, proven effective technologies for the acquisition of drinking water and sanitation services.
- But, the nation must prioritize policies and measures to insure adequate and clean environmental sanitation practices including disposal of garbage.
- The nation must provide clean water/sanitation access to its rural community.
- The nation must establish water quality guidelines and encourage hygienic practices since without them, people will continue to suffer from water-borne diseases.
- Lack of basic services, education, food supplies, shelter, water and sanitation services often lead to prevalence of preventable infectious diseases; so the nation must raise community awareness of the role human/animal wastes play in the propagation of poor health.
- People must break their traditional unhygienic habits and gender participation must be encouraged -Kleadership (especially women).
- Finally, the nation must actively pursue help from international community and donor organizations in particular who are morally obligated to redress this human tragedy.
Berkad: rectangular water storages, and ballays: man-made open water storages
REFERENCES:
- UN Department of Public Information, -MDG by 2015, all 191 UN member states pledged to meet MDG-"- New York, Sept. 2003.
- Stephenson, R. L. & Blackburn, J. B., -Prologue -V What Is Water?-" Lewis Publishers, 1998 p1-5
- Cossi, Olga. -Water Wars: The fight to Control and conserve nature-Ys most precious Resource-", Macmillan Publishing, 1993.
- Abdi, A. J. -Cement Lined Tanks For Rainwater Harvesting In Somaliland-", paper presented at the 21st WEDC Conference, Kampala: July 1995 unpublished.
- IRIN, -Somaliland Warns of Water & Food Shortage Crisis-" IRIN, April 9th 2003.
- Noah A. Arre, - Safe Water is Safe Life! How Save are Somalis in Water?-" Paper presented at 8th Congress of Somali Studies and Governance, Hargeisa 2001; unpublished
- Osman A. Farah, -Water Sources Management In Rural Somaliland,-" paper presented at 25th WEDC Conference: Addis Ababa 1999, unpublished.
- Peter Geleick, -Dirty Water: Estimated Deaths from Water-Related Disease 2000-2020-", August 2002, unpublished.
- Ministry of Water Resources, -National Water Policy-", Hargeisa, September 2000.
- Mohamed, Abdillahi, E. -Water As Cultural Issue & Source Of Conflict-", paper presented at seminar in Lund University, Sweden: Nov. 2000 unpublished.
Source: Qaran News, 11 Jan. 2005
Visiting Somaliland ministers meet Djibouti counterparts over bilateral ties
The Somaliland delegation, which comprises of ministers of information, interior, finance, council of ministers as well as the mayor of Hargeysa, has met Djibouti Foreign Minister Ali Abdi Farah, Minister of Interior Abdoulkhader Doualeh Waiss, and Minister of Information, Culture, Post and Telecommunications Abdoulkhder Bamakhrama.
During the two-hour meeting, the two sides discussed bilateral ties, security, combating terrorism, illegal trade as well as general security in the region.
The two sides are expected hold a second round of talks to further discuss these issues.
Copyright c 2005 BBC Monitoring/BBC. Source: Financial Times Information Limited.
Source: The World Bank Group, 10 Jan 2005
In Somalia, a healthy commitment
For more than a year in 2002, the clinic was shut off from the outside world - a victim of local fighting.
And for that long year, Priya Gajraj, the World Bank's country officer for Somalia, says the local community kept the doors of its health clinic open - without outside international assistance.
Somalia has been described as the quintessential failed state. It's a country which has been wracked by civil war - with the nation split among clan-based militias since the fall of the regime of Major General Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991.
There was no fully functional national government in Somalia for more than a decade. A peace process now underway has resulted in the establishment of a new parliament and the election of a new president and prime minister.
The years of civil war have exacted a severe toll. Indicators suggest health standards in Somalia are among the worst in Africa. Life expectancy is 47 years - one of the lowest in the world. Nearly one quarter of all children die before they reach their fifth birthday.
It was against that background, the World Bank became involved since 2000 in efforts to improve community health services in Somalia with funding from the Bank's Post-Conflict Fund.
With no national government in place, the World Bank joined forces with the Somalia Red Crescent Society and the International Federation of Red Cross/Red Crescent Societies to fund health centers in Puntland and Somaliland.
"The Somalia Red Crescent Society was one of the only remaining institutions operating throughout the country after the collapse of the government, " says Gajraj.
According to Sarah Cliffe, head of the Bank's LICUS (Low Income Country Under Stress) unit, the health project represents a clear example of the Bank working with the non-government sector to improve the lives of those in difficult environments.
Outpost of Hope
"The clinic is located three hours from Garowe, a main town in Puntland. To get to the clinic you have to drive for several hours. It's complete desert and there--in the middle of nowhere--is a small community," says Gajraj, describing her trip to Qarhis community clinic.
It's a health clinic that comes not only with a clinic and laboratory, but also with an enclosure so visitors to the clinic can house their livestock.
"This is a pastoral nomadic community. Many patients, with their livestock, travel from far distances in Somalia and also from the border area with Ethiopia, " Gajraj says.
Without a health clinic, local people use traditional healers, or resort to private pharmacies where expired or inappriate drugs are often sold.
Gajraj says the aim was to build community ownership of the project - a feat that's being achieved.
"In the last three years, the community has put in 15% of the running costs of the services," she says. "That shows it's a service they value and they've demonstrated their high level of commitment to the project."
A review of the project conducted for the World Bank through the International Red Cross has found the project successfully improved the health condition of the most vulnerable - women and children - as well as men and the elderly, living close to the clinics.
The people received basic curative care, using essential drugs, as well as antenatal and postnatal care and immunization services.
The review says the "project impacted positively on the lives of the communities. It reduced mistrust of the health system, thereby motivating people to come for consultation, antenatal and postnatal care and treat. The health education caused a decline in the incidence of diarrhoeal diseases."
Gajraj says the intention now is to use the clinics as a model to replicate, adapting it to local context.
And in another venture in Somalia, the World Bank is seeking to work with local communities to provide support on animal health services at the community level.
Healthy Animals Equal Healthier Economy
The World Bank's Country Re-Engagement Strategy for Somalia, which was approved by the Bank's board of directors in 2003, cites livestock as an area for strategic intervention in the country.
Country Director Makhtar Diop describes livestock as central to Somali culture and incomes. Livestock remains the main source of Somalia livelihoods, making up 80% of exports in normal years.
But livestock exports from Somalia have periodically been interrupted by bans imposed by importing countries in the Gulf region, due to outbreaks of livestock disease.
In partnership with the European Commission and Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), World Bank support has led to the preparation of a longer term livestock strategy for Somalia as a framework for further coordinated work in the sector.
The World Bank is currently supporting a livestock certification program for Somalia - to seek to build a livestock board to develop standards for inspection and certification of livestock.
Gajraj says the latest plans are based on the same philosophy of working with the communities - but in this case to provide support to animal health services in Puntland.
It's an area where people are suffering from the combined effects of the livestock ban, four years of drought, and overexploitation of natural resources. The livestock ban has had a devastating impact on Somali pastoral livelihoods - which have been highly dependent on the market of Saudi Arabia for 95% of their total livestock export.
Gajraj says there's a clear need to improve animal health in rural areas as most veterinarians are located in urban areas. There are also frequent inter-clan conflicts over grazing land - as the traditional clan system has become politicized since the civil war.
The aims of the latest project are for the Bank to work with CARE Somalia and VSF - Suisse in increase access to essential animal health services for pastoral communities and improve understanding and consensus on natural resource management needs.
http://somaliland.org/ns.asp?ID=05010801/ 08 January, 2005
Academic View Of Somaliland Recognition
BUILDING THE SOMALILAND REPUBLIC
With the liberation struggle over in Somaliland, energies turned to the gradual restoration of the country. Peace-making and social reconstruction has followed a bottom-up path, starting at the grass roots with small local clan groups, and building up gradually in ever widening circles. This slow and often irregular process which, not without setbacks, has taken several years is reflected in Somaliland's contemporary two-tier parliament: A house of elected party representatives, and an upper house of nominated clan elders. This arrangement ensured a widely representative parliament and a government whose ministers similarly reflected Somaliland's diverse clan composition. As everyone here knows, there have been impressively conducted national elections favourably judged by international observers.
The same constitutionality obtained in the smooth succession of President Dahir Rayaale Kahin when Mohammad Haji Ibrahim Egal died suddenly in South Africa. As is also well-known, there has recently been a dangerous confrontation on the eastern border with Puntland , involving the Dulbahante clan who have long successfully exploited their position as frontiersmen with multiple loyalties. But this potentially serious clash has been resolved peacefully with both the Somaliland and Puntland forces exercising discretion. Anyone who knows anything about Somali society will appreciate how this outcome indicates good judgement and effective control by the authorities on both sides. For different reasons, it is of course in the interests of neither party to become embroiled in fighting at this juncture when so many other interests are at stake.
These locally evolved Somaliland political institutions have delivered a degree of political stability and democratic government so far unattained in any other part of the defunct state of Somalia( with, perhaps, the brief exception of Puntland in its founding years). Today Somaliland is an effective functioning state, based on good governance, to an extent that is sadly now rare in Africa. The restoration of civil society is well underway, schools and hospitals are under construction with help from diaspora Somalis and some friendly NGOs. Much has been achieved in demobilising former militias and retraining those who cannot fruitfully be absorbed into the local police or army. Police training, incidentally, now includes learning reading, writing and maths-and even human rights.
Although there have undeniably been serious ups and downs in the process summarised above, the overall achievement so far is truly remarkable, and all the more so in that it has been accomplished by the people of Somaliland themselves with very little external help or intervention. The contrast with fate of southern Somalia hardly needs to be underlined.
Far from seeking to applaud or encourage these developments in spontaneous Somali democracy, the outside world has taken little interest and remained largely indifferent. This, of course, contrasts strikingly with the frequent pronouncements by Western leaders of their concern to promote good government and democracy in Africa. As the chairman of the politics department at Princeton University has recently put it: 'One would think that the natural response of the outside world to the extraordinary achievement of the Somalilanders would be respect and recognition' -especially in contrast with Somalia'.
BARRIERS TO RECOGNITION
Here, up till the present, Britain-the obvious patron and advocate for diplomatic recognition-has been especially remiss. True, British officials in the FCO Horn of Africa department and our embassy in Addis Ababa have consistently offered encouragement and support. But the major political breakthrough has yet to be achieved. The path-breaking recent visit to Somaliland by British MPs and the subsequent debate in parliament are important milestones.
And it is gratifying that these developments have so quickly been followed by the present visit to London of (Somaliland) President Dahir Rayaale Kahin, and Foreign Minister Edna Aden and other cabinet colleagues.. I naturally hope that the ensuing discussions with British Ministers will tangibly advance the process towards diplomatic recognition. Some of us think it is long overdue, especially on the part of a government that talks so virtuously about promoting democracy in the Third World. The contrast between their lack of interest in Somaliland and excessive intervention in Iraq speaks volumes.
Now, as in the past, the situation is complicated by the persistent problem of anarchy in southern Somalia despite no less than fourteen high level UN and now EC attempts to cobble together a government in Mogadishu. This has been going on for almost fourteen years and the current fourteen months' long effort in Kenya is evidently falling apart amid fierce allegations of corruption, fraud, and bias directed at the local organisers and their external backers.
This colossal waste of effort and money (reputed about $10 million and some of it diverted from EC aid allocations already promised)) was, in my opinion, misconceived from the start. Cannot any of the policy makers involved learn from the past? What contribution to peace is achieved by enabling Somalia's warlords, and sundry self-appointed representatives of 'civil society', to holiday in luxurious hotels in Kenya? A century ago, the Ethiopian emperor would have treated these people rather differently. They would have been invited to an imperial banquet and poisoned! (Today they should have been arrested in Kenya as suspected war crimes perpetrators.) More appropriately, all the negotiations should have been held inside Somalia with, if necessary, an external force in Mogadishu to maintain the peace. Of course that is the real difficulty, no one wants to undertake that high risk role. If the mighty warlords were incapable of doing that, what chance is there that they could establish a viable regime in southern Somalia?
Even if the current talks achieved nominal success, serious doubts would remain about the representative status of any so-called 'government' based on them. Lacking any demonstrable mandate from the people of southern Somalia, how could the outcome of such a conference claim democratic legitimacy? It would be even less authentically representative than the TNG! The EC, and others involved in this dubious venture, seem to have lost sight of this crucial requirement. Or don't they care? Instead of wasting months in Kenya debating highly artificial laws and theoretical constitutional niceties-which have little chance of ever being implemented-diplomatic efforts should have concentrated on forcing the warlords in situ to agree on power-sharing in Mogadishu, and getting on with somehow living together.
Political engineering should have been pragmatically directed from the bottom, with the aim of establishing widening circles of peace and co-operation, as in Somaliland. Although I have no particular brief for warlords Morgan and Abdillahi Yusuf, I think they are right to have quit Kenya to set up their own conference on the edge of Mogadishu . Nothing positive can ever be achieved unless the southern Somali warlords can agree on how to carve up their political turfs in and round Mogadishu.
The recent Kenyan efforts at Somali reconstruction have been based, as usual, on the wrong top-down hierarchical model. There is the additional draw-back that the title 'Peace conference' is an unfortunate misnomer. Here it is not a question, as in the Sudan, or between Eritrea and Ethiopia, of mediating between two hostile parties. The international dispute-settling bureaucrats, who come out in force on such occasions, need to develop more sophisticated models for handling fragmented multi-stranded situations like Somalia. What is clearly at issue, here, is the division of power and economic interest among a squabbling bunch of predatory gangsters. The Italians, who haunt these Somali meetings with their grandiose dreams of a resurrected Somalia, might make a more useful contribution if they applied some of their expertise in dealing with the Maffia to sorting out Mogadishu.
RECOGNISING SOMALILAND HELPS SOMALI UNITY
Let us also note how all this frustratingly unproductive attention given to southern Somalia has increased Somaliland's international isolation and delayed appropriate recognition of its achievements. What is in effect happening here is that the bad guy is being rewarded and the good guy punished! This is certainly how the international response must strike a neutral observer. But, in my view, this has not actually helped to remedy the situation in Somalia itself that, as a long-term supporter of Somali self-determination, also concerns me deeply. My guess is that recognition of Somaliland at this juncture would have a tonic effect in Somalia. It would administer a brisk wakeup call, shaking the southern politicians out of their prolonged self- indulgent torpor, and thus help to dispel their wild political fantasies so unwisely promoted by the hasty UN recognition given to the undemocratic and insubstantial regime of Mr Abdulqasim, whom Puntland web sites call the 'defunct' transitional president.
Some southerners will protest that Somaliland's recognition is a blow to Somali unity. But this is sheer nonsense and sounds hollow coming, as it does, from people who in the last fourteen years have done nothing to advance Somali unity and even less to further human rights and democracy. Somali 're-configuration' as the British foreign office blandly calls it, has already happened. The people of Somaliland have demonstrated that their independence is a fait accompli whatever outsiders choose to think. Nor does this in any way endanger or diminish the ethnic identity of the Somali people and their socio-economic cohesion that reaches into Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya-an un-disruptive political dismemberment already accepted within the Somali nation. Thus, the attitude to Somaliland's independence, of those southern Somali politicians who oppose it, is akin to that of a person who has had a limb amputated, but still claims to feel it as part of his body.
If as I hope Somaliland soon receives the international recognition to which it has long been entitled, I hope equally that this action will provide a new impetus to social reconstruction in Somalia. It is obvious that a new approach is needed, and one that is better informed about Somali political realities and less biased by extraneous external interests. These biases on the part of the principal external actors are acutely obvious. Thus, Djibouti has politico-economic interests in both north and south, Ethiopia worries about Islamic fundamentalism, and Kenya has serious Somali refugee problems which are shared to varying extents by EC countries generally. Both countries share bad memories of Somali irredentism. For its part, Italy nourishes fantasies of her former African empire, and the Italian political parties sorely miss the subsidies they illegally derived from the national aid budget. Caught in an earlier time-warp, Egyptians retain their Pharaonic obsession with Ethiopia as a threat to the Nile. On a more distant frontier, Arab states tend to favour Somali clients who carry an Islamic banner.. What I find most striking in the attitudes of the spokesmen for many of these countries, including others in Africa, is their ignorance and complete indifference to the actual condition and aspirations of ordinary Somalis, an attribute they share with depressingly many of the self-declared leaders of Somalia.
http://somaliland.org/ns.asp?ID=05010802/ 08 January, 2005
HELP US TO REBUILD SOMALILAND, SAYS ELECTION HOPEFUL
The man hoping to be the next president of the self-styled Republic of Somaliland, has told people from the region in Bristol that their country needs them. Faisal Ali Waraabe, chairman of the opposition party UCID, was in the city to bring supporters up to date with the political situation in the breakaway Republic of Somaliland, which in 1991 declared itself independent from the east African country of Somalia.
Mr Waraabe said that there was excellent support for his party from the 150 people in Bristol who attended St Paul's Academy to hear him speak.
Decades of strife in the region led to thousands of people leaving Somaliland and neighbouring Somalia.
But Mr Waraabe said there was a feeling of optimism in Somaliland that the peace and stability which has been established there since the late 1990s will remain.
Before it was merged with a former Italian colony to form Somalia, Somaliland was a British colony and the majority of asylum seekers from the region now in Bristol are from Somaliland.
Mr Waraabe said he hoped that people would feel safe enough to go back.
He said: "We are very optimistic about the future of Somaliland.
"The most important thing to people in my country is peace and stability.
"I believe we can now sustain that, because there has been a positive move towards embracing democracy.
"I know there are a lot of people who left Somaliland because of the violence, many are in Bristol.
"We have got very good support from our members here, and in the rest of Britain.
"I would say to them that they can come back to Somaliland and help us to rebuild our country and to make it a modern democratic nation.
"There are a lot of professionals and highly qualified people in Britain and the rest of Europe who are not able to use their skills here but would be able to in Somaliland."
Mr Waraabe said security was a top priority and foreign nationals and those returning home should feel safer.
He also called for more partnerships and links between Bristol and cities in Somaliland.
He said: "We are hoping to build partnerships between the two countries and with Bristol.
"So far we have had training for our emergency services but we need more expert advice to help us achieve the system and infrastructure we need."
He added: "The future for Somaliland is looking very good and I hope that next year my party will be able to win a majority of seats in the Parliament.
"Two years after that I will be running for President, and now that we have embraced democracy, I believe we can make Somaliland a modern, important African country."
The UK Foreign Office website states that while the peace and stability in Somaliland is "widely acknowledged", Somaliland has not received formal recognition from the international community.
Source: Evening Post Newspaper, Bristol. UK
Kaysar Cabdilaahi Maxamed
Source: http://www.halganews.com/ 07 January 2005
Our people remains a dream rather than a reality
This trend that is sweeping throughout the country is a rather dangerous one which, when not checked, will quite clearly bastardize education and thus the development of our youth. It is the same spirit that seems to motivate not only our university students but indeed, a vast majority of the youth.
A walk through any of our urban commercial centers will tell even the most casual observer that trade and commerce is the basic form of self-employment that is practiced in this country Somaliland. Goods from all corners of the globe are available now in our markets. As a result of trade liberalization and the deregulation of the foreign exchange market, most enterprising people simply go into commerce as the quickest way of gaining wealth.
Somaliland seems, and have interpreted the "golden age of business" to be a free for all in which goods and services should be the rationale for genuine business. Whilst admitting that commerce also has a role to play in our development, I would like to point out that turning the whole country into one huge market for the sale of imported goods is definitely not the way forward.
As I observed, all the rubbish goods and poor quality of medicine is being dumped into Somaliland and our poor citizens, caught as they are in grinding poverty, and are compelled to make do with these leftovers. The tyre trade in Somaliland is over 90% secondhand. It will certainly not be long when creativity, native industriousness and local produce will no longer count as things worthy of notice.
This lack of local production has almost collapsed the manufacturing sector of the economy, and very few Somalilander's are now producing made-in-Somaliland goods. This is a most dangerous development, which does not augur well for our future and will never help propel us into a middle-income earning country. Our education has truly fallen on the wayside and we can only weep for our country.
Saeed M Jama, smjaama@hotmail.com, London
Source:http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 06 2005
Who runs Somaliland?
Somaliland was (economically) cornered by its enemies, ever since Riyale descended on the second Republic, a) Start closing down the free and frequent business traffic- (shutting down "DULCAD") between Somaliland and neigbouring Ethiopia!
b) And now shutting down BERBERA. It was and is in the making by the resilience and insistence of our friend Mr. Gelle of Djibouti! And make no mistake the guy has leverage in to days Somaliland, in a big way!
"If aught that is good befalls you, it grieves them; but if some misfortune overtakes you, they rejoice at it. But if you are patient and do right, not the least harm will their cunning do to you; for Allah compasseth round about all that they do".
" They bite off the very tips of their fingers at you in their rage, say: `perish in your rage' Allah knoweth well all the secrets of the hear"
That is Mr. Gelle of Djibouti who rejoices in our woes and grieves in our wows. It is he and others in the South who bite off their very tips of their fingers at us- (Somaliland) in their rage when we happen to be in the (right direction) move, which we longed to be.
We my never be in that envious situation under the present pack! It is also the present administration that is neither patient nor does right. However I am afraid a lot of harm wills his (Mr. Gelle) cunning may do to us and that is as clear as any thing that is clear!
We all know and even the dull and the dormant knows that the guy in Djibouti Mr. Gelle, champion him self as an enemy number one to the people and the aspirations of the people of Somaliland. Ironically the president there in Djibouti doesn't hate the government of Somaliland neither does he Mr. Faisal Ali! In fact he loves them while he hates S/L!
Now the big guns of Riyale administration, Awel, Ismail, the guy of Radio Hargeisa, Abeeb and Mr. Boni!! Are all invited to Djibouti after Mr. Gelle announced daringly that all the livestock in the horn of Africa will only be exported through the sea port there in Djibouti and no more in Berbera, greedily and offensively so!! What is going on there in Djibouti? Well we don't know much but we may guess! ? Who rules Somaliland? We may guess too!
Oh Allah, "This is no more than they trial! By it thou causes whom thou wilt stray! And thou leads whom thou wilt in to the right path. Thou are our protector so you give us thy mercy! For thou are the best of those who forgive. And ordain for us that which is good for we have (or when we have turn) turned unto thee"
Evil it is that Somaliland was done unto her in the absence of the collective national conscience! In the absence of a conscientious people, and in the absence of effective and daring opposition parties. I am afraid that Somaliland is stray, and astray it roams round and round for so long; thus may deserve this prayer.
I Mead, Ottawa, Canada, conflictresolutionmead@hotmail.com
Source: http://www.togdheer.com/ 7 January 2005
Operation Just Cause: Taking Back Somaliland from the Enemy Within
Enough is enough. And an old English adage or proverb states that, "action speaks louder than words" and we need that action now more than ever. We need to take a prompt action against the enemy within that seem to have a carte blanche to oppress our people, undermine our cause, and plunder our resources rather than to indulge ourselves with idle day dreams of recognition that seem to be more illusive than ever since it is being undermined by the very administration and officials that were supposed to champion it or indulge in the usual mere barrages of a never ending criticism against the usual deaf and blind rogue officials in this inept, corrupt, and disloyal Riyaale administration as these will not take us anywhere. But what will truly take us somewhere and enable us to achieve the good life and virtues we have died for in the past and are seriously craving for now is: Action.Action.Action. And it is now or never to take a patriotic stand, to stand for your rights and to take action in order to free ourselves and to save the nation.
Therefore, it is about time that we look these evil doers straight in the eyes, confront them squarely on all fronts, defeat them, and take back Somaliland from the enemy within, and save our people and nation once and for all. The stakes are high therefore we can neither afford to be ignorant nor negligent anymore. Neither can we afford any longer to be passive and continue to persevere the callous actions of a small clique of self-interested, unpatriotic, treacherous, and hell-bent so-called politicians and senior civil servants who are unabatedly undermining and sabotaging the national and public interests of this country nor can we afford anymore to just sit back and watch from the distance the ever growing onslaught on our democratic form of governance, multiparty system, rule of law, checks and balance system we put in place, and the Constitution and laws of the land.
As a result of all these, we think it is pay back time and a time to eliminate these boastful small-timer rogue officials who are taking us for a ride and who have never been challenged before and time to begin their elimination one by one and to avenge for the evils and pains they have caused to our people and nation. Time is up for them as we have reached a point of no return, where we can no longer tolerate their evil doings anymore therefore we are serious and ready to deal with them now and inflict on them a shattering and devastating blow. And don't make no mistake for we will use any means possible to defeat these parasitical enemies who are sucking the blood of our poor people since the Egal administration came to power to-date (12 years). Note: the current Riyaale administration is the continuation of the Egal administration. Don't be fooled by a few new faces at the Cabinet levels, it is the same old, tired, and bankrupt Egal administration who escaped our wrath by one vote during the impeachment exercise!!
The war against this administration on and it is justified; it is truly a just cause that deserves one to die for. We are obliged before God to fight these hypocrites and oppressors who are destroying our country and the livelihoods of our people. There is no where for the enemy within to hide as the masses are ready to devour them live. We will get to them soon. And God willing, we will free our people from oppression, injustice, misery, poverty, hopelessness, and shame that have been afflicted on them by the despot Riyaale administration and their cohorts.
Make no mistake for we are determined to defeat despotism in our country once and for all. Therefore, do not despair my people for will restore in Somaliland the democracy, good governance, and the rule of law it deserves and craves for since our existence. There is no doubt that we will set the records straight for our present and future generations. Also, be assured that the deliberate disregard for the liberties of the citizenry, constant violations of Human Rights, and the current state of utter hopelessness can not continue for ever. Moreover, the pains and sorrows and the blink future faced by many in our country which were afflicted on them by the enemy within, a small pack of known wolves in a sheep's coating can not be ignored or tolerated any longer therefore our past and present adversities and sufferings must be avenged as soon as possible, and if I may borrow the words of the Awdal News Network editorial, which was dated on July 28, 2004 even though it discusses a different issue: "sifting Chaff from the grain, the Somaliland's day of judgment arrives" says it all and emphasizes my point.
This country is under siege by the enemy therefore we need to take action before it is too late. In other words, the country is clearly been systematically destroyed by a few disloyal, power hungry, corrupt, and rogue politicians and senior civil servants, many of whom are loyalists of the former fascist regime of Dictator Siad Bare, for example, the president of the republic himself who has been accused of past atrocities and massacres of innocent civilians at Berbera port city, Somaliland denotes the existence of the enemy within that needs to be dealt with soon. Another is the criminal Ismail "Faqash", the current Minister of Interior who also committed egregious crimes against the people of Somaliland. Another is the criminal Hassan Geraash, a small-timer promoted to higher positions in Somaliland on a clan or tribal basis to become a former Security Officer in Sool region and a former senior member of both UDUB and UCID parties who has recently revealed in a boastful manner that he had all along been a mole or a spy cell for Col. Abdullahi Yusuf, the criminal War Lord turned president-elect of the exiled Transition Federal Government of Somalia and for Majertenia (Puntland) provincial administration and further stated that he had all along been and will always be an adamant supporter of Puntland and Somalia. Worse still, criminal Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Adan (Qaybe), the current Speaker of the House of Representatives of Somaliland who in the past also committed egregious crimes against humanity and war crimes against the innocent people of Somaliland and who in this week boastfully admitted in public, on his own accord, that he also supports union with Somalia and the illogic dream of "Greater Somalia/Somaliweyn" that has long died and further admitting that he has previously undermined and sabotage Somaliland on various fronts in a manner that repudiates his loyalty to the people and nation or repudiation of the restoration of our independence, cause, and existence of Somaliland is also evidence of the existence of the enemy within who continue to hold important public posts in the Riyaale administration. And the list of these criminals goes on and on!!!
For these reasons and many more, we are therefore calling upon the intrepid people of Somaliland to stand up for their hard worn independence, for their freedom, for their rights, for their properties, for their resources, for their liberties, for their democracy, for their cause, and for the existence of their motherland, Somaliland. We further appeal to them to vigorously and fiercely defend the people and the nation.
Victory and Liberty to Somaliland
Source: The Washington Times, January 06, 2005
Curious Case of Somaliland
What is Somaliland? Don't be embarrassed if you don't know. Very few people know, and that is the beginning of the problem. Somaliland is not Somalia, but is a part of what used to be Somalia - and it may or may not be an independent country. As you may recall, Somalia was the country in which the famous "Black Hawk down" incident (and later movie) occurred. Somaliland is on the Horn of Africa, surrounded by Somalia, Ethiopia, Djibouti and the Gulf of Aden.
First, a little history: In the days when Africa was controlled by European colonists, there were three contiguous Somalias: French Somalia now known as Djibouti; British Somalia now known as Somaliland (but only by the Somalilanders); and Italian Somalia, now known as Somalia. In 1960, British Somaliland was granted independence, and was immediately recognized by 35 countries. Five days after British Somaliland became independent, Italian Somaliland also became independent, and the two merged into the Somalia Republic.
The merger did not go well, but the country did hang together until 1969 when a military coup installed Gen. Mohammed Siad Barre as president. The Somalilanders chafed under the brutal rule of Barre, and they eventually developed an opposition movement to get rid of the Barre government.
A full-scale civil war developed by 1988 that resulted in the deaths of more than 20,000 people and great devastation in Somaliland due to government bombing. The Barre government fell in 1991. Somaliland declared itself independent, and the rest of Somalia came under the control of various warlords. The resulting conflicts and starvation led to the U.S. intervention during the Clinton administration and then hasty withdrawal because of unexpected U.S. casualties amid continued chaos.
To this day, Somalia remains a failed state whose government is only recognized by a handful of countries (all African). Anarchy is an apt description of the state of affairs in Somalia. Meanwhile, Somaliland worked its way toward creating a real government and at least a recognizable (if not perfect) democracy. In 2001, Somaliland held a referendum that approved a constitution and reaffirmed its independence. Ninety-seven percent of the voters approved the constitution, and two-thirds of eligible voters participated.
There was a very close election in 2003 that the president only won by 80 votes (shades of Florida in 2000). The U.S. Independent Republican Institute (IRI), supported by the National Endowment for Democracy, has been assisting Somalilanders and their institutions in building a real democratic structure for the country - even though the United States and all other countries have not recognized Somaliland.
Here we have a black African, moderate Islamic country with has a positive attitude toward the West, that protects women's rights, is willing to help in the war on terrorism, and is slowly building democratic and free market institutions, which is what we say we want. Yet, again it is important to repeat that no country has recognized Somaliland. How ironic.
What is the problem? Somaliland's population is about 3.5 million, which makes it almost as large as Ireland. Its land area is as large as England and Wales (or Tennessee). It has oil and mineral resources, some good agricultural lands, and a good port. The problem is geopolitical reality. The U.S. and Britain are reluctant to recognize Somaliland before some of its African neighbors, because it is a breakaway state. Most African rulers are very reluctant to begin changing the borders of African countries because they fear where it might lead, even though they realize most of the borders were created arbitrarily by European colonialists. Though Somalia has no functional government, many Somalis argue Somaliland is part of Somalia.
The Somalilanders ask why they must remain part of a dysfunctional state. Before the colonial period, there was no Somalia state, and Somaliland was under British rule for 80 years. They argue their situation is not really all that different from the Baltic States or the now independent countries that made up the former Yugoslavia. Without diplomatic recognition, Somaliland cannot join international trade organizations and has difficulty attracting foreign investment.
The danger for the U.S., Britain and the other Western countries is their failure to recognize Somaliland will gain influence and power for radical Muslim elements there. Somaliland might be pulled back into the morass of Somalia, a terrorist breeding ground.
American diplomats by nature tend to be cautious and are reluctant to appear to be rewarding breakaway states in Africa. However, it is the judgment of some of the diplomatic "Africa hands," who know the situation best, that the benefits of recognizing Somaliland far outweigh the potential costs of continued nonrecognition. The Bush and Blair administrations should come together and immediately recognize Somaliland to reward them for pursuing a constructive path toward free market democracy. If we do so, I would bet that, within a year, most other nations will have followed our lead.
Source:http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 05 2005
Open letter
Cc: The Right honourable Ahmed Mohamed Adam;Speaker of Somaliland Parliament
Cc: The National Elections Commission, Republic of Somaliland.
5th January, 2005.
Subj: The Final Hurdle-The Parliamentary Election.
If constraints of time preclude any comprehensive debate on the pros and cons of the three options currently on the table, then the issue of paramount importance is that the mandate of the two houses of parliament as well as that of the executive branch of the government should not be extended under any circumstance beyond their present term of office. The lower house of parliament had sufficient time to finalise the modalities of seats allocation, but it seems that our current parliament did not size up towards this national duty. The stark truth is that this piece of vital legislation should not have collected dust some where in the offices of the parliament for the past three years. The onus is on the government to ensure that this parliamentary election is held as scheduled regardless of any extenuating circumstances and regardless of which of the three options is adopted even if it is a one time only measure. Time is not a factor here. The lower house of parliament is the problem because they are not serious enough to be part of the solution.
The final and the most crucial litmus test to our infant democracy will come on March 29th, 2005. That will be another historic milestone in Somaliland's rendezvous with the manifest destiny. The parliamentary elections scheduled for next March will attest to the degree of maturity of our democratisation process and the verdict will be a manifestation of the adaptability of our unique brand of governance to the rapidly changing geopolitics of the region. The general public, as is always the case, will fulfil its civic and national obligation by heading to the polling stations to cast their ballots. In participatory democracy, it is axiomatic that the divergent political parties should compete in an atmosphere of transparent fairness and plain level field. In other words, all parties involved should be accorded the same treatment under the law of the land.
Our system of government is modelled, more or less, on that of the United States of America- a republican form of government with three distinct branches:
The executive- the President, the Vice-president, and the Cabinet; The legislature-law making body- the Senate(Guurti), & Parliament; The Judiciary. Upholds and interprets the constitution.
The sole purpose of this choice is to institutionalise a functional system of checks and balances among the three branches of government so as to eliminate or minimise any tendencies of autocratic rule by any one branch.
The transition stages of the Burao Convention of May 1991, the Borama Conference o February, 1993, and the Hargeisa Convention of 1997, culminated in the current metamorphosis. And that itself alone, is a major achievement in comparison to our neighbours to the South or the rest of the African continent. At the moment we are at the thresh hold of this transformation process.
The dynamics of our national body politic is the essence of a vibrant democracy-diversity of opinion on any national issue, yet unity and cohesiveness on our common dreams and aspirations. As the national political agenda takes its final shape, we will eventually transcend our differences.
In contrast, our neighbours to the south have chosen the bullet to set their political agendas; we chose the ballot instead, to set the wheels of our democratic institutions in real motion. In fact, the ballot has a much higher resonating sound that captures the attention and the imagination of the international community. The payoff for the sacrifices of the past is just around the corner-and the dream of nationhood is in our own hands.
I take this opportunity to express my humble opinion on the modalities of allocation of parliamentary seats in the March 29th, 2004 national election. Of the three options on cards now, at least two will result in an unfair and unbalanced distribution of the seats among the six regions/districts/ and/or electoral counties.
OPTION ONE- THE 1960 MODEL:
The 1960 model was based on a simple formula of six districts each with five deputies; the capital district was allocated two extra seats and the second capital one extra seat. That is how the magic number (thirty-three) came into existence and there is no pressing or valid reason to hold on that idea. The disparity in voting patterns from district to district was conspicuously clear during the elections of 1960, 1964, and 1969. The parliamentary seats were not based on a set number of votes. I believe that no census surveys were conducted on a periodic basis during the colonial time or even during the post independence period. The concept was not based on demographics or any statistics based information. The complete absence of any empirical data makes this option obsolete and out of the question. The fundamental flaw of this option is that it equates two regions with huge population differences.
OPTION TWO- THE COMMUNAL MODEL:
The second option or the community based one has out lived its usefulness. This model worked well while the nation was in the transition state. It is a derivative of our pastoral democracy which is deeply rooted in the nominal equality of all communities. Our constitution upholds the principle of one man one vote- in other words, now is the time to translate the nominal equality into real numbers; the essence and the spirit of real democracy. This assumption is based on a single conversion factor.
In this case, the limiting factor is called proportional representation based on regional or district population. The discrepancy is: that the nominal and the real are disjoint quantities. The two variables are irreconcilable if equality and fairness are the end game. This brings us to the conclusion that the communal system is also archaic and outdated. Although our pastoral democracy predates most of modern day European forms of governance, it is still in an evolutionary stage and perhaps it needs further nurturing. Without factoring the population element into the calculation, this system cannot be a sound foundation for a stable government.
OPTION THREE- DEMOGRAHIC REPRESENTATION:
Of the three alternatives tabled, the option of proportional representation based on total electoral votes is the fairest and most equitable one and should in fact be acceptable to all six regions. This eliminates the disparity of representation solely based on regions or communities. Each region's allocation will ultimately depend on the size of its population. The hidden benefit is the gradual phasing out of the communal/feudal system. The principle of proportional representation is widely used in western democracies with variations from country to country. That does not necessarily mean that Somaliland should adopt or import one system stock lock and barrel. We experiment and adopt only what works well in our environment.
An offshoot of this concept could be easily adapted to the three existing political parties where distribution of seats is based on the percentage each party garners at the election day. For example, if party X captures 25% of the total votes cast, then party X is allocated 25% of the seats; and if party Y gets 35% of the total votes cast, and then party Y is assigned 35% of the seats and so on so forth. This modified version fits well with the proportional representation on regional basis, provided each party fields candidates equal to the total number of seats in the election- in other words, every seat is contested by three candidates.
THE SCHEDULING OF THE NATIONAL ELECTIONS:
The silhouette of the failed Somali state still casts a spell on our political thinking. Why does the government of Somaliland has to schedule its national elections during the month of MARCH? WHY do we have to use the election schedules of old Somalia? The month of March coincides with worst time of the winter when the silent and the neglected majority of our society is at risk of losing their livelihood. The only logical reason that our elections are always scheduled in March is to marginalise and disenfranchise the rural communities. As a reminder, during the liberation war, this segment of our society has paid a huge price in terms of live and treasure and their livestock will gauge the financial viability of our nation once the present externally imposed economic blockade is lifted. Therefore, it is incumbent upon our current parliament to approve the necessary legislation to amend the timing of our elections so as to accommodate the needs of our rural communities. A compromise should be worked around the present scheduling system.
REOPENNING THE CONSTITUTION:
OUR CONSTITUTION SSHOULD BE SUBJECT TO CHANGES/AMENDMENTS/ ADDITIONS/MODIFICATIONS// AND/OR DELETIONS at any time and as the need for such matters arises. It is not a sanctified document and there shouldn't be any prohibitions to discard it all together and replace it with a new document. We are dealing with the issue of parliamentary elections and tinkering with the constitution is not part of the current national debate and those who bring the constitution into this discourse do have other agendas of their own. They simply do not like the election to proceed as scheduled. It is a distraction tactic designed to create an atmosphere of uncertainty, confusion and chaos thereby creating an imaginary environment of constitutional crisis. The same thing goes on the squabbling over the membership of the National Elections Commission. The lower house of parliament should start debating the three recommendations submitted by the commission without discarding any of the three options. At least each option should be on the table and evaluated on its own merits.
The credibility of our nation hinges on this election and under no circumstance should the two houses of parliament even contemplate the rescheduling of the election and/or extending their present mandate for even a single day. This is the final hurdle of the democratisation and the government and the three political parties have no excuse whatsoever to do otherwise. Failure to conduct the election on the scheduled date is tantamount to revisiting 1960 one more time.
THANK YOU AND LONG LIVE SOMALILAND
AHMED ALI IBRAHIM (Sabeyse) SCARBOROUGH, ONTARIO, CANADA.
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ 05 Jan 2005
The Prospect Of One-party Rule In Today's Somaliland Is Real
If this is true, and I have no reason to disbelieve Mr Jirde, who himself is a member of the ruling party, UDUB, then it marks the end of Somaliland's experiment with that `alien' concept: Democracy. Also, it would be a great setback to Somaliland's quest for diplomatic recognition, but, more importantly, it sheds important light on the government's dictatorial tendencies and plans. If the government gets its way and Parliamentary elections are once again delayed, then the whole democratic process, i.e., the creation of political parties and the two elections that were held, would have been in futile. We would have a one-party country, and another dictatorship in the making.
Take the current Somaliland system of governance, which consists of three branches: the judiciary, the legislative and the executive. Currently, all three of them are run and controlled by officials from one single party: UDUB. First, the executive and Presidency is headed by Messrs Rayale and his UDUB cabinet members. Second, the legislative branch, which is the two houses of Parliament, are also both controlled by UDUB party members, namely, Saleban Mohamud and Ahmed Qaybe, respectively. Third, another UDUB party member, Faysal Jama, also runs the judiciary, which is the third branch. There is no room for opposition and no need for criticism seems to be the motto! The President and his ruling party do not want elections to take place, as they want to keep things as they are. They seem to have lost faith in the Somailand people that have voted them into office, in the first place. This speaks volumes about the intentions and goals of this administration.
Although without formal diplomatic recognition for over thirteen years, the people of Somaliland never lost hope, and always remained resilient. In 1991, after they regained their independence and sovereignty, they started nation building and succeeded, in the eyes of most observers, not only to rebuild their country from scratch without much outside assistance, but also to create a stable and exemplary democracy in the horn of Africa. For this, Somaliland has always received praise and acknowledgement from the international community. Unfortunately the Somaliland of yesteryear and the Somaliland of today are not the same. In the short eighteen months or so the present administration has been in power, the image of Somaliland on the international stage has been severely bruised. The internal situation has also worsened with crime and human rights violations rampant. Look no further and take the latest incident of the imprisonment of the four lawyers and the handling of the case of the little girl from Bosaso, and the effect that had on Somaliland's image on the international stage. Compare the booming trade and activities of Bosaso and Djibouti ports, respectively, and the demise and destruction of Berbera port, which is a ghost town nowadays. Consider, the banning of political discussions, namely the ban imposed on Dr Bulhan's agency, as well as, the ban on political parties speaking at the Kheiria. Add to all this the indifference of the current head of state, and his silence on all important issues to national security, and you get a picture of sad, hopeless and powerless citizens.
As a direct result of the above, European and UK officials, as well as human rights organisations, today openly discuss their dismay and disappointment with the direction Somaliland is heading. They see and recognise weakness in the present administration and its leader; and fear the outcome if such a weak and incompetent administration is granted diplomatic recognition, without the necessary Parliament for check and balance. Of course, Mr Rayale and his officers know this, but instead of addressing the problem head on and providing effective leadership, choose to confuse its citizenry and beat the drums of recognition so that it can continue with its mischief and use recognition as a weapon so silence opposition to its policies.
Any government that does not tolerate opposition, or that actively seeks to avoid accountability must be feared. Any government that ignores the will of the people must be resisted. The current Rayale administration seems to be doing just that. And, for Somalilanders, it is not only the damage this would do to Somaliland's good name in the international community that should concern them, but also the effects this would have on Somaliland in the long run. The prospect of one-party rule in Somaliland is real, and it must be fought and resisted every inch along the way, in the interests of peace, recognition and in memory of the struggle. Now that the word is out, President Rayale and his colleagues must know that they will be held responsible for any delay in holding the Parliamentary election.
Dahir A. Jama, London, England
Source: United Nations Human Settlements Program (UN-HABITAT), 05 Jan 2005
UN-HABITAT and EC sign grant agreement for Somalia
The Programme is designed to target all major cities and towns in the various Somali regions through the implementation of tangible projects and capacity building activities in the Urban Development Sector. The implementation of the programme is planned over a period of three years, starting 1 April 2005, with a possible extension for a further three years.
The total cost of the first phase of the Programme is approximately 6.15 million Euros. The European Commission has undertaken to finance 5 million Euro (over 80 per cent) of this budget, with the remaining part of 1.5 million US Dollars being funded by UNDP, which also acts as the principal Associate Partner to UN-HABITAT for the programme implementation.
Other international partners in the Programme include ILO, UNICEF, the Italian NGO Consortium UNA, and NOVIB-Oxfam. Furthermore, the programme is designed to benefit from the comparative advantages of all the partners including the political leadership and logistic support network of UNDP in the field and the operational expertise of UN-HABITAT and the other partners.
The proposed initiative recognizes the growing importance of the urban sector, both demographically and economically, in the Somali context and aims at promoting an increasingly democratic, inclusive and accountable system of governance as well as more efficient and socially effective local management practices.
"In a fast changing political scenario, the Programme, while assisting both Central and Regional administrations in establishing the main legal and institutional instruments of governance, will target primarily building the management capacities of local authorities and communities," a statement from UN-HABITAT said.
It added: "Governance and institutional capacity building will be demonstrated through a range of activities designed to guide settlement growth through physical planning aimed at reducing the serious deficits in serviced land, sanitation and basic infrastructure to alleviate poverty to promote viable municipal financial and fiscal management systems; and, to promote community involvement, the role of civil society, accountability, transparency and equitable urban growth integrating returnees, internally displaced persons and other vulnerable groups."
The Somalia Urban Development Programme builds on the achievements and lessons learnt from the ongoing Good Local Governance and Leadership Training Programme also funded by the EC, and the Support to Priority Areas to the Urban Sector programme funded by UNDP. The Programme will extend and expand the ongoing UN-HABITAT activities in Somali towns and cities and will coordinate its involvement in the urban sector.
The new programme will be implemented under the overall coordination of UN-HABITAT's Regional Office for Africa and the Arab States under the Regional and Technical Cooperation Department.
Source: http://www.halganews.com/ 04 January 2005
The Prospect Of One-party Rule In Today's Somaliland Is Real
If this is true, and I have no reason to disbelieve Mr Jirde, who himself is a member of the ruling party, UDUB, then it marks the end of Somaliland's experiment with that `alien' concept: Democracy. Also, it would be a great setback to Somaliland's quest for diplomatic recognition, but, more importantly, it sheds important light on the government's dictatorial tendencies and plans. If the government gets its way and Parliamentary elections are once again delayed, then the whole democratic process, i.e., the creation of political parties and the two elections that were held, would have been in futile. We would have a one-party country, and another dictatorship in the making.
Take the current Somaliland system of governance, which consists of three branches: the judiciary, the legislative and the executive. Currently, all three of them are run and controlled by officials from one single party: UDUB. First, the executive and Presidency is headed by Messrs Rayale and his UDUB cabinet members. Second, the legislative branch, which is the two houses of Parliament, are also both controlled by UDUB party members, namely, Saleban Mohamud and Ahmed Qaybe, respectively. Third, another UDUB party member, Faysal Jama, also runs the judiciary, which is the third branch. There is no room for opposition and no need for criticism seems to be the motto! The President and his ruling party do not want elections to take place, as they want to keep things as they are. They seem to have lost faith in the Somailand people that have voted them into office, in the first place. This speaks volumes about the intentions and goals of this administration.
Although without formal diplomatic recognition for over thirteen years, the people of Somaliland never lost hope, and always remained resilient. In 1991, after they regained their independence and sovereignty, they started nation building and succeeded, in the eyes of most observers, not only to rebuild their country from scratch without much outside assistance, but also to create a stable and exemplary democracy in the horn of Africa. For this, Somaliland has always received praise and acknowledgement from the international community. Unfortunately the Somaliland of yesteryear and the Somaliland of today are not the same. In the short eighteen months or so the present administration has been in power, the image of Somaliland on the international stage has been severely bruised. The internal situation has also worsened with crime and human rights violations rampant. Look no further and take the latest incident of the imprisonment of the four lawyers and the handling of the case of the little girl from Bosaso, and the effect that had on Somaliland's image on the international stage. Compare the booming trade and activities of Bosaso and Djibouti ports, respectively, and the demise and destruction of Berbera port, which is a ghost town nowadays. Consider, the banning of political discussions, namely the ban imposed on Dr Bulhan's agency, as well as, the ban on political parties speaking at the Kheiria. Add to all this the indifference of the current head of state, and his silence on all important issues to national security, and you get a picture of sad, hopeless and powerless citizens.
As a direct result of the above, European and UK officials, as well as human rights organisations, today openly discuss their dismay and disappointment with the direction Somaliland is heading. They see and recognise weakness in the present administration and its leader; and fear the outcome if such a weak and incompetent administration is granted diplomatic recognition, without the necessary Parliament for check and balance. Of course, Mr Rayale and his officers know this, but instead of addressing the problem head on and providing effective leadership, choose to confuse its citizenry and beat the drums of recognition so that it can continue with its mischief and use recognition as a weapon so silence opposition to its policies.
Any government that does not tolerate opposition, or that actively seeks to avoid accountability must be feared. Any government that ignores the will of the people must be resisted. The current Rayale administration seems to be doing just that. And, for Somalilanders, it is not only the damage this would do to Somaliland's good name in the international community that should concern them, but also the effects this would have on Somaliland in the long run. The prospect of one-party rule in Somaliland is real, and it must be fought and resisted every inch along the way, in the interests of peace, recognition and in memory of the struggle. Now that the word is out, President Rayale and his colleagues must know that they will be held responsible for any delay in holding the Parliamentary election.
Dahir A. Jama
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ 01 Jan 2005
Somaliland Needs a Communication Regulatory Agency and a Telecom Sector Policy
Regulation (Communication Regulatory Agency).
1. A Regulatory Agency or body is needed that creates a regulation environment based on European/African model defining an active relation towards communications.
2. We must indicate a need for creation of flexible regulation documents, specialised licenses for frequencies and services provision in order to reach efficiency in managing such documents. Within regulation and Telecommunication Sector the Policy concern is the protection of public interest.
3. The regulator should actively follow up the development trends in mobile communications, but not being an obstacle for new technologies application.
4. The Regulatory Agency should create an Ÿ?oInterconnect Billing Reconciliation ProcessŸ?? which means the process of two interconnected Licensees analysing the differences between their respective calculations of an interconnect bill from one network to the other to reach a settlement.
5. Telecommunications Division is established for the purpose of conducting of all activities of the Agency in the field of telecommunications in accordance with regulations, and particularly to:
* Realise all obligations of the Agency defined by the Decision of High Representative for Somaliland on establishment of Communications Regulatory Agency, Telecommunication Law and other acts which are related on the field of telecommunications;
* Provide expert support to the Chief Executive Officer to enable him to achieve the global aim of the Communication Regulatory Agency;
* Ensure that provision of international telecommunication services are in accordance to licence conditions issued by the Agency;
* Establish conditions and definition of the terms and references for provision of telecommunication services which will be include in licences to the operators and providers;
* Supervise provision of telecom services in accordance with set conditions and issued licenses;
* Make all necessary regulatory documents in the field of telecommunications services and networks;
* Define of rules and approvals for successful interconnectivity and interoperability of whole equipment in telecommunication networks;
* Cooperate with all operators that are licensed by the Agency;
* Produce Numbering Plan for Telephone services and monitor its implementation which need to ensure simple, and comprehensive use for all kind of possibility as in the world;
* Follow and support of processes of privatisation and liberalisation and introduction of competition in telecommunication market;
* Monitor the situation on the field of tariffs in telecommunications market and undertake adequate measures if necessary; * Ensure that each person in Somaliland has access to the any Telephone Directory established and maintained by telecom operator, on reasonable commercial basis;
* Co-operate with Council of Ministers and entities ministries responsible for telecommunication;
* Represent of the interests of Somaliland in different international organisations and bodies in telecommunication field.
By Mr Farah (Jiin) M X CAbdi, Signalling & Telecoms Eng.
Source:http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 01 2005
UCID an honest political party
I heard Mr. Fisal Ali Waraabe's speech a year ago and was amazed with his ingenious vision for our country's direction. He was very articulate and to the point. And as I was listening to his speech I thought to myself that this man is a great leader and a definite candidate for the presidency of our country. Unlike Siilaanyo whose main goal is to sit on the throne by any means necessary including his divisive and clan oriented campaign against our country, Mr. Waraabe cares for this country. His everyday actions and advice attest to this point and the people of Somali land need to commend him for that.
Somali land is a young country that is trying to show the World it's democratic politics. We need to sell ourselves, so we can be extended an international recognition. But we have many enemies inside and outside who want us to fall, and are trying their hardest to see it happen. And when we create unnecessary controversies and confrontations like the Samsam or Buur Madow case or this ill-conceived nomination we play into our enemies' hands.
Therefore, we need to be aware and support conscious political parties like UCID, which will forfeit their rights for the good of all. Remember UCID party has every right to nominate whomever they want regardless of the consequences. But, they chose to avoid the political rustling that could divide and break this great country.
I do not agree with UCID party, because of their nomination of a candidate from Awdal, but I agree with them, because they chose an unstained candidate who does not have any skeletons in the closet like Mr. Hashi has.
Congratulations again to our leaders who chose to lead the right way.
Hussein D Obsiye, hdobsiye@yahoo.com
Source:http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 01 2005/by Europe Intelligence Wire.
Help us to rebuild Somaliland, says election hopeful
The man hoping to be the next president of the self-styled Republic of Somaliland, has told people from the region in Bristol that their country needs them.
Faisal Ali Waraabe, chairman of the opposition party UCID, was in the city to bring supporters up to date with the political situation in the breakaway Republic of Somaliland, which in 1991 declared itself independent from the east African country of Somalia.
Mr Waraabe said that there was excellent support for his party from the 150 people in Bristol who attended St Paul's Academy to hear him speak.
Decades of strife in the region led to thousands of people leaving Somaliland and neighbouring Somalia.
But Mr Waraabe said there was a feeling of optimism in Somaliland that the peace and stability which has been established there since the late 1990s will remain.
Before it was merged with a former Italian colony to form Somalia, Somaliland was a British colony and the majority of asylum seekers from the region now in Bristol are from Somaliland.
Mr Waraabe said he hoped that people would feel safe enough to go back.
He said: "We are very optimistic about the future of Somaliland.
"The most important thing to people in my country is peace and stability.
"I believe we can now sustain that, because there has been a positive move towards embracing democracy.
"I know there are a lot of people who left Somaliland because of the violence, many are in Bristol.
"We have got very good support from our members here, and in the rest of Britain.
"I would say to them that they can come back to Somaliland and help us to rebuild our country and to make it a modern democratic nation.
"There are a lot of professionals and highly qualified people in Britain and the rest of Europe who are not able to use their skills here but would be able to in Somaliland."
Mr Waraabe said security was a top priority and foreign nationals and those returning home should feel safer.
He also called for more partnerships and links between Bristol and cities in Somaliland.
He said: "We are hoping to build partnerships between the two countries and with Bristol.
"So far we have had training for our emergency services but we need more expert advice to help us achieve the system and infrastructure we need."
He added: "The future for Somaliland is looking very good and I hope that next year my party will be able to win a majority of seats in the Parliament.
"Two years after that I will be running for President, and now that we have embraced democracy, I believe we can make Somaliland a modern, important African country."
The UK Foreign Office website states that while the peace and stability in Somaliland is "widely acknowledged", Somaliland has not received formal recognition from the international community.
Europe Intelligence Wire
Source:http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 01 2005
Is it currently True that the National Discourse is Becoming One-Sided and Unfair?
These days there is so-much traffic and discussion in this network (Awdalnews) and others. If you closely look at these discussions, one can immediately find out that these discussions are taking a certain pattern, and most of them have one theme in common, they are for the most part very negative and highly critical of president "Rayalle". I am writing this article because; I truly love my original country Somaliland and its people. Surely I want my land of origin to prosper, develop and live in peace.
Criticizing your government or the government of your original country is healthy, as far as it is within the confines of civility, decency and the truth. but it has to be constructive, balanced and also; it should be followed by your own alternative suggestions. More importantly your criticism should be based on facts and figures. In the very highly polarized society we are living today, articles like that will appear to have the smell of clannism, tribalism and sectarianism. We all remember, that it is some of these" Ism's" that have torn our society apart in the just recent past.Though some of these articles seem a little balanced, but a good number of them are angry, unbalanced, trivial and keep beating on one tired topic. Clearly some writers are, hiding behind the pretext of democracy and freedom of expression, while having hidden and sinister clannish agendas. I am not following most of the things discussed here, but some of these unfair and distasteful articles posted in this network and others should stop. Continuation of posting such articles that have the blatant undertones of clannism, will automatically trigger unnecessary reactions. All of a sudden "Newton's" third law of motion, which states, "for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction will take over". For example, others on the opposite side of the political spectrum or different clan affiliations if you will, may resort to countering those articles with their own articles, equivalent in tone and substance with the aforesaid. Indeed I assure you there is no shortage of such writers. Therefore, this will be a lose lose proposition which is nothing but an exercise in futility. I hope things may not degenerate into such lows, whereby topics critical to our people will be lost in the unnecessary cross fire. If these kinds of articles are to be clan motivated, as they appear to be, I am advising those writers to change their tactics and write more balanced and substantive articles. Articles should always be for the betterment of our society. They should always be articles that unite people not divide them.
Moreover, I may be wrong, but i didn't see so much negative and one-sided articles during the late Egal era, (may good bless his soul). I have also noticed an incoherent, sporadic, weak and disorganized opposition. Remember, for any country to have a viable democracy and a free society, is conditional on having a savvy, coherent, organized and strong opposition. These days; that is not the case here. It appears some of the supposedly major oppositions leaders are altogether vanished from the political scene, and they are nowhere to be found in this critical juncture the country is passing through.
Observation/Analysis:
I have also recently came across some funny articles, complaining about an article written by Mr. Bashir Sheik Omar Goth, one of those writers was asking; who is Mr. Bashir and why he is he writing his article talking about the new brand of religious zealots, who are prevalent all over the place. Some of these groups have nowadays the habit of introducing a new strand of Islam, and shoving it down the throat of our society. The article has the tone of intolerance and clearly destined to silence and an outspoken voice; who happen to disagree with their narrow view of the world. Did they know the ancient people of the "Adel Empire", the modern people of "Awdal" and Somaliland have been spreading Islam through out the vast lands inhabited by the "cushitic" people, in the horn of of Africa for a thousand years. Did they know Islam is deep rooted and so well established in this part of the world. Did these latter day fanatics know that Islam came to this land before Egypt, Bilaad Al-Shaam and Al-Maghrib Al-Arabi (Libya, Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco) and the ancient Persia. Did they know Mr. Bashir came from the land of the 444 religious scholars. Did they know he is descended from the ancient centers of Islamic studies "Zayla" and "Harar" the "Mu-dun Al-Masajid", where well known religious scholars such as Sheik Ibrahim Al-Zaylici, Sheik Abdirahman Al-Zaylici, Skeik Ali Jowhar, Sheik Aw Gaab, Sheik Hassan Nurieyeh, and many others are buried. Your contribution be it economic or education is always welcome, but according to the afore-mentioned history, this area doesn't need your new and myopic interpretation of Islam.
Mr. Bashir's only crime was just talking about the rich Somali folklore, literature and songs. I would like to tell the writer of that article the following: I know Mr. Bashir and his Jami-At- Al-Azhar educated late father ( may Allah bless his soul in heaven) for nearly thirty years. His father Honorable Sheik Omar Goth was a great religious scholar and community leader who was well respected through out Somaliland, Djibouti and the land of Harar. Mr. Bashir is a religious man, who also happen to be an author, a fearless civil, human rights and a civic leader, poet, playwright, and a courageous visionary who never refrains from the bitter truth. Mr. Bashir is somebody who has a long tract record of standing up for the civil and political rights of his people. Moreover, Mr. Bashir already made a great contribution to our community, if its his valuable council, material support, educational expertise, poetry and writing. He certainly made an indelible mark in his community.
Lastly but not the least, i will like to correct Dr. Hussein Dahir Obsieyeh' an old classmate of mine in the old shiek Abdirahman sheik Ibrahim Al-Barawi's "Al- Madras eh" in Hargeisa. Dr. Hussein; regarding your article, as a society in transition from an old and deep rural tradition to urbanization and development, as a society just barely emerging from an amalgamation of disparate tribes to a nation state, our attachment and ownership of the land is still very important. What you said about "Awdal'' may be a coming reality in all the regions of our original land. But until that time comes, and surely it will, everybody is welcome to visit the great state of "Awdal". But currently "Awdal" is a majority "Gadabursi" state where "Essa" also lives, as the North West region is a majority "Isaak" region where "Gadabursi" also lives; so on and so forth.
Wa-bi-laahi-al-taw-fiq
S. Egeh, soleimoneg@yahoo.com
Source:http://www.qarannews.com/ Jan 01 2005
Pro-Puntland Lascanooders the latest vctimes of Abdillahi Yusif opportunism
Now that Puntland presidential election is winding down, Abdillah Yusuf pulled out another Machiavellian maneuvers and told those Pro-Puntland Lascanooders who fought alongside him that they have no business leading the autonomous state.
In the meantime. affecting a clanism and fake love for the Harti people - (by the way a useful concept for Mgabthi Conference) that was neither characteristic of his brutal war for the presidential mansion nor his ransom presidency for six years in Puntland, Abdillahi Yusuf decided to drive a wage between Pro Somaliland and Pro Puntland Lascaanooders.
Furthermore, now that that he is at the helm of the Donor-driven, Aid-addicted new Somali government, Abdillahi Yusuf cannot just leave Puntland politics alone and stop putting down Pro Puntland Lasconooders. Indeed, the meager military aid given by the Yemeni government never went past Bosaaso and is being used to put a Yusuf puppet in Garowe.
Faysal Diriye, Ottawa, Canada, marco.zynetta@caramail.com
Source: United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) 31 Dec 2004
UNICEF Somalia Review Nov - Dec 2004
On 26 December 2004, the Tsunami that devastated South East Asia also struck the Somali coastline. Northeast Somalia ('Puntland') was the worst affected area particularly between Hafun (Bari region) and Garacad (Mudug region), a stretch of around 650 km.
The damage also extended to the Lower Jubba area. The effects of the Tsunami included the loss of life, destruction of shelters, houses and water sources and loss of productive assets. For Somalia already suffering from four years of consecutive drought and periodic floods in addition to chronic insecurity, this compounded an already precarious situation.
The livelihoods of many people residing in small villages along the Somali coastline, particularly in the northeastern regions, were devastated. Reports suggest that between 100 and 300 lives were lost. UNICEF has been targeting some 8000 of those affected in its relief work. A large number of fishing boats and equipment was also lost. The fact that at that time of the year coincided with the peak of the fishing season increased the number of those affected. Within days UNICEF and other UN agencies including WFP, WHO and MSF-Holland, mobilized immediate assistance, including food, non-food items, and medical assistance, water and shelter materials. As part of the global appeal sent out by the UN to assist those affected, the UN in Somalia sought just over $10m to provide assistance.
Due to the limited logistical capacity of the Somali authorities, the UN facilitated an interagency aerial assessment on December 30 2004 to explore the magnitude of damage, flying over the three worst affected areas, Hafun, Bander Beyla and Garacad.
UNICEF-supported activities initiated in the aftermath of the tsunami included: Rehabilitation of damaged wells; construction of new water sources; vaccination of children against measles; the provision of Vitamin A to prevent disease outbreaks and boost children's immune systems and supporting resumption of schooling to ensure children gain a sense of normality as quickly as possible.
UNICEF has supplied blankets, jerry cans, plastic sheeting, cooking sets, mosquito netting and soap to the most vulnerable victims of the tsunami. In addition, it has through partners supported chlorination of drinking water and digging of latrines.
Political developments
Initial political uncertainty eased after the new Somali cabinet endorsed the appointment of Mr Ali Mohamed Gedi as Prime Minister of the Transitional Federal Government. Mr Gedi whose appointment had been rejected was reappointed by Somali President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and proceeded to consult various clans with a view to having an acceptable cabinet.
The President of Northeast Somalia (also known as Puntland, a semiautonomous region within Somalia) Mohamed Abdi Hashi and traditional leaders discussed the legal term for the Puntland Parliament and set the Presidential elections for January 2005. War crimes suit: The former Vice-President of Somalia during the military regime of Siad Barre, now a resident of Virginia, United States, was sued on Thursday November 11 for war crimes and other human rights abuses committed in the 1980s. A similar law suit was filed by survivors and relatives of tortured people against a former Somali Army commander who allegedly carried out and supervised killings, torture and beatings. The officer is a colonel was deported from Canada in the 1990s as a result of a law suit by Somalilanders living in Canada.
Security developments
Killings: In Bossaso two brothers were shot dead at their HF radio communication facility. The killer is yet to be arrested. In Mogadishu masked men shot and killed Mohamed Hassan Takow an aide to Mohamed Dhere leader of the administration that controls Middle Shabelle region. Mr Takow was shot as he walked out of a mosque near his home in an apparent assassination. On the same day that Mr Takow was shot, a former military general, Mohamed Abdi Mohamed died in Nairobi from injuries sustained in a similar attack in Mogadishu.
Intermittent clashes between rival militia and banditry led to loss of life in various locations in Central/Southern Somalia. In one of the banditry incidents a 19-year-old girl was raped by militia on the tarmac road between Baidoa and Daynuunay.
An attempt to re-open the main Mogadishu sea port was made in December by a group of businessmen. However a vessel which docked in on 20 December was forced away by gunfire from some renegade militia.
Health programme update
Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI): Immunization drives were carried out in Somaliland and Central/Southern Somalia. The drives focused on vaccination of children against diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus and polio. Women of childbearing age were also immunized against tetanus.
Training: UNICEF in collaboration with the Somaliland administration trained 10 midwives from Sahil, Sanaag and Awdal regions in life saving skills. Another 235 staff of health centres were trained in the treatment and prevention of vitamin A and iron-folic acid deficiencies. Members of 15 regional health teams were trained in nutrition and its role in the reduction of childhood deaths and illnesses.
A total of 192 community health workers from Somaliland and Puntland were trained in basic community health issues. Sixty chairpersons of village health committees were trained in management of health services.
Nutrition programme update
Breastfeeding: UNICEF in collaboration with the Somaliland Red Crescent Society trained 60 members of youth and women's groups in breastfeeding. In Bossaso, Puntland, UNICEF and WFP distributed one-month's supplementary food rations to families with malnourished children. In Central Somalia, UNICEF distributed supplementary feeding supplies to MSF-Belgium and International Medical Corps.
Water and Environmental Sanitation update
Projects: Construction and rehabilitation of water projects was undertaken for Aroori, Loyado, Shalcow, Kalabaydh and Abaarso in Somaliland, Gardo, Goldogob and Rako in Puntland and Addow Oul, Isgoys, El Burale, El Cher, Harradhere, Doonka and Bulalow in Central/Southern Somalia..
Sanitation: Wheelbarrows, rakes and shovels were donated to schools in Burao and Borama in Somaliland. In Puntland, construction of sanitation facilities for Bandar Beyla, Galkayo and Gardo primary schools was completed. In Central/Southern Somalia, UNICEF trained 120 members of women's groups in Rabdhure, Elgarass and Tiyeglow in Bakool in soap production, hygiene and sanitation.
Twenty-five people in Gololey, El Muluq and Bur Dacar villages, Middle Shabelle were trained in hygiene. In Mogadishu members representing various communities including IDPs were trained in chlorination and hygienic water use. Another 52 people were trained in hygiene and sanitation in Jowhar.
Education update
Policy development: UNICEF gave input at a workshop to draw up a national education strategy for Somaliland. In Puntland, UNICEF organized two workshops to disseminate the new education policy to head teachers and education sector officials from the local administration and NGOs.
In Central/Southern Somalia, UNICEF staff assessed levels of attendance/ enrolment of girls and teaching methodology in 16 schools in Middle Shabelle, Bay and Bakool regions. In some of the schools girl attendance was higher than that of boys though enrolment was lower.
Visiting missions
Mr Jan Egeland the UN under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs visited Somaliland on December 4. Mr Egeland appealed to the international community to show solidarity with the Somali people. Dennis McNamara, Special Adviser to the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator/Director Inter-Agency Internal Displacement Division also visited Somalia to ascertain the status of internally displaced persons (IDPs) there.
Relief supplies
UNICEF distributed supplies for about 2400 people in Lasqoray and coastal areas of Sanaag region affected by drought. Supplies included high protein biscuits and chlorine for treatment of drinking water.
HIV/AIDS prevention and control update
World AIDS Day: The Day was marked in major urban centres in Somaliland, Puntland and Central/Southern Somalia. Activities that were used to enhance awareness of HIV/AIDS during the day included discussions/debates, football matches, processions, radio and TV programmes. The Day was marked around the global theme of "HIV/AIDS and Women and girls'' and a local theme that emphasized the importance of voluntary counseling and testing for the prevention of HIV. UNICEF distributed 60 rapid testing kits during the occasion. In Mogadishu a voluntary counseling and testing demonstration was held at the Hayat Hospital and some 19 people were voluntarily tested.
In Somaliland, ''Circus Hargeisa'' staged performances that highlighted control and prevention measures for HIV/AIDS. Participation of community leaders in the events organized in all locations was high. UNICEF is the lead UN agency in HIV/AIDS interventions in Somalia.
''Youth week'' was marked alongside World AIDS Day to help highlight HIV/AIDS issues among young people. Participants included school children, youth groups, women's groups, religious groups, local NGOs, HIV/AIDS technical committees, ministries and local elders. Information materials on HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases were distributed during Day.
Training: As part of peer education, life skills training was conducted in Hargeisa, for educators from Central/Southern Somalia
Child Protection update
Gender issues: Seventy-six people from Somaliland, Puntland and Central/Southern Somalia participated in workshops on gender-based violence. Among issues discussed were rape and female genital mutilation. Participants were drawn from international NGOs, women's, youth and human rights organizations and child protection and youth networks. In December UNICEF observers attended the trial of 11 boys accused of sexually molesting a girl in Hargeisa. The observers' aim was to ascertain that international standards of juvenile justice were upheld by the court.
Court case: On December 15, a 16-year-old girl Zam Zam Ahmed Dualeh was sentenced to five years in prison for alleged espionage. In response, the UNICEF Somalia Representative Jesper Morch appealed to Somaliland President Dahir Rayale Kahin to pardon Zam Zam. Earlier in November, four defence lawyers representing Zam Zam were released after having been sentenced to three years in prison.
Special events: Somali children's Day was commemorated on 24 December in Mogadishu, Merka, Baidoa, and Belet Weyne towns in Central/Southern Somalia. It was marked on 24 December. Activities undertaken include peace rallies by children, sports tournaments, radio debates, and drama shows. The Day commemorates a day in December 2002 when at least 10 children were killed in an attack on a bus in Mogadishu.
World Day for the Disabled was marked in Somaliland on 4 December. Speaking during the occasion, Somaliland Vice President Ahmed Yusuf Yasin announced that the administration had waived duty for all aid meant for the disabled passing the port of Berbera.
Child soldiers: The Elman project continued in Mogadishu, Merka and Kismayo. The project is currently carrying out rehabilitation and reintegration of 180 former child soldiers
Communication for Development update
Youth broadcasting: As part of UNICEF support to the Youth Radio Broadcasting initiative in Puntland, UNICEF assisted three youth groups in producing radio programmes. In Central/Southern Somalia UNICEF supported the training of youth group members in the use of digital cameras and voice recorders.
Staying Alive Competition: UNICEF provided technical assistance to two youth groups that entered the One World/Staying Alive World AIDS Day 2004 Competition. The groups produced public-service announcement on the theme: "Women, girls and HIV/AIDS". The competition was part of a global initiative organized by one-world TV.
Health awareness: Six radio and television stations in Central/Southern Somalia facilitated debates on safe use of drinking water, hygiene education and environmental sanitation for prevention and control of cholera.
Youth update
Support: UNICEF distributed sports supplies to the Puntland Ministry of Youth and Supports on the occasion of World AIDS Day. The supplies included uniforms, footballs, whistles, shoes, trophies and stopwatches which were used in sports activities that coincided with the Day.
Training initiatives in peace-building and conflict resolution were carried out during the reporting period in Belet Weyne and Merka in Central/Southern Somalia.
If you have questions about the UNICEF Somalia Monthly Review please contact: Denise Shepherd-Johnson, Communication Officer. E-mail: dshepherdjohnson@unicef.org OR Robert Kihara, Assistant Communication Officer. E-mail: rkihara@unicef.org Tel: 254-2-623958/ 623950/ 623862/ 623959/ 350410 Fax: 254-2-520640/ 623965
BBC Monitoring International Reports, December 31, 2004/Source: Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 0500 gmt 31 Dec 04) BBC Monitoring
SOMALIA: FORCES DEPLOYED IN DISPUTED REGION BETWEEN PUNTLAND, SOMALILAND
(Reporter) Residents of Laas-Canood town in Sool Region fear there may be more fighting between Somaliland and Puntland at the disputed area of Ari Adeye. Last night many forces loyal to Puntland, armed with battlewagons, were seen moving from Laas-Canood to Ari Adeye village.
People say that the movement of Puntland forces is in likely preparation of fighting against Somaliland. HornAfrik has tried to contact the Puntland military commander in vain.
Others believe that the deployment of these forces at Ari Adeye was caused by unconfirmed reports that Puntland forces at Ari Adeye had threatened to withdraw from the area if they were not paid their outstanding eight month salaries.
Also there are some other people in Puntland who think that the deployment was caused by political disputes related to elections in Puntland.
BBC Worldwide Monitoring, December 27, 2004/SOURCE: Radio Shabeelle, Mogadishu in Somali 0500 gmt 27 Dec 04
Somaliland president pardons jailed teenage girl
Zamzam was jailed by Somaliland authorities after being accused of spying activities in Hargeysa the capital of Somaliland. The issue of Zamzam has hit headlines around the world in recent days and the international human rights agencies have condemned her arrest. The issue has undermined respect for the Somaliland authority.
The Indian Ocean Newsletter, December 25, 2004, POLITICS & POWER; N. 1116/www.africaintelligence.com
Forthcoming elections in Puntland
Puntland, an autonomous region in the North East of Somalia, is to hold its second parliamentary elections around 15 January. They will also designate delegates to the electoral college which will elect the president and vice president. Mohamed Abdi Hashi, the current President of Puntland, seems to be well placed to keep his seat since he has the support of the traditional leaders and heads of the administration's political and military institutions. He also has contacts with the governments of the countries in the region. Hashi has been Vice President of Puntland since the 1998 elections and took over the presidency from Abdullahi Yussuf when the latter left the function several months ago to run for President of Somalia. Originating from the Sool region, a zone that is in conflict with the authorities of the neighbouring Somaliland (a state in the North West of Somalia that declared itself independent), Hashi has on several occasions stated his disagreement with President Yussuf, even in public.Hashi's main rival for the presidency of Puntland should be general Adde Muse, leader of the opposition. This former ally of Jama Ali Jama, Abdullahi Yussuf's rival, made up with Yussuf in May 2003. Other candidates have hit the scene in the last few weeks, such as the former Finance Minister Abdirahman M. Farole, particularly influential in his native town of Garowe, capital of Puntland; the businessman Abshir Muse, popular in the Bari region and close to Abdullahi Yussuf, who is running a methodical election campaign with a press conference in the cities he visits; and one woman, Asha Ghelle. An MP for Mudug and one of the five women in Parliament, Asha Ghelle is highly appreciated among local associations; she chairs Wawa, an organisation defending women in Puntland. She also founded the NGO Somali Women Concern (SWC) based in Galkayo. The latest candidate to join in the fray is Hassan Farah Jama, a native of the Sool border region, is a veteran of the armed forces of Somaliland.
Source: http://www.jamhuuriya.info/ The Republican section/ Dec 25 2004/State department news
Greater U.S. Public Diplomacy Effort Urged Horn
"It is well known that the way Muslims view the U.S. has become significantly more negative in recent years," he explained. "Much of this is due to differences with American policy in the Middle East. Only more effective policy will significantly improve the situation. But there are some things that can be done even if the policy is unpopular."
Speaking to faculty and students at the American University of Beirut December 20 on "Islam and Conflict in the Horn of Africa," Shinn said it is vital to reorient U.S. approaches to the region, including greater public diplomacy (people-to-people) efforts and radio broadcasts in more languages that will reach a wider audience.
Although "good public diplomacy can seldom convince persons opposed to certain policies to accept them," Shinn pointed out, "it can, if done effectively, make clear to detractors why the U.S. is following those policies," thereby lessening tensions and undercutting terrorist networks like al-Qaida that exploit them.
In a speech made available to the Washington File, the George Washington University professor of political science reviewed the history of Islam in the Horn region, noting, "There are many causes for the numerous conflicts that have occurred in the region over the past 50 years."
Tension between "Muslim and non-Muslim peoples and disagreements among Islamic groups are only one of the explanations for the struggles that confront these countries," he said.
As a backdrop to religious militancy in the Horn, Shinn said, "an Islamic revival has been under way in the region for at least two centuries, [and] contemporary Islamic militancy is just a continuation of this trend." The danger is that the two external schools of fundamentalist thought that have had a particular impact on the Horn -- Egyptian-inspired jihadism and "puritanical and reformist" Wahhabism from Saudi Arabia -- could become more militant and even violent under the influence of terror networks like al-Qaida.
To respond to this dynamic, the United States needs personnel who are thoroughly familiar with the region, Shinn said, "who not only understand the culture, history and, ideally, one of the key languages of the area, but have a good understanding of Islam and what it means to the region. [But] my experience in the Horn suggests that the U.S. rarely achieves this goal."
Therefore, "it is high time to devote more resources to training. Grass-roots public diplomacy using personnel who know the issues, region and perhaps the local language will be more effective in making [America's] case. This again puts a premium on more language and area training for public diplomacy personnel."
While expanding language training in Arabic and Amharic, Shinn suggested, the State Department should "consider offering training in Oromo and Somali, once the United States reopens a mission [embassy] in Somalia. The Oromo, about 55 percent of whom are Muslim, constitute the largest ethnic group in the Horn of Africa."
The scholar also said he believed the United States "could improve its interaction with communities and governments in the Horn of Africa, especially Muslim communities, by channeling more broadcasting resources into the region."
With Arabic the principal language in Sudan and spoken widely along the Red Sea and Indian Ocean coasts, Shinn said, "it is inexplicable" that the U.S. government's principal overseas radio broadcaster, the Voice of America (VOA), no longer broadcasts in the language. Instead, VOA's Arabic language service has been supplanted by "Radio Sawa," a VOA commercial enterprise that "focuses on the Middle East and reportedly does not even reach the Horn of Africa," he explained.
Given the interests of the United States in dealing with terrorism in the region, Shinn said, "it is equally inexplicable that the Voice of America has not yet established a service in Somali, a language spoken throughout Somalia/Somaliland and parts of Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti."
Although VOA offers limited programming in Amharic, Oromo and Tigrinya, Shinn said, the services should be expanded, and he commented, "As the world's only superpower, one would think that the U.S. could [also] afford to broadcast in a language like Afar that has listeners in Ethiopia, Djibouti and Eritrea."
The American University in Beirut (AUB), where Shinn was speaking, was founded in 1866 and chartered in New York State as a private, nonsectarian institution for the Middle East. Its 6,900 students pursue a rigorous English-language curriculum in the American liberal arts tradition on a picturesque campus overlooking the Mediterranean Sea. Its medical school is renowned worldwide.
Since 1995 the U.S. government has assisted AUB with grants to its science and agricultural research departments. In 2001, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) provided approximately $6.5 million for such programs as well as funding for environmental activities. In 2004, U.S. Ambassador Vincent Battle and USAID Mission Director Raouf Youseff presented AUB with scholarship grants totaling $1,200,000.
President Rayale opposes Mohamed Hashi's appointment again
The President in an official letter made public, criticized the two opposition Parties - KULMIYE and UCID - for failing to give consideration to the reasons mentioned, in his letter on December 15/2004.
Mr. Rayale in his letter stated that he opposes the appointee stating that he is not neutral, not from Awdal region - to which the deceased belonged, and that he is above the age mentioned in Article 12, par. 2 of the law.
The president in his letter wrote, "In your letter you have mentioned the articles that empowers you to appoint, but you have not given consideration to the reasons I opposed your appointee. I hope that you will consider the reason of my opposition, which I mentioned in my previous letter."
A 15 Minute exchange of fire in Erigabo
According to Mohamed Abdalle, our regional correspondent 2 of the armed men were arrested with their weapons and taken to Erigabo prison.
Our correspondent, in his dispatch stated that the gunfire began at the residence of the manager of a newly established Golis Telephone Corporation (GTC) where the illegally cut timber was landed on the night before.
"The leader of the armed group was arrested but the truck that brought the timber poles escaped", Mohamed Osman Hassan, Rural Ministry Coordinator said.
GTC manager, Mr. Abdillahi Ahmed Damur, told our reporter saying, "We are not involved in cutting timber or deforestation in the region. We bring the poles we use from abroad. Some are iron poles and others are wood."
Erigabo Police Commander, Mohamed Ahmed Abdillahi told our reporter that the 2 sides exchanged fire at Karin - a village on Erigabo-Maydh road and that the police and forestry rangers were in pursuit of the gang, when they took refugee in GTC manager residence.
Foundation land for non community based village
Mr. Said Sulub Ahmed in his speech said, "I am happy to lay the foundation stone of this village, which will bring to an end community based villages, which was the pattern followed since the colonial days. The government will on its part facilitate needs to realize the program."
Mr. Abdulaziz Samale of KULMIYE said, "The village will be a development Somaliland will be proud of. It is encouraging to see those in the Diaspora partaking in the development of their country and thanked Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Irro) role in building HIMILO village."
Mr. Ahmed Hashi, an official from the governing party, UDUB, who also spoke during the ceremony said, "Those in the Diaspora are the backbone of the economy of the country as well as its brain. They have filled the economic problem created by the livestock ban, which was based on politics."
Mr. Ali Hagi from the opposition UCID party described the village as a development of a new kind, which has to be extended to the other main cities.
The Mayor of Hargeisa, Mr. Hussein Mohamed Jeer said, "I am very happy that such a village began in this country. This is development introduced by Somalilanders in the Diaspora."
Eng. Ahmed Jama Farah, chairman of Irman Real State, who gave the contract to Al-Khair Construction Company, stated that the new village would have all infrastructures required such as schools, health centers and others.
Mr. Jama Gabush, Director of Planning of Irman said, "200 families from different parts of the world, belonging to all Somaliland communities in the 6 regions, will live in the village."
Las Gel a Unique archeological discovery
The head of the team described the coloured pictures discovered as unique and whose importance is international. He said, "The pictures on the walls in Las Gel are more advanced and different from those in Ethiopia and Djibouti. The pictures on the walls are cows of different characteristics and colours without hunchbacks, with big tits - an indicator that they lived on milk and did not slaughter cows.
The pictures of men are below the cows. The men looked as if they were wearing shirts and trousers. Looking at the position of the pictures of the men, it shows that the people used to worship cows. There are also pictures of dogs at Las Gel.
The head of the French team added that cows with hunches were first seen in the region about 2,000 years ago, and that the cows are indicator that the pictures are pre-historic. The pictures are painted in white, black, green and cream. The cows look to be domestic. The tools used are made of stones and this shows that the pictures are from the Neolithic period.
He added saying, "Digging the cave at Las Gel we found the tools made of stone that they used. This shows that they lived in the caves. Searching the area near the caves, we found graves. We opened one of them, which had 2 wall fences. We found tools but not a body. We also found jars made of mud. The grave was 10 meter long. Laboratory test will give more light about the people.
Speaking about the colours used he said, "All the colours of the 150 pictures discovered in Las Gel so far, were painted with non-organic materials."
Peace process in Somalia "going downhill"
The Brussels-based think-tank International Crisis Group (IGC) in a report released this week warns that the Somali peace process is still "very fragile." The new transitional authorities have made "no real attempt to effect reconciliation inside Somalia, and there has been little progress towards resolving the many issues that have divided Somalis for years," ICG says.
Somalia, in practical terms, is still controlled by a patchwork of factions, land remains occupied, and violations of the ceasefire and UN arms embargo are rife. "The transitional federal government has to tackle these issues, while earning the legitimacy to do so effectively", says Matt Bryden of the ICG.
If it does not, then the peace process will stall, and Somalia's stubborn leaders will likely return to all-out violence," adds Mr Bryden. According to the ICG analysis, however, the Somali peace process "has gone largely downhill" ever since the October establishment of transitional authorities for Somalia in Kenya.
The 15 December deadline for the transitional authorities' return to Somalia, set by the member states of the regional Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), expired with Somali leader still in Nairobi, citing insecurity in their homeland. Another crisis is produced by Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf Ahmed, "an archetypal warlord" elected interim president by the Somali leaders.
President Yusuf sidestepped the transitional charter to appoint his candidate as Prime Minister, who then put together a very large cabinet heavily weighted with Mr Yusuf's allies and tarnished by allegations of Ethiopian interference. Several appointees immediately resigned, and the remainder were voted out by parliament in a session that degenerated into fisticuffs, forcing dissolution of the entire cabinet.
The ICG criticises President Yusuf and his partners of imposing their own agenda on the transition and asking for a large international military force to return them to Somalia. Rather than that, the new leadership "need to form an inclusive, broad-based transitional government of national unity," the Brussels group advices.
- The longer the political process remains gridlocked, the less hesitation dissatisfied groups will have about withdrawing from the process and becoming armed opposition, warns Suliman Baldo, of the Crisis Group. Sign of this are already clear, with recent fighting in central Somalia causing around 100 deaths.
The international community was urged to put more pressure on President Yusuf and make clear that only if a national unity government is established, will the transitional authorities "get recognition and desperately needed support." President Yusuf was urged to establish "a new, smaller and cost-effective cabinet that is a genuine government of national unity."
By staff writer
c afrol News
Is Somaliland Government planning to postpone Parliamentarian Elections?
In conjunction with the government's failure to investigate and prosecute recent foreign killings have left their mark. Also the unjustified and uncalculated war between Somaliland and Puntland has caused a widespread climate of fear, stifled dissent, and intimidation among Somaliland voters.
Media regulations issued for the election campaign period has not rectified opposition political parties' lack of equal access to the broadcast media.
International and local observer groups have to make much of a presence in monitoring the electoral process.
Under the circumstances, there is no way elections scheduled for March, 2005 can be free and fair, and no chance that a deeply flawed and delayed electoral process will help Somaliland either establish democracy or bring an end to disruptive Riyales' government activity by a disgruntled opposition. We therefore believe that the elections should be held as specified and not postponed. We caution, however, that holding the elections in a timely fashion alone will achieve little unless the Somali Land Citizens and the international community speaks with one voice in setting forth the conditions that must be met to guarantee a fair election and backs that up with significant economic and diplomatic pressure. If the momentum toward meeting the March date can be halted, we believe the International Community -- many of whom were instrumental in the peace process of Somalia-organized elections -- have a particular responsibility to try and ensure the safety of the voters and reduce the likelihood that the voting will be manipulated, without at the same time lending legitimacy to the process by providing "technical assistance" to the Somaliland government.
The most important step the International Community could take at this stage is to ensure that as many qualified observers and monitors arrive in the country as soon as possible, to act as a deterrent to political violence and intimidation of voters and candidates in the months that remain, to monitor the actual polling and vote-counting and protect the secrecy of the ballot.
In addition, if elections go forward, the donors should also insist on a minimum set of conditions that are entirely within the Somaliland government's power to meet, even at this late date. The government should be asked to:
- Make public statements to underscore the secrecy of the ballot, explicitly stating that voters should vote their consciences and are in no way beholden to any pre-poll pledges that may have made to vote for any party. Such statements are likely to ring hollow, however, unless a massive international monitoring presence is in place.
- Publicly acknowledge that the U.N.'s coordination of international observers, as well as the presence of significant numbers of electoral observers, should extend beyond the vote count to monitor the post-election transition.
- Impose sanctions from the election law on parties that coerce or pressure villagers to join or pledge to vote for them, although how free villagers will feel to raise complaints about coercion in the current climate is a real question.
- Postpone the launching of the Constitutional Council until after the elections. Given that it is too late for functioning Constitutional Council to be established to resolve election disputes that have already taken place, or to settle questions about the legitimacy of the council itself, Constitutional Council should not be rushed into place at this late date or attempt to play a role in verifying the final election results.
Meeting the above conditions will not necessarily guarantee a fair election, but it might reduce the possibility of abuse and intimidation. It will then be the responsibility of the International Community to begin work immediately on a program that will at least try to ensure that Somaliland moves in a direction that will make future elections fairer.
Dr. Shacabi, California, USA, Mohmedon@aol.com
Ethiopian Higher Diplomat To Britain Criticizes BBC Journalist
Ethiopia's ambassador to Britain says a British Broadcasting Corp. documentary about his country is misleading and has damaged tourism, a newspaper reported Sunday.Ambassador Fisseha Adugna said the film, broadcast in January, gave the impression nothing had changed in Ethiopia since it suffered a devastating famine 20 years ago and that many Ethiopians were still "starving to death," The Sunday Times reported.
The documentary was made by BBC journalist Michael Buerk, who was among the first to report on the 1984 famine and returned to Ethiopia to mark the 20th anniversary of the tragedy.
"I believe Buerk's film has done more to harm than to help Ethiopia," Adugna was quoted as telling The Sunday Times.
"I am concerned about the damage that is being done to my country at a time when it has done so much to leave the past behind."
The BBC defended Buerk's documentary.
"We spent weeks researching our film and made two trips to Ethiopia," a spokesman for the BBC said. "We visited a wide variety of projects and spoke to numerous people in the country, including the prime minister."
Adugna also said Western tourists had canceled trips to Ethiopia because of distorted images of the country. He told the paper he had complained to the BBC about Buerk's film because it overlooked the progress Ethiopia had made since 1984.
"In fact, despite a recent three-year drought as severe as that of 1984, Ethiopians did not die because early warning systems were there, grain stores had been established and the roads necessary for delivering aid had been built," Adugna said.
No one was immediately available at the Ethiopian Embassy on Sunday to comment on the newspaper report.
Ethiopia has not sat down folding its hands and waiting for international donations
Nevertheless the tourist industry is steadily growing, and the Ethiopian government wants to accelerate its development. But priority number one is tackling poverty. It must feed itself, attract more investment, diversify away from rain-fed agriculture, and reduce dependency on aid to keep moving forward.
It's an awesome long-term task, and no one will even try to paint a rosy picture of the situation.
"We understand that there are challenges that we have to work upon, but there are also many success stories," says Ethiopian ambassador to the UK Fisseha Adugna.
"But it is war, famine or drought, that comes to many people's minds when they think of Ethiopia. They haven't heard about what has happened after Live Aid in the last 20 years, because the media is not interested."
Fisseha Adugna, Ethiopian Ambassador, UK
No Need for a Showdown: for NEC vacant post
We must not forget that our enemies are still beating the drums of war and destructions, are busy reinforcing their positions, are timing us, and waiting to strike us at our worst moment. We should not allow our enemies any opportunity to interfere and meddle in our affairs therefore the present argument over this post must be resolved immediately. There is so much at stake therefore this minor issue or single vacant post should not drag on to divide us even one bit and it must be brought to an end now.
We all know that the government has a valid argument in questioning the neutrality and objectivity of the present candidate for the vacant NEC post -- he was one of them and they know each other more than we do. We also know that the government's concerns are legitimate therefore it should not be overlooked or simply be dismissed as demagoguery or dictatorial. Moreover, we need to acknowledge that the government has the right to safeguard its interests, the right to political maneuvering, the right to legally defeat or outgun its opponents, the right to operate its affairs in the interest of the public, and the right to play its best political game for it to survive in this hazardous political mine fields and power game. At the same time, according to our elections laws; the opposition parties has a valid argument and the right to nominate the present candidate for the vacant NEC post and these facts should not be neither overlooked nor be simply dismissed. So what is the solution?
According to the way I understand the issue, the solution is that we should be mindful of and must act on two important development that happened recently, that is, 1) the November 20, 2004 intervention of Mr. Haji Abikar Sheikh Hussein Mi'aad, chairman of UCID party, Awdal province and Mr. Ahmed Muhumed Ghelle, chairman of KULMIYE party, Awdal province who both weighed in on the matter and advised their respective national parties leaders to consider the vacant NEC post for a candidate from Awdal province to replace the late Mr. Mohamed Sheikh Ibrahim (may God rest his soul in peace), who was himself from Awdal province, and 2) the December 15, 2004 intervention of the president of Somaliland who also weighed in on the matter and indicated the need for neutrality, fairness, and a candidate from Awdal province to fill the vacant NEC post.
Now, we may argue the legality of the whole exercise and argument at hand and question the actions of the above stated officials who weighed in on this matter and even go further to question their intentions, timings, and evaluate the manner in which they intervened; but that is not the real problem here. In fact, the real problem here is our failure to understand basic politics and the activities that are unfolding before our eyes on a daily basis and the kind of the political game that is being played here by both government and opposition parties in order that each may pursue their goals, achieve their objectives, and safeguard their respective interests. That is what is at play here. And this is neither regionalism nor tribalism, but pure politics. We need to understand this in order to stop crying foul every time something happens.
For these reasons, it is in the interest of the opposition parties not to further wrangle over the current NEC post which fell vacant after the death of Mr. Mohamed Sheikh Ibrahim (may God rest his soul in peace) in a manner that may further hurt the feelings of his family, relatives, kin, and friends; and not to disregard the intervention and advice of the president of Somaliland as well as the advice of their two regional chairmen of KULMIYE and UCID parties who all hail from Awdal province. In other words, the Awdal brothers and sisters know what is going on, know what is at stake, and are truly disgusted by all the fuss, wrangling, and haggling over a the single NEC post that fell vacant in an unfortunate and emotional manner.
Whatever the case, the Awdalians are determined and are looking forward to winning back the NEC post robbed by death from their beloved son therefore failure to understand these may adversely cost the opposition parties some precious votes at the polls during the upcoming parliamentary elections. I would therefore sincerely advice these parties not to hurt the feelings of the compatriot Awdalians who may once again lay them the golden egg at the upcoming parliamentary elections. How should we resolve the problem?
Therefore, to resolve the problem, I would like to advice Eng. Mohamed Hashi in a sincere and brotherly manner to do the right thing, to save his fight for another day, and to immediately withdraw his candidacy for the vacant NEC post so as to save face for the president of Somaliland, save face for the national leaders of KULMIYE and UCID parties, and most importantly, to save his own face and reputation. Likewise, I would like to advice both the opposition parties and their leaders to avoid such a miscalculation in the future, not to drag this issue any further, to rectify their mistakes, and to quickly bring the matter to an amicable end. And hope that, this time around, they will do the right thing and will come up with another candidate of their choice that may satisfy all those who has a stake in this matter.
I know some of my colleagues may not like what I am saying here, but I am only trying to be fair to all the concerned parties in a nationalistic and patriotic manner. We know very well that we can not afford a showdown between the government and opposition parties over this simple matter that has the potential to divide us at a critical time and cost us dearly, given the present predicament of the state of affairs of country. That is why this matter has to be brought to end by any means possible.
Victory and Liberty to Somaliland,
Farah Ali Jama, Ottawa, ON Canada.fjama022@uottawa.ca
Source: BBC Worldwide Monitoring, December 25, 2004/ Source: http://www.awdalnews.com/ website/ December 24, 2004
Remarkable Transformation in the Horn of Africa region
I'm not only talking about girls as young as 4 years old and women wearing Taliban designer female jilbab and full-face veils, or men wearing Afghani turbans and Afghani vests, it is a whole new world coming to live. Just so you taste little of what such transformation looks like, let me share with you readers a common practice among the practitioners of this new doctrine. When a couple go shopping in the market, customarily the man goes inside the store while his wife (completely covered with Jilbab with full-face veil) waits outside and does not go with him inside. So; what is wrong with that? Some borderline supporters of this new doctrine would say. OK, nothing is wrong about a woman waiting outside while her husband is conducting business inside, except, she is waiting for him outside facing the wall, yes, facing the wall away from the sins of other pedestrians until her husband comes out and then she starts following him. Case close!
Following is the verses in the holy Quran that pertain to Muslim women's dress code:
"O Prophet! Tell thy wives and daughters, and the believing women, that they should cast their outer garments over their persons...that they should be known and not molested." [Quran Karim, Chapter 33, verse 59]
"And say to the believing (Muslim) women that they should lower their gaze and guard their modesty; that they should not display their beauty and adornments except what (must ordinarily) appear thereof; that they should draw their veils over their bosoms and not display their beauty except to their husbands, their fathers...(a list of exceptions)" [Quran Karim, Chapter 24, verses 30-31] .
Islam blessed the people of the area and dominated the horn of Africa region since the 7th century and was never challenged and never objected to by naturally faithful people of the region. Even during colonial era, the people in the region never felt that their religion was under attack. Since the independence and during multi party elections, religion was never politicized. And although not politicized thus far, yet, this rapid transformation is mystifying and the way I see it, it is just a matter of time. While the level of illiteracy is incredibly high, yes, people need to learn about their religion and be sanctified by its deeds. Yes, people need the benefits of being enlightened through the wisdom of the "Quran Karim" so that such knowledge may help ease their anguish and guide them out of ignorance. But, what happens when organized groups hijack the sanctity of our noble religion for their own well-planned political and economical interests?
Somalis are naturally people who are quick to point out groups with a cynical agenda but these clever people found a good cover; a cover not so easy to probe into. A cover that makes any one that dares question their motives be censured for being with the infidel or being brainwashed by the West. And the cover they use is our Islamic belief. It is an assurance that those who do not share their religious viewpoint are not really "true Muslims" It is a tactic they mastered to put down even sincere critics and simply get away with it. You just have to let it go. is the attitude of the common man. They simply call them (Gadh dheerayaashii) or Al-Itihad. In practice, they emphasize those portions of our holy Quran Karim that suit their needs and trim their actions accordingly.
Quick Glance at Fundamentalisms:
Fundamentalisms and fanaticism is not only associated with hard-line Islamists. Christianity, Judaism and Hinduism have had their share of this phenomenon. The views they all share are all too familiar. They would all be at war with both modern science and personal liberty. For example, take a look at the five "fundamentals" of Christian belief:
1. A strong emphasis on the inerrancy of the Bible;
2. The divinity of Jesus
3. The belief that Jesus died to redeem humankind
4. An expectation of the Second Coming, or physical return, of Jesus Christ to initiate his thousand-year rule of the Earth, which came to be known as the Millennium.
5. They also believe in "six-day" Creationism, the doctrine that the universe was created only a few thousand years ago, rather than the billions claimed by modern science through archaeology and semiconductors, also included is the belief that only King James Version Bible of 1611 is the only correct text.
And Jewish Fundamentalists that produced the likes of "Gush Emunim" while share all aspects of the common directives with the rest of their counterparts in Islam, Christianity and Hinduism; yet believe that the spirits, if not the letter, of God's instructions in the Bible to the ancient Israelites, guide them in their actions. They regard themselves as having a special place in God's scheme of things and that they are the Chosen People of God, who singled them out for special instructions and gave them a Promised Land.
It is true that there has been an intense focus on Muslims and Islam in the Western media, most of it characterized by a highly exaggerated stereotyping and belligerent hostility because of these kinds of incredibly growing fanatics and special interest groups who hide behind our holy religion for their political and economical interests and farther advance the interest of their primal masters. It is very sad that the people who truly care about Islamic teachings and goodness in its virtues are ignoring these issues by constantly asserting to their discord with Western foreign policy towards the greater Middle East. However, this transformation has nothing to do with correcting such international political debate and gravely affects our people more then any other society in all aspects of human development.
All Muslims agree on the authenticity and inerrancy of the Quran Karim, they do differ on its interpretation, a task traditionally reserved for learned jurists and theologians for the past 1400 years. Over the course of time, literal or rationalist theory emerged to accommodate changing conditions and the growth of human knowledge has been challenging these theologians. But fortunately, those Muslim theologians were also getting enlightened through the developments of human knowledge and therefore corresponded their interpretations with their comprehension capacity. Look at places like Senegal and Indonesia where Islamic nations flourish without resorting to ancient customs.
But this group is not about all that. They have a different set of agendas. First and foremost of their agendas? Complete transformation of society to medieval Arabia at any cost. No questions asked!! According to their view, any initiative that seems to interrupt them from their journey back to 7th century Arabia is anti-Islam or Western orchestrated conspiracy against Islam. The leadership core is well-funded and well determined group of men who are at the forefront of a secret sociopolitical movement that has a confirmed political and economical agenda. Their best interest is not the well being of the society. They do not participate in any communal activities unless they call the shots. They do not help other institutions unless it is one they fully control and therefore their membership only. This cult follows certain set of rules and instructional discipline that has been programmed into their psych in far away places.
Because of human sinfulness, people of faith must constantly wrestle with themselves and strive to do what is right and good, but when such continued daily effort is disturbed by these extreme agenda followers, with their own interpretation of Islam, the common religious person often get confused and even questions the way they were practicing Islam for centuries. Were we uninformed all these centuries? What is more frightening is that these people hate healthy discussions and debates in civilized manners without calling you and I infidel for such a proposition. It is not an accident that they have flourished in a chaotic state of depressing conditions in regions they have succeeded so far (Afghanistan, The Horn of Africa and parts of Pakistan).
Like all religious traditions, Islamic history includes various schools of thought and legal structures. It is well understood that Islam constitutes an ideology which goes far beyond only praying or enforcing women's behavioral conduct, it provides universal principles for all crucial aspects of social life including education and social development in different parts of the world. This Wahhabi army of gloom and doom did not care to address the evils of society in the region such as wars, diseases, illiteracy and bad customs. As a matter of fact they seem to flourish in such state of horrendous human conditions. With organizational order like the one they have, they could do more then focusing only to brainwash and take our desperate societies back to the dark ages to fulfill their spiritual experiment and in search of their supposedly authentic Islamic society.
This sorority is the first wave trained, programmed and empowered from outside the region and then unleashed into our society with purpose. It is noticeably evident that they are serving that purpose diligently, thanks to Saudi money and Saudi influence. Djibouti is the only area they did not succeed because of the continued existence of order and authority that do not welcome their madness plus a hostile climate that would not accommodate their Taliban designer garments, especially for women.
The question that needs more serious deliberation is "whether "freezing the time capsule to 7-century Arabia" is the only way to practice true Islam" and if the role of women in Islamic society should be centered in the views of centuries ago Arabian men.
If a woman fully covered with a heavy Jilbab in 100 degree heat with full-face veils, facing the wall, and away from the real world (that these strange people consider sinful world) is shocking enough to you, wait what these people have stored for us when they get their chance to reign over our way of live.
Abdirahman Waberi, Washington, DC. Awaberi44@aol.com
Editorial: The Electoral Bill....
During the long journey of the bill in the corridor, floor and in the files of committees assigned, nominated to recommend on its, but without final result, it seems that all tricks and tactics have been exhausted and that there is no space and time to maneuver for any further postponement.
The honourable members have in their hands, the most pressing issue, and the destiny of the nation. A destiny for which the people of this country have lost those who are dear to them, hundreds were maimed, many still live in shock and the majority lost their properties.
The honorable members have in their the destiny and future of the people, who in a little more than a decade, rebuilt their country and are cementing a better future for their children and future generations.
People who are striving hard to get their rightful place among the states of the world. A basic rights which they are entitled to, but which they have been denied so far, due to various reasons.
Members of the House of Representatives have the completion of the democratizations process, which began with the bills passed in this and ended with the 2 elections, held as well as the referendum for the constitution, which was applauded, by most of the international community. A community of which some of its powerful member states are not only expecting to assess, the election of your House, but are ready to provide with technical and financial support.
Honourable members had more suitable time, when the political weather was not so turbulent, when time was not pressing as it is today, when outside forces were more neutral than they are today, when parts of the east was not occupied by alien forces.
Members of the House of Representatives lost many opportunities. That is unfortunate but bye gones are bye gones. The people of this country have been through decades of suffering, torture and mass extermination. They have passed through a period, when they were weaker morally and materially and lived in fear of loosing the only asset they had that is the spirit of being free at last, from the bondage of despotic rule.
The people are fully aware of the 3 options at your disposal. They know about the evil forces that are haunting you from making the right decision and choice.
The people perceive the inner struggle each of you is going through the loyalty, interest and ambition within you. The principles and group alliance you have shared in the past.
The war within you will not give you time for respite, time to think logically to make the right decision, time to analyze the effect your decision and vote will have on the future of the nation.
As you are the bridge that will transfer this nation from community and clan based administration to the democracy of the 21st century keep in mind that a democratically elected executive cannot work in harmony with a community-based legislative; that you can be the elected and nominated candidate from your constituency.
Last but not least, man made laws are fallible and are liable to change and revision. They are imperfect as witnessed in the election of the world's greatest democracy.
There are historical precedents where elections have not been held in the whole country, at the same time, due to different reasons, but were held at convenient period. Be loyal to your country, honest to your self and oath and be guided by the words of President John F. Kennedy in his inaugural speech, "Do not ask your what yourself country can do for you, but ask what you can do for your country" for Somaliland is at stake.
Source: World Food Programme, Date: 23 Dec 2004
WFP Emergency Report No. 52 of 2004
(a) Heavy fighting resumed in Gelinsor between various sub-clans, spreading southwards to Galgaduud and Dusamereb districts in central Somalia, with further reinforcement of battlewagons from Mogadishu. Some 27 people have died, and there is an unknown number of displacements. Fresh fighting with an unknown number of casualties has also erupted in Mogadishu, due to attempts made by some prominent Mogadishu leaders to re-open the port with the arrival of the first vessel in nine years. As the humanitarian access is shrinking due to the insecurity, thousand of Somalia families remained without assistance.
(b) In the south, poor road conditions and insecurity continue to be the major obstacles, resulting in intermittent accessibility or no accessibility at all, in some areas. Meanwhile floods and the after-effects of the recent cyclone and mudslides have slowed down accessibility and movement of humanitarian assistance to the remote locations such as La Qoray and other settlements in East Sanag region in the north.
(c) Various humanitarian crisis indicators in Somalia still remain critical, with malnutrition rates ranging from 19 to 37 percent in Juba valley in the south and in Sool and Sanag regions in the north, while access to health services, sanitation, and drinking water is extremely low. This situation is further exacerbated by four years of consecutive drought that were recently followed by heavy but localized 'deyr' rains that resulted in massive livestock losses among the pastoralists in the north and localized floods in the high potential crop growing regions between the two main rivers of Juba and Shabelle.
(d) Large areas of Juba Valley in south Somalia still remain inaccessible due to the after-effects of mudslides. Most affected districts such as Jammame, Buale and Marreray, where most of the farms were flooded, remain inaccessible. The present crisis in Juba Valley remains a cause of concern and is being closely monitored. WFP has pre-positioned some 825 tons of food for general relief distribution in the port city of Kismayu, while transport to the lower Juba Valley is delayed due to flooding and insecurity.
(e) WFP Somalia has so far distributed about 205 tons of assorted food commodities, reaching 21,500 beneficiaries, targeting recent flood victims and pastoralists affected by the prolonged drought of the past four years.
Djibouti
(a) After solving bureaucracy bottlenecks from the Government, WFP is now starting food distributions to assist drought victims in the districts of the northeast pastoral zone and the southeast border, namely: Tadjoura, Obock, Dikhil and Ali Sabieh.
(b) Presently, a three-month ration totaling 500 tons is being distributed to 2,270 families (11,350 people). Food distributions in Arta district were postponed until 27 December, due to the official visit of the President of Djibouti.
Ethiopia
(a) The 2005 Humanitarian Appeal for Ethiopia was launched by the head of the Disaster Prevention and Preparedness Commission (DPPC) on 23 December. The Appeal is the result of joint efforts by the Government of Ethiopia, UN agencies, (including WFP), international and national NGOs and donors and is based on comprehensive countrywide assessments of food, agriculture, health and nutrition, and water and sanitation conditions.
(b) For the first time, there is a difference in approach in addressing the needs of chronically food-insecure people and acutely food-insecure people. The Humanitarian Appeal requests support for 2.2 million acutely food-insecure people who will need emergency food assistance in Ethiopia in 2005. This is in addition to the Productive Safety Net Programme (PSNP), which commences in January and is expected to eventually reach 5 million chronically food-insecure people in 2005, with cash and food transfers. However, Safety Net transfers for the pastoralist populations in Afar and Somali Regions are scheduled to start later in 2005 and the people assessed to be in need of assistance in these two regions will be covered through emergency food for the first half of 2005. Thus in addition to 765,000 people in Afar and Somali Regions who are part of the 2.2 million total number needing emergency food in 2005, the food requirements of a further 933,100 people in the two regions for the period January-June 2005 are covered by this Appeal. Conditions for these populations, especially northern zones of Afar Region and parts of eastern Somali Region, are of special concern, as rains were not sufficient to regenerate the pasture and water supplies on which these livestock-dependent communities depend.
(c) The total emergency food requirements under the Appeal are 476,000 tons (387,000 tons for general ration distributions and 89,000 tons for targeted supplementary feeding) valued at around USD 212 million (USD 159 million for general rations and USD 53 million for targeted supplementary feeding). Total requirements under the Appeal, including health, nutrition, water, sanitation and agriculture as well as food aid needs, are USD 272 million.
(d) Due to good harvests in the west and central parts of the country, the availability of cereals for local purchase in 2005 is expected to be substantial and will be assessed by the forthcoming "Cereal Availability Study".
(e) The 2005 Humanitarian Appeal has been developed as the Government of Ethiopia embarks on the PSNP, shifting from a system dominated by emergency humanitarian aid to longer-term food security initiatives. While the total number of people targeted for assistance has not drastically changed from that of last year, the number of people that now fall under the Humanitarian Appeal is significantly reduced. Emergency food needs are currently defined as the needs or people affected by acute, unpredictable disasters, which are mainly drought induced.
(f) The main features of the PSNP are multi-annual funding, transition towards cash-based programming, scaled-up public/community works, linkages with broader food-security programmes and harmonized budgeting, monitoring and evaluation. "Direct transfers", as food or cash transfers, will be provided to those households that are unable to participate in community-based activities.
(g) WFP contributes to both the emergency food needs and the safety net programme under the new WFP PRRO 10362.0, Enabling Livelihood Protection and Promotion, for 2005-07.
SOMALIA: Amnesty demands retrial of girl convicted of spying
NAIROBI, 20 December (IRIN) - Amnesty International (AI) has demanded that authorities in Somaliland release or order the retrial of Zamzam Ahmed Dualeh, a 16-year-old girl accused of spying and sentenced to five years in prison in a trial described by the watchdog group as unfair.
"Amnesty International considers that her trial was grossly unfair and produced no evidence to substantiate the serious charge of espionage affecting the security of the state," AI said in a statement issued on Friday. "The judge summarily dismissed her allegations that she had been raped by six police officers and tortured."
Zamzam was sent to jail on 15 December after being convicted of "procuring information regarding the security of the state" and "making a false statement to police about her identity". Her co-defendant, Omar Jama Warsame, a taxi-driver who was arrested and charged with her, was acquitted.
According to AI, the two were arrested on 15 August at the residence of Vice President Yusuf Yasin in Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland.
Zamzam said she arrived at the vice president's home by mistake when she was looking for the residence of a deputy minister she claims to be her relative.
AI said that Zamzam had been left to represent herself at both the start and the end of her trial. Local human rights defenders had arranged for four lawyers to defend her, but after they asked the judge to withdraw from the case as a result of alleged bias, the judge jailed all the lawyers for four years for "insulting the judge".
They were freed by appeal on 11 December, when their sentences were reduced to a one-year imprisonment or a fine, which they paid.
AI said Zamzam had been tried as an adult despite the fact that her identity card specified her age as 16 years, thus a child under the internationally recognised limit of 18 years. The court said she was 17.
Source: http://www.somalilandnet.com/news/wnews/headline/13057.shtml/Dec 20 2004
Somaliland to pardon teenager sentenced for espionage
Talking to the local press for the first time since Zamzam was detained four months ago, Vice-President Yusuf accused human rights organisations and Internet-based Somaliland media for spreading false and inflated stories about the case.
- We want to put an end to this case and don't want to keep Zamzam in jail in anymore, he said, asserting however that Somaliland will pursue those who tried to take advantage of Zamzam's vulnerability and "use her as a tool" to harm him personally. The Somaliland government has a long record of jailing journalists for reporting in a "harmful" way.
The statement by the Vice-President comes after intense pressure from human rights organisations and a wide coverage and criticism by Internet-based media. African Rights and Amnesty International called the trial against Zamzam "unfair" and alleged that 16-year-old Zamzam was being ill-treated and abused.
Vice-President Yusuf, on the other hand, that Zamzam's story was a conspiracy that was related to the terrorist acts that had been carried out in Somaliland. He denied that Zamzam was subjected to any kind of rape, physical abuse or torture of any kind, as the teenager has claimed several times.
- I have personally ordered the police authorities to send the girl for medical examination two times and the doctors have each time confirmed that she has not been subjected to any rape or physical abuse, Mr Yusuf said, adding that international human rights organisations were free to come and ascertain the truth by themselves.
He noted that it was only Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin who had the power to pardon certain prisoners after the court issued its ruling and that he expected Zamzam would be entitled to such presidential pardon.
Mr Yusuf refused to name the people he thought were behind the "conspiracy" against him, but observers assume that he meant the authorities in Puntland from where Zamzam hails. He, however, claimed that Zamzam had admitted that she had been hired by certain groups for carry out espionage. This is denied in reports by human rights groups that have been in contact with Zamzam.
Source: afrol News
Source: http://www.hadhwanaagnews.com/pages/1/index.htm/ Dec 18 2004
MY SINCERE APOLOGY TO THE SOMALILAND CID
According to the above stated article, I regret to have unnecessarily used an inappropriate language and tone in which I unfairly assailed our ever vigilant security forces who did nothing other than carrying out their duties and maintaining law and order as usual in order to keep the peace in our cities and country. Moreover, when eventually the dust and the brouhaha surrounding the alleged rape and torture against Ms. Samsam settled down, it turned out, that these security forces have done nothing wrong and that they had all along been conducting themselves in an honest, professional, and responsible manner in the handling of the alleged victim in person and her case. But the problem in this case occurred when the Police or the CID bungled up in countering or clearing the damaging rumours that have permeated the atmosphere and kept on building up from within and without the country in relation to the fate of the alleged victim.
As a result, the authorities shot themselves in the foot because they failed to nip the issue in the bud as they kept the public in the dark thereby allowing for this malicious rumour to drag on and on. It is this lack of information, transparency, and the silence that existed that fueled a kind of a mystery that shrouded the entire case and allowed for people to jump into unfound conclusions in order to explain what has happened. And this is what later mushroomed into a colossal national and international criticism and condemnation. I think the government got burnt in this case and hope that they will learn something out of their colossal mistakes and failures in the handling of the case and that they will avoid similar ineptness, recklessness, and embarrassments in the future.
On the other hand, I must state that my intentions and involvement in the Samsam's saga was not to simply pick a fight with the Police or the CID or just criticize or condemn them for no reason or to merely oppose the current administration for the sake of tarnishing their reputations and good deeds, but one that genuinely arose from the need to come forward strongly in order to criticize and discourage such a horrendous crime to ever take place in our peaceful country. That is why I called for a swift accountability and some harsh measures including the death penalty against those who may be implicated for committing the would be barbaric atrocities that clearly falls under the categories of Gross Violations of Human Rights, and Crime Against Humanity against Ms. Samsam who was, at the time, widely reported as being an innocent minor or an under aged girl.
As you are aware, we were all disgusted by the alleged crime against a young girl in Hargeisa, the capital of the peaceful and democratic Somaliland. The alleged crime alarmed us all and seemed, at the time, as the first of its kind since no such crime have ever taken place in our country since the restoration of our independence in May 1991. These kinds of crimes were crimes of the past that seized to exist following our independence. In fact, this kind of horrendous crime has never surfaced in our country since the humiliating defeat and expulsion of the fascist regime of Somalia led by Dictator Siad Bare.
For this reason, the recent incident in which Ms. Samsam was alleged to have suffered had tremendously shocked the people and nation of Somaliland for these were the kind of crimes, which the toppled fascist regime committed against our people during the period 1980 to 1990. It was the norm for this fascist regime to commit gross violations of Human Rights, Crimes against Humanity, War Crimes, genocide, and had the culture of targeting young girls, women, mothers, and grandmothers for gang rape, torture, and other forms of physical and psychological humiliation. And that is why others and I were all abhorred and disgusted when we heard of or read about the alleged rape and torture of Ms. Samsam.
Whatever the case, we now know that the whole allegation was a concocted malicious lie, a fabrication, and a callous propaganda exercise that were intended to cover-up for the bungled espionage and terrorist operations against the peaceful and democratic Somaliland. And the floating of these disgusting accusations of rape and torture against the Vice President's Guards and the CID officers occurred immediately after Ms. Samsam who, in this case, was the main espionage and terrorism related agent was caught red handed by the Somaliland authorities.
We also know that the source of this allegation originated from an article by www.puntlandpost.com website. And that the malicious allegation of rape and torture was indeed an act of desperation on the part of the terrorists in order to divert the attention of the public and deflect blame from the source of terrorism and to cover for the terrorists themselves. But now we know that this terrorism operation originated and was mounted from Bosaso city, Puntland, Somalia; where some of the terrorist mastermind and others have been identified to be residing and been named by Ms. Samsam, the agent in custody. Also, this terrible allegation had another value, that is, to unfairly tarnish the reputation and international standing of Somaliland.
Furthermore, we also know that the four different medical sources that the government referred Ms. Samsam Ahmed Duale to, the alleged victim of rape and torture have after conducting thorough medical examination found no trace of rape, torture, and other forms of physical harm that were committed against the alleged victim and have further certified of her overall physical wellbeing. Also, during the early part of this week, Mr. Abdisalaan Mohamed Said, MP; Mr. Abdi Farah Duale, MP; Mr. Abdrashid Sheikh Abdullahi Adan, MP; and Mr. Mohamed Hersi Muslin, MP; all of whom are Members of Parliament of Somaliland (House of the Representatives, and the Guuti (Senate)) and the kin of the alleged victim came forward to publicly refute the allegation of rape and torture against the girl by holding a press conference in which they publicly declared that, "Ms. Samsam has certified to them that the Vice President's Guards and Officers of the Vice President have not caused her any problem or harm." There were also earlier reports in which the mother of the alleged victim was allowed to visit her daughter and examine her. And that the mother also confirmed that her daughter was neither raped nor tortured and confirmed that she is physically sound.
For these reasons and many more, I would like to state here that I have taken back the entire content of my article title, "Who is the Somaliland CID?" which was dated on October 17, 2004. It is evident that I have unnecessarily used inappropriate language and tone and have unfairly lambasted and wronged the Somaliland CID as well as the Vice President's Guards. It is neither a shame nor a defeat to realize one's wrongs and to rectify and to apologise for it. I believe that it is the right thing to do. Therefore, I would once again take this opportunity to sincerely apologise to these security officers and their institutions for the pains, shame, and inconvenience I have caused them and would encourage others who have wronged them to come forward and do the same. And that is the right thing to do.
Farah Ali Jama, Ottawa, ON Canada. Email: fjama022@uottawa.ca
Source: http://www.hadhwanaagnews.com/pages/1/index.htm/ Dec 18 2004