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Introduction

Shortly after Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia following four years of civil war, ActionAid set up a rehabilitation programme in the Sanaag region. The programme provides basic animal health care to the pastoral communities living in the region whose livelihoods depend upon their livestock. Camel, sheep and goat milk and meat are mostly consumed by the herders and their families, while sheep are frequently sold or exchanged with traders in return for imported wheat, rice and other products. ActionAid contracted VetAid to design and provide technical support for the programme.

The existing rehabilitation programme provides basic veterinary health care training for Primary Veterinary Assistants (PVAs). It also provides drugs, at a subsidised price, to herders who have had their flocks and herds decimated by the war (herders now pay the market price for drugs). PVAs visit the herders and supply them with veterinary drugs and advise them on basic health problems. The PVAs are trained in basic diagnosis, treatment and prevention skills but the majority of medications requested by and prescribed to the herders are used to control internal and external parasites.

The pastoral grazing system Project staff have been using participatory research methods on an informal basis throughout the course of the development programme. Their main objective was to build up a more detailed picture of the herders' lifestyle, particularly their management of communal resources, animal husbandry practices, and methods of managing disease.

Participatory methods were used during routine meetings with herders rather than as part of a planned, structured appraisal. Much of the information gathered by the project staff was collected using semi-structured, informal interview techniques. Of particular interest to the team were details of the seasonal migration patterns followed by different groups of pastoralists in the region. These details were mapped and provided a fairly comprehensive picture of seasonal migration patterns in the Sanaag region and the distances covered during the individual migrations.

During the jilal (long, winter dry season), livestock are concentrated around permanent wells. This is the hardest time of year, especially if the preceding dhair rains have failed. Conflicts can break out over access to water during this period. Camels are taken up to seven days' walk from the wells to graze, and watered every two weeks.

The herding boys live only on camels' milk during this time. Women and elderly men look after the sheep and goats up to a day's walk from the wells. As the dry season progresses they are taken further away to graze and camels bring them water. The jilal ends with the gu rain after which herds are moved to grazing lands in places without wells.

Livestock can get adequate water from fodder and puddles following showers. As the hagar (summer) progresses the grass becomes dry and fibrous and livestock are moved to grazing near permanent wells. The dhair rains fall at the end of the summer. If they are good the herds are taken back to the wet season grazing grounds.

Migrations in the Sanaag region

The Isaaq and Darod clans inhabit the west and east of the Sanaag region respectively. They maintain a natural buffer zone between them over which neither clan claims to have definitive overall grazing rights. During the civil war there was a great deal of conflict between the Isaaq and Dorod clans in the Sanaag region. But in peace-time there is greater flexibility of movement and the clans enter into each other's territory, subject to prior agreements.

Interviews with herders indicate that the distances travelled by Sanaag herders and their flocks are relatively short. Typically the limits of their migration may be around 80km apart. Project staff were surprised to find that the migration patterns are not seasonal movements to and from the same grazing grounds annually, as they had previously believed. Instead, herders are opportunistic and move their animals according to the prevailing rainfall and quality of the pasture. The extent of change in pastoral grazing strategies during the civil war years is not clear. Herders apparently continued with their traditional seasonal migration patterns. In some instances, access rights to grazing lands may have changed hands between clans and sub-clans depending on the outcome of local battles. However, in general, herders continued to migrate with the rains or pasture.

Mapping pastoral movements

One herder, Warasame Hirsi, described herders' general movements and then recalled where his own rer (flock) had been in the recent past. His stock stay near Erigavo, to the east. Their movements are recorded in Figure 1. He was asked questions such as "Where were your animals last season? Where were they the season before that? " and so on. These prompted him to describe his flocks' general movements which are summarised in Table 1.

Table 1. Seasonal pastoral movements: camels, sheep and goats

Season Description of Movement: Camels Sheep and Goats

- Gu (spring rain) They often go down to the plains at Karaman (south of Eil Afwein) if it is peaceful; otherwise to Sol Giriyo
- When it rains, they move to the south of the district (eg. Sool Giriyo) Hagar (hot, windy summer), They stay on the plains, remaining close to water sources such as Gof Towards the escarpment and closer to the water points (Madare, Erigavo area) Dhair (autumn rain)
- If there is plenty of rain, they move to Sool Giriyo To the plains (Sool Giriyo, Qaarey) Jilaal (long, dry winter) Stay near water sources around Sool Giriyo eg. Gof To the nearest water source, especially towards the escarpment

This table illustrates how the seasonal movements of camels differ from those of the sheep and goats.

Jama Ashkir then recalled the places his rer (flock) had been during the last three years. In peaceful times 10-15 families of the same subclan would move together. However, now about 50 Isaaq families may move together for security. For example, they all moved to Sool Giriyo earlier this year when there was tension between Isaaq and Darod clans. However, when they moved to Kabid recently only three families moved together. The details of where the rer moved are summarised in Table 2, and also illustrated in Figure 2.

Table 2. Omitted.

The maps indicate that Jama and Warasame move stock to the territories of their Diyapaying group. Information about seasonal migration patterns confirmed that herders are likely to be in a certain area during a particular season of the year. This knowledge assisted with the planning of drug distribution, making it compatible with the herders' needs and seasonal location.

Informal interviews were always attended by clan chiefs and communit y leaders and were carried out through an interpreter. More often than not the quality of information collected depended upon the individual characters of the chiefs and leaders. The most successful informal interviews often took place when a member of the project staff was called by the herders to treat an animal and took the opportunity to make a few enquiries about their livelihoods.

The team also endeavoured to draw maps, calendars and use visual aids. If nothing else, they provided a talking point and helped to stimulate a discussion. The strict Muslim culture made it necessary for an exclusively male team of researchers to conduct the informal interviews and mapping exercises. However, this made it virtually impossible for discussions to take place with the women in the communities. The team were aware of the gender bias and consequently appointed a woman to try to redress the balance.

Indigenous knowledge

During informal interviews herders gave information on the different celestial observations used to divide their year into seasons. Researchers also learned details of the indigenous system of classifying the characteristics of rainfall, drought periods, plant species, soils, and livestock diseases and their traditional treatments.

The herders' calendar

An appreciation of the herders' calendar is important in the planning phase of any development project. An understanding of the calendar can help explain why herders plan their movements and grazing patterns. The names given to the different seasons are often linked to meteorological factors. The herders divide their year into two seasons, each of 180 days. The first 180 days are called biyo daalalo and are divided into nine periods of 20 days. This season coincides with the dhair (autumn rain) and jilaal (dry winter). The second 180 days are called diriir and are divided into six periods of 28 days. These coincide with the gu (spring rain) season and the following hagar (hot, windy summer).

Table 3 lists the names of each of the periods within the Biyo daalalo and Diriir seasons.

Table 3. The Herders' Calendar:
Period Biyo daalalo Season Diriir Season
1 dyer halalood aminla
2 dyer habr adlin adhi caseye
3 dyer habis deydo
4 diraac good sermaweydo
5 xoomir diriir cawleed
6 wajino diriir sagaalaad
7 xeyse
8 canbaaro
9 agaaliyo

Herders often plan their movements and herd management around the seasons and position of the stars. For example, the beginning of the deyr season, which falls during the first part of the biyo daalalo season, is denoted by seven stars appearing in the sky. They are named haltodobaalo . These stars begin to disappear in sequence. The interval between the disappearance of each star is either 7 or 14 days, depending upon the star's position in the sequence. When all the stars have disappeared (after about 56 days), it is the end of the deyr season.

Another example is the diriir star that lies close to the moon on the first day of the gu season and denotes the aminla period of the calendar. A full cycle of 28 days passes before a second diriir lies close to the moon. This denotes the beginning of the adhi caseye period. This cycle continues, each time different diriir lying close to the moon until six diriir periods are completed.

Lessons learned

This information has alerted both VetAid and ActionAid to the need for a more detailed and more participatory appraisal in the near future. Cooperation with the herders should allow a better understanding of the pastoral economy in preparation for the second phase of the programme which envisages herders paying market prices for drugs.

On reflection, the research was more informative than participatory - the herders were not given an opportunity to design their own development programme. However it did provide the development agencies with sufficient information to reflect on their past work, and to assist with the future planning of the programme.

Whether the current programme is sustainable in terms of drug supply is questionable, but it has helped to reduce the incidence of helminth and tick related disease in the area, allowing herders to rebuild their stock numbers. The development agencies are now planning to embark upon the second phase of the programme. The emphasis is to shift away from relief and rehabilitation towards a longerterm, sustainable method of health care provision and community development.

David Hadrill and Haroon Yusuf, VetAid, Centre for Tropical Veterinary Medicine, Easter Bush, Roslin, Midlothian, Scotland.

NOTE: This paper was extracted from a report written for ActionAid by David Hadrill in November 1992 on the Sanaag Livestock Health Programme.

REFERENCE

Yusuf, H.A. 1992. Notes on the Pastoral System. VetAid, CTVM, Roslin, Midlothian, Scotland.training centers

President Kahin was welcomed at the Egal International airport by the vise President Mr. Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, Ministers from the Government and other officials, representatives of the two houses of the Parliament and a large crowd which gathered at airport and on the streets of the city waving colorful banners and the flag of the republic.

The President, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers which included the minister of the Information, the Foreign Affairs, the Fisheries and the first lady Marwo Huda Barkhad, were back from a seventeen days working trip to Djibouti, Ethiopia and South Africa.

After the ceremonial symbols the president held a press conference at the VIP room at Egal International Airport, where he gave a brief statement to reporters on the visit to Djibouti, Ethiopia and South Africa.

President Rayale spoke of the visit, which he said it was a very successful and beneficent to Somaliland, he then concluded by saying the Minister of information will issue to you a written statement detailing the visit.

Before free and fair elections are held in a democratic country, Robert Dahl identified a number of institutional prerequisites that should exist in the country. These are a constitution that guarantees that all adults have freedom to vote; that there is freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and freedom of movement. These rights are enshrined in articles 22, 23 and 32 of the Somaliland constitution.

Somaliland citizens express these rights in real life everyday. The best case that epitomizes the existence of the freedom of speech and press in Somaliland is the Zamzam case, the young lady from Bossaso, accused by the government of being part of a plot to assassinate the Vice-President. As we all know, the government charged Zamzam and her driver of a plot to assassinate the Vice President. Given the expatriates killed in Sheikh, Borama and the Hargeisa-Berbera corridor, these charges are to be taken seriously. Human Rights organization and civil society groups including the print and electronic media accused the government of (a) allegedly abusing the young lady in jail (b) putting a biased judge to supervise the case and (c) of the government lacking sufficient evidence against the young lady. Under intense pressure, the government, lacking a solid case, caved in, even when the complaint related to a plot against the life of the Vice-President, and allowed the girl to be released from jail. The presidential pardon was just a face saving measure. The case shows the media and civil society groups have such freedom of expression that they can take on the administration when they have a good case and win. As for the freedom of assembly, the KULMIYE opposition party has called for a demonstration on the 29th of March if parliamentary elections are not held by that day and there is no reason not to assume that the big assembly will indeed take place.

Given the fact that the preconditions identified by Robert Dahl exist in Somaliland, it means that free and fair elections can be held. What are free and fair election? By free, Dahl again notes freedom by the voters by their own conscience to vote for any candidate or issue as opposed to coercion when voters lack that freedom. We will say there is no freedom if for instance the government distributes money to community leaders and demands from them to influence their followers or the security forces create fear in the minds of the voters to vote in a certain way. There had been no coercion in the last two elections and there is no reason to expect there will be coercion in the coming election. As for election being fair, Dahl notes there should be a level plain field for all political parties, that the opposition parties are not put into a disadvantage with respect to resources and that there is no unequal treatment of parties contesting for the election. Fairness means that all voters have access to polling places, that ballots are counted impartially and that any disputes arising after the votes are counted be resolved impartially.

Whether elections are free and fair is a judgment made by international observers and Somaliland surely will invite those observers in the coming election. Conditions vary in different countries and observers know this. There are no elections anywhere in the world that are perfectly free and fair. The fact that there is no voter registration in Somaliland does not mean that free and fair election cannot be held. Once Somalilanders agree (and they should) on a fair distribution of parliamentary seats that best approximates proportional representation that will be fine with international observers.

The reaction of the National Election Commission to the electoral bill passed by the legislators reassures Somalilanders they have a board that consist of individuals with the highest integrity who will conduct that election impartially and fairness. As the Board stood on the side of the truth in reacting to the electoral bill, we must be confident members of the Board will act impartially before the election, during the election and after the election.

An interesting question is: when will Somaliland be a democracy in the eyes of the world? Somaliland intellectuals believe that the parliamentary election will cement Somaliland's status as a democracy. In other words a test of one change of government via elections is sufficient. Samuel Huntington, a Harvard University professor, has a dictum that two consecutive changes of government through elections in which opposition parties are on a level plain field with the ruling party is necessary before a country is to be certified as a democracy. There is no question that Somaliland will satisfy both tests in a short time, in view of the fact that the presidential election is only three years away. The important role that democracy can play in Somaliland's political recognition as sovereign state becomes evident when you look at Somaliland in the context of the Islamic world. Of the 53 countries in the Organization of Islamic States only Turkey satisfied Huntington's test and of the 22 Arab states not even one country has experienced a change of government through election. The world cannot ignore Somaliland anymore after those elections. Indeed Somaliland must be a showcase for the world that Islam and democracy are compatible and that one can be a good Muslim and a good democrat at the same time. Given what is at stake in those elections, does Parliament care more about their pockets than the future of their country yearning for international legitimacy?

The current members of parliament were not elected in the first place and they have never acted as representatives of the people. They have always made it clear that they are there to earn a living only and have never shown to us that they are there for the interest of the people. Ahmed M.I. Egal, the late President's son and on his own right a man of remarkable intellect, reminds us "they have opposed all attempts to hold parliamentary elections from the time of the Egal Administration.It was originally proposed that the parliamentary elections would be held first with the presidential elections second and municipal election last. However parliament strenuously opposed this." It should not surprise us that even when it was finally accepted to hold parliamentary elections, they are still determined to place hurdles before the election. It is sad that Suleiman Mohamoud, the chairman of the Upper House, a Presidential aspirant in the last election would side with his colleagues. It is clear his action will not be helpful if he were to run again for president. The ball is now in the court of President Rayale who has been out of the country while this drama was unfolding in Hargeisa. This is the biggest crisis of his presidency and it will be a test of his resolve and leadership.

Just as the protest against the imprisonment of the young lady from Bossaso provided democratic guarantee against miscarriage of justice, so the widespread public outrage and consternation against the two Houses' electoral bill will once again force authorities to cave in and hold election as scheduled. It will be another testament to the power of the people and the strength of democracy in Somaliland. If on the other hand, the President sides with the two Houses and election is postponed till voter registration is completed, Somaliland will take the wrong turn into an autocratic road and the experiment with democracy will fizzle away, because who knows that if the census is not completed in three years whether the same reason will be given too for not holding Presidential election.

Adan H. Iman, Los Angeles, Ahiman2@aol.com

Riyalle's Atrocious And Inept Government Is Embroiled With Constitutional Predicament:

Riyalle's atrocious and inept government is finally on a slippery slope, but it might as well bring itself down with our infant sovereign nation. Riyalle's insincerity in his dealings with the nation's current crisis poses one of the greatest risks to our survival. He has repeatedly shown complete and utter disregard for the rights and freedoms of the Somaliland people and he continually cherry-picks the constitution for his own and his Cabal's personal gain. In addition, his lack of a firm stance in his handling of our external affairs put Somaliland in a highly disadvantaged position and has made us an easy target for our external enemies- as both the border dispute with Djibouti and the occupation of LasAnod illustrates.

To begin with, a clear example of our current tumultuous existence is the March 29th election crisis. The politics that prevent the election from going forward must be abandoned as it equates to contempt of our constitution. Riyalle must act swiftly in this matter or else we can kiss our dream of getting Somaliland recognized good-bye. Why? Because, the election reform act passed by the Somaliland "Parliament" effectively takes away the legitimacy of the executive branch and, ironically, the legitimacy of our parliament itself is gone.

The conditions set forth by the House of Parliament in which a census and an exhaustive election are required for a parliamentary election on March 29, 2005 are absurd, because they have not been applied to any of the two previous elections. In addition, the constitutionally required order of elections, that is municipal, parliamentary, and presidential, has not been followed. This makes both Riyalle's presidency and the sitting parliament unconstitutional and as such illegitimate.

In order to illustrate the preceding rationale, one may utilize the most quoted piece of logic and it goes like the following; If B follows from A, and B is clearly wrong, then A must also have been wrong.

In plain English, when both presidential and municipal elections took place in Somaliland the whole country was neither under one jurisdiction, nor were an exhaustive census done for either of the elections. Hence, Riyalle's government can not have both ways. He is attempting to apply every trick in the book ostensibly to save his downcast administration. He committed the cardinal sin of presidency by contriving deceit, treachery and betrayal. Add all these negative attributes together and Somaliland has a disaster on its hands. Riyalle is a quintessential hypocrite, on one hand he has publicly stated in his annual speech that the parliamentary election will occur as planned. On the other hand, he bribed those dolts in the House of Parliament so they would hand stamp his hidden agendas.

According to reliable sources, these unelected members of parliament often, especially when passing a legislation, receive kick backs from Riyalle and his Cabal, and hence as quid pro quo they vote for Riyalle's government without due thought or consideration. This morally insolvent legislative body is merely a rubber stamp; they approve anything that keeps the UDUB government in power. In fact, there is no distinction between our leechlike members of parliament in Somaliland and those warlords who voted for Abdillahi Yussuf's presidency at the Embaghti summit. The only difference, if any, is that Somaliland members of parliament settle for less money; two hundred USD for each vote, whereas the warlords that "voted" for warlord Yussuf as a "president" commanded several thousands in USD for each of their respective votes. The saddest part of this saga is that 80 percent of Somaliland's unelected members of parliament are from the UDUB party. These parasitic individuals have to be relieved from their duties for they have been in that chamber for the past 13 years and have never served their nation with a clear conscience. On the contrary, they have abject disregard for our Constitution and their leaders, such as the notorious Qaybe and his assistant Jirde, are in cahoots with Riyalle and his Cabal. The three branches of any political regime, namely the executive, the legislative, and the judicial, are all intertwined in Somaliland's case. We have to separate these branches so that we will be able to have a system based upon checks and balances. Somaliland's existence is in jeopardy unless we get rid of these unctuous members in the House of Parliament and replace them with elected ones. We should not allow them to be to the prosecutor, the juror, and the Judge. They behave unethically and are always a step behind with zeitgeist of our nascent nation. They are morally bankrupt and are intellectually retarded. They can not be trusted; hence parliamentary election must happen with or without Riyalle's blessings, and I will give my reasoning in a moment.

Before I present the nitty-gritty of my reasoning, let us revisit the milieus of Somaliland's people right before we unilaterally declared our sovereignty in 1991 and ask ourselves a few historical questions. Aren't we the nation that lost more than 100,000 innocent people as a result of Afweine's ethnic cleansing? I used the word ethnic intentionally, because if genocide of that magnitude happens in the heart of Europe, then European authorities would classify it as ethnic cleansing. Conversely, if it occurs in Africa, then Westerners would classify it as tribal warfare because, in the eyes of most Westerners, Africans are inherently primitive and tribal. Forgive me, for I sidetracked. Aren't we the nation that their rights were stripped by Mogadishu based regimes for more than 30 years? Aren't we the nation that its citizens were tormented, tortured, mocked, and brutalized by Afweine's tyrannical regime? Aren't we the nation that its people (man, woman, child, elderly, infant, sick, and disabled) faced the indiscriminate aerial bombardment that was carried out by South African mercenaries? Haven't we learnt from our recent history? I doubt it.

In any case, Somaliland is facing two formidable challenges and they are; a threat within and a threat that is coming from without. Most Somaliland citizens are aware of the fact that there is an unholy alliance between the Ghelle of Djibouti and the warlord that was "elected as a president" of Somalia. What is equally true is the fact that Riyalle and Ghelle are becoming closer and closer in terms of their friendship. As many of you may recall, Riyalle in his last annual speech reminded the people of Somaliland to halt their harsh criticism against his friend Ghelle. Ghelle and Warlord Abdillahi have a common enemy and that enemy is Somaliland. I know it is a clich, but as they say "the enemy of your enemy is your friend."

These two delusional individuals have decided to wage war on Somaliland from two fronts. Ghelle is carrying out a war on Somaliland's economy as well as a war of diplomatic isolation; in the meantime the warlord's duty is to unleash a military campaign. They are both ahead of their schedule because Riyalle is creating a socio-economic and political environment which is conducive to their political stratagem.

For instance, Ghelle has already succeeded in marginalizing the port of Berbera city. At this rate, he is outfoxing the people of Somaliland in befriending Riyalle. If the government and people of Somaliland do not react now in order to resurrect Berbera as a commercial port then it would impossible to undo the damage caused by Ghelle. It is now or never. It is a pity that as consolation prize, Ghelle has promised to build for Somaliland a road that will connect Zaila and Djibouti. He wants to agitate his tribesmen in that area. Therefore, my dear Somalilanders, do not be surprised if armed militiamen, just like the ones in LasAnod, but backed by the Djibouti regime, surfaces from that area. Remember the Trojan Horse story? Beware of Greeks bearing gifts!

As far as Somaliland's recognition is concerned, Ghelle has relentlessly campaigned against it. This tin-pot dictator does not even hide his crusade for a diplomatic strangulation of Somaliland. He dissuaded the Arab League not to recognize Somaliland. His city-state entity is a member of the IGAD group that set the stage for the rise of Abdullahi Yussuf to power. In addition, he invited the "president-elected-warlord" to Djibouti right after the Embaghti summit came to an end. Ghelle is such a power broker. He even instructed Riyalle to move Somaliland's border with Djibouti 18 kilometers back into Somaliland territory. Simply put, Djibouti has gained a portion of Somaliland's territory on Riyalle's watch. Sorry readers for I committed a faux pas, I forget that Riyalle has recently chided us not to criticize Ghelle.

In fact, Ghelle is not the only villain of the piece here. Somaliland is facing a septuagenarian with an antediluvian mentality named Warlord Abdillahi Yey. Many Somaliland-bashers put their hope on this guy for only one reason. They know that he annexed some parts of Somaliland and, for that matter; they believe that he could pose a threat to Somaliland in its quest for recognition as long as he controls LasAnod. We all know that his militiamen attacked Somaliland's army twice and in both cases they got of scot-free. As we speak, he is contemplating launching his third and decisive battle. War is imminent whether we like it or not, therefore we need a unified Somaliland people with a responsible and accountable political regime. Riyalle is sending mixed signals to our enemies and in return they are capitalizing on his plunders. Speaking of which, let me give an illustration of what I mean by plunders. If one juxtaposes the root causes of the once mighty Roman Empire's fall to the potential pitfalls that our fledgling nation is facing today, the parallelism will give jitters to any one who is concerned about the existence of Somaliland.

To begin with, the fall of the Roman Empire was a gradual process. The Romans did not wake up one day to find their empire gone. According to history, by AD369 the Empire was beginning to crumble for the Following reasons:

1) "The government was running out of money." Well, does it sound familiar to you? If you read Mr. Ali Guled's speckles analysis on Somaliland's annual budget, one may easily understand how Riyalle and his cronies are pillaging our limited resources. Riyalle alone pockets, through various agencies, nearly three Million USD of the 22 million that was reported as the government of Somaliland's revenue. In addition, since Riyalle is in charge of the armed forces as well as the "intelligence apparatus," he supervises the allocation of $11,382,390.18 that was supposed to be our national armed forces' expenditures. Yet, our military on the front line do not consistently get paid on time, and at times they do not even get paid at all. Nonetheless, king-pin Riyalle, with the help of Awil and Ismail Faqash, virtually controls more than 15 million USD out of 22 Million. No wonder there is a shortage of money.

2) "The people had to pay very high taxes- up to a third of their money." Once again, it sounds familiar. Ali Guled has uncovered the way Riyalle's government collects surreptitiously illegal and unconstitutional taxes from their un-detecting citizens. Even Awil, the Minister of Finance, admitted to this egregious practice.

3) "The rich were given grants of money and land which made them richer while the poor got poorer." It seems history is repeating by itself. The land dispute issue that is going on in Somaliland, especially in major cities, is no accident. In fact, it is contrived to create afflictions and chaos among our communities. In addition, it became some sort of income to most of Riyalle's underpaid "Judges." According to reliable sources, Riyalle himself has on many occasions sold land around the Sha'ab areas and pocketed from it.

4) "There was not enough money to pay for the army." Again, we are aware of the fact that our military and police forces too do not at times get paid for several months. Scary picture indeed. Because one can easily understand the peril that several thousand unpaid armed individuals can pose to their countrymen if they do not receive their salaries. We can extrapolate and augur that it is a disaster waiting to happen.

5) "Barbarians from Germany called vandals were conquering parts of the empire and there were not enough soldiers to fight back." Well, Somaliland is under constant threat from barbarians called Faqash Majerteen and, as we speak, they are occupying part of Somaliland's territory. Do we have a responsible government which has the capability, and indeed the willingness, of unifying our citizens so we could face that threat together? Do we have a government that promotes freedom and universal human rights so that we can face the enemy as one strong, united nation? Riyalle does not even have the leadership qualities to empower representative from Las Anod within his government. In fact, he has grudge against them and he tries to ostracize the concerned individuals from that community. No wonder the militia at LasAnod is getting more popular by each passing day.

6) "Although the outer edges of the Empire were well defended, there was no defense within the Empire. This meant that once barbarians had broken through, there was nothing to stop them from marching to Rome." In our case, imagine if Ghelle sends his new Issa militiamen and they occupy Zaila. Do you think it is far-fetched? Think again, if we want to understand our enemy, we have to explore all the possibilities. We are all aware for the fact that 80 percent of Somaliland's national army are at the Eastern front. Why? I do not know the reason. Maybe it is about time that we put forth that question to king-pin Riyalle. Nevertheless, I know one thing for sure, and it is the fact that our national army, facing our enemies in LasAnod, have been abused and mocked by Radio LasAnod. Riyalle's government could not even install a radio station that reaches the whole nation and would have been able to boost the morale and give support for our brave troops at the front- is he afraid that they will hear of his lack of willingness and sincerity in matters pertaining to our national security first hand? To add fuel to the flame, Riyalle's government would not allow for the private sector to build a new radio station that covers the whole country- the nation and its brave soldiers need to hear the voice of its people, not Joseph Goebbles-like propaganda.

7) "No one had decided on a good way to choose an Emperor. This meant that any general could march into Rome, kill the Emperor and make himself the next Emperor. In 73 years there were 23 Emperors and 20 of them were murdered." Does this ring a bell to you? We have unelected so-called members of parliament and they are all on Riyalle's payroll. They have been unelected legislators for almost 13 years. They have unconstitutionally extended their term or tenure for that matter and have an unwavering allegiance to king-pin Riyalle because he sustains their lively-hood as well as their lifestyle. More than three quarter of them are UDUB members. They have intentionally put Somaliland's destiny on a cliff-hanger because Riyalle has understood their needs and took advantage of their imbecilic disposition.

I hope we will not make light of Somaliland's political and economic crisis. They are quite serious. If we are going to solve these problems, someone has to take the bull by the horns before it is too late, because we are dealing with an authoritarian regime that is trying to bury everything that we fought for and attempting to resurrect everything we fought against.

Riyalle's government has even prohibited the registered legal parties to express themselves on Khayriya Square, denying the fundamental freedom of speech.

In addition, the government has imposed censorship on the media and has incarcerated several journalists. By the same token, Riyalle's government does not only control Radio Hargeisa and Mandeeq Paper, it also finances the AwdalNews and the QaranNews websites for I got this information straight from the horse's mouth. We also know that Riyalle's government utilizes our country's meager resources at their will. Please, read the way Ali Guled has deconstructed Riyalle's recent budget. There is no accountability what-so-ever. In fact, any responsible and ethical individual is kicked out from Riyalle's income trust fund if he dares speak against it. Remember what happened to Mujahid Talaabo when he spoke his mind? Are you still unconvinced? One can take the horse to the water but one can not make him drink! It should be noted however, that the opposition parties have given Riyalle's government latitude that it does not deserve. I cannot comprehend the fact that a former junior NSS agent is ordering the likes of Muj. Abdirahman Aw Ali, Muj. Muse Bihi, and Muj. Mohamed Kahin not to express their opinions at Khayriya square. Isn't that ironic? Why would they put up with such nonsensical reasoning? If Riyalle's government won't respect our constitution, why let this pity government ruin everything we fought for? You should not obey his draconian orders and you should not let this government deprive you of your God-given rights, my dear people.

We have to be realistic with ourselves, Somaliland is not a recognized nation and we can not expect other nations to scold Riyalle when his government violates, as it often does, human rights and the universal freedom of expression enjoyed by most democratic nations.

In fact, Riyalle's government has relegated Somaliland into fiefdom because Riyalle is not acting like an elected person but rather like a warlord. Therefore, it is incumbent upon you, especially the KULMIYE Party, to challenge Riyalle's authoritarian regime. Remember the old adage "Nobody can subjugate you without your consent." Believe me, the sky won't fall and the ground will not slip under our feet either.

As for Riyalle's regime, contrary to popular belief, it is not elections that bring democracy but rather it is the other way around, meaning it is democracy that brings elections. We know that Somaliland's people forgave you (Riyalle, Ambassador Awil, Ismail Faqash, and Qaybe) once but apparently you are suffering from a short attention span. Listen our brothers; the parliamentary election must occur on time. Doing the opposite will have very serious repercussions on you and will thus put Somaliland in a state of turmoil. The onus is on you to prove that you do actually care about our nation and its people. I would like to remind UDUB supporters of a statement made by the Bishop Desmond Tutu of South Africa: "If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality." If Rome crumbled, so can our fledgling nation.

According to Locke, a political society that has neutral judges, a legal framework, and an executive with limited powers should be predictable, stable, and peaceful. Governments are entrusted with power but citizens always have the right to remove them if they abuse it. The law must be made by a legislative assembly, not an unelected assembly, composed of all citizens who are then obliged to obey their "own" laws as "subjects." However, if the executive ever becomes tyrannical, then the people should remove it by force.

As such, Riyalle and his government is left with three options. He must dismiss the unelected parliament and call an immediate parliamentary election that respects the already set election date. If he fails, he must resign with immediate effect and call a presidential election so that the legitimacy of the Office of the President is restored. Or he has to form a coalition government with the opposition parties premised upon the results from the last presidential election. That government should be a National Crisis Government and it must have a well-balanced distribution of political power and weight based strictly upon the proportionality of the last presidential election results. In that case, as a united, strong, and reinvigorated nation we can face the grave threats posed by our enemies from within and without.

May God Bless my noble people, Ali Hassan (Kubad)

Mr. Silanyo expressed doubt that parliamentary elections can be held but said, "Our party is ready to take part of the election as scheduled. Some of the articles in the election law cannot be implemented. We urge the people to refuse postponement of parliamentary election or the extension of the term of the House of Representatives".

The chairman of KULMIYE added that there are other articles in the election law that will not guarantee free and fair election, although they are not widely discussed.

Elaborating this he said, "The usage of public funds by the government, the public media, the increase in the number of the National Electoral Commission - which no one asked for - and that his party has not nominated any member of the NEC".

Mr. Silanyo strongly criticized both Houses of Parliament for their war of Words and the President's trip abroad at this delicate time, he said, "The President has not said that election will not be held so far. Chairman of the House of Elders has suggested that House of Representatives term may be extended."

"Both opposition parties have taken the case of the Public Order Law to the court, but so far it is still pending," concluded Mr. Silanyo at his press conference.

Infact it is my opinion that Somaliland should develop equally strong ties with Egypt and Eritrea as it has with Ethiopia.

We share many things in common with the Egyptian people, not the least history. The Egyptian queen Hatchepsut visited "The land of Punt" [Somaliland] more than two thousand years ago, she described Somaliland as the original land of the Egyptians.

In my opinion a diplomatic campaign by the Somaliland Foreign Ministry(Wasaarada Arrimaha Dibada] in Egypt could change the current "chilly relations" between our two countries.

Some Somalilanders even go so far as to say that Egypt is our main enemy in the world, they say that Egypt is the one that has been hindering Somalilands inclusion to the club of officially recognised nations, this might be the sad facts, but it does not mean this could not change.

Somaliland should activly try to improve relations with Egypt.

Egypts main concern in the Horn of Africa region is the Nile water issue it has with Ethiopia. The Egyptians should be made aware of the fact that an internationally recognised Somaliland would only make that issue easier to solve and not in any way harder to solve as the Egyptians seem to believe today.

Furthermore the Somalilands meat exporting sector could easily double-tripple its export of chilled meat to Egypt, not to mention livestock and hides which Somalilands meat exporters could provide to the huge Egyptian market.

The Somaliland-Egypt relationship can be strenghtened, should be strenghtened, but someone must take the first step for that to happen, the somaliland government should take the lead in this endevour.

by Omar Aideed cumar_caydiid@accountant.com

SOLJA condemns the culprits who committed the ugly and inhuman act to an innocent journalist who was their guest on a mission to promote the democratic changes in Somalia.

On behalf of Somaliland Journalists, SOLJA sends its heartfelt condolence to the family, friends, relatives, BBC and the British government on the sudden death of the late reporter.

Mr. Jesper Moreh, UNICEF Somaliland/Somalia representative, speaking at the launching ceremony at Hargeisa University last night said, "The aim of this campaign is to dramatically increase the number of children attending Primary Schools by 33,000 within the next 18 Months and to improve quality of education. We also intend to build or rehabilitate about 100 schools."

Mr. Moreh added that this is needs a Herculean effort, but never the less to be one that can be done. He said, "It will require the active participation of virtually everybody in Somaliland and the friends of Somaliland, as well as an education system that allows everyone to learn and an active leadership".

Speaking about enrolment in primary schools, he said, "One out of 10 girls attend primary schools and this makes the attendance of only 37% of school children even worse."

Mr. Jesper Moreh, attributed the low enrolment of kids in primary schools to school fees, which he described as access for many, insufficient classrooms, schools being far, not conducive sanitary conditions and poor security situations.

Speaking about educational development in Somaliland Mr. Moreh said, "The formation of national educational policy that did not exist, the new curriculum, new textbooks for primary schools (Grades 1-8) and the in-service training for more than 2,000 teachers is an achievement one can be proud, but lots and lots have to be done."

He concluded his speech saying that no nation can afford not to invest in the education of its children and gave the rapid economic growth and development of the tigers of the east, because for they gave priority to education.

The Minister of Education, Mr. Hassan Hagi Mohamoud, speaking about Somaliland's education policy said, "It is part of our policy to improve girl's access to education at all levels. We are committed to narrow the gap between boys and girls in education, by addressing constraints in girls' education."

Speaking about the under representation of girls at all levels of education he said, "Only 35% of the 106,000 enrolled students are girls, although the number represents only 40% of primary school age children."

He added that only 11% of 2600 teachers to be women and gave the reason as house hold cores, the society and lack of sufficient budget.

He concluded his speech and declared the campaign open, by stating that increasing access of girls to education to be a challenge, to be tackled and appealed to parents and Somaliland community to send this children to school and the UN and INGO's to provide support.

Speech by UNICEF Somaliland/Somalia

"Nothing could give me more pleasure than to launch a campaign to dramatically increase the number of Somaliland children who will attend primary school and to simultaneously improve the quality of education.

In my service for a quarter of a century for UNICEF, there is one thing that I have learned; it is something that I have seen beyond doubt and question. It is that whenever a government, a community and parents consider education of children as the top priority, countries prosper, move forward and remove poverty. Whenever countries don't, the future is worse than the present, the present is worse than the past and the past is pretty bad, thing regress and they don't progress.

Look at the countries in South Asia such as Singapore, Malaysia, South Korea, Chine, Vietnam, Indonesia, and many more, the tigers of the east. Their rapid economic development and growth is to investment in education. Look at South Africa. There is just no doubt what so ever that economic growth and development require an educated population.

Popular tradition values and religion, requires an educated population. Building a culture of democracy, peace and human rights requires an educated population.

No nation can afford not to invest in the education of its children, boys and perhaps specially girls.

The president of Somaliland knows that, I know from many conversations with him over the years. The cabinet of Somaliland knows that, I know from talks with many ministers.

The minister of Education knows that and I am pleased and proud to say because I know from many encounters and work with the Minister.

Lots and lots have already been achieved and Somaliland has much to be proud of. I congratulate Somaliland with a national education policy from last year.

I congratulate Somaliland with a new curriculum, for the textbooks, that now finally this year cover primary education grades 1-8. I congratulate Somaliland with the other learning materials and the more than 2,000 teachers trained in-service. I congratulate Somaliland with the enrolment of 37%, or there about.

This is something to be proud of. These are important achievements. Can we afford to be complacent? Can we be proud when so much more need to be done? The 37% enrolment rate means that less than 5 out of 10 of Somaliland children above 8 years attend primary school. To make things even worse it is little more than 1 out of 10 girls attend school.

Is the class half full or half empty? Perhaps half full for achievements is something to be proud of. The achievements are real and they are impressive. But perhaps they are also half empty, because there is so much to do.

There are good reasons why kids don't go to school. There are school fees and perhaps for many excessive school fees. There is not enough classrooms, school are too far way from home, they are in poor school environment where no sanitary facilities exist. There are not enough teachers and too often teachers do not meet the requirements and sometimes there are poor security conditions for children in schools.

We need to change that. We need to be ambitious but realistic with achievable targets, for primary education we need to dare and to risk in order to see our ambition become true, ALL SOMALILAND CHILDREN BACK IN SCHOOL. That needs a very close cooperation with partnerships. It will need the active leadership and participation of communities, families and parents.

Families, parents should ask themselves, is there a school close to my home? Is the school safe for my girl? Have they sanitary facilities? Can I afford it? Does the schedule allow for help in the house also? Are the teachers good enough and will my children learn? Will the school improve my child's future?

We all need to contribute to an education system in Somaliland that allows every Somalilander learn, to answer his our her question with a resounding YES to these 6 questions, and when the answer is "yes" for everybody, there is no longer any reason why every Somaliland child is not in school.

The Motto you see on the walls here is Education for All. To achieve this we have to mobilize the Ministry of Education. We need action now, action today. If by the end of 2005 or in 2006, we are to have 33,000 additional children in primary schools over the 10,000 that are already there, we do need to start today or at the latest tomorrow.

It will be a Herculean effort that never-the-less can be done, but it will requires the active participation of virtually everybody in Somaliland society and the friends of Somaliland.

The President, the Minister of Education, other cabinet Ministers, Ministry officials, the teaching professionals, parents, communities, community based organizations, NGO's the media, religious leaders, business community, youth, Somalilanders in the Diaspora and the international community within the UN system all the education partners and not UNESCO and UNICEF only, but also UNDP UUSPA, the World Bank, extra effort by NGO's like SCF, Care and all concerned partners in the current effort.

UNICEF looks forward to join hands with everybody in that effort and particularly to the leadership of the Minister of Education.

The delegation which comprises the ministers for information, foreign affairs, fishery as well as the first lady, Huda Barqad, was on an official two-week visit to South Africa.

The president and his entourage were warmly welcomed at airport and were received by the Vice-President Ahmad Yusuf Yasin, ministers, MPs as well as other officials from the various military units of the Republic of Somaliland.

After inspecting the guard of honour mounted in his honour by the armed forces, the president addressed Somaliland journalists at the VIP lounge at the airport and briefly talked about his visit to South Africa, Ethiopia and Djibouti.

During his news conference, the president said he had held talks with the leaders of the three countries he visited, as well as some big companies which are interested in investing in Somaliland.

The president further said some of these companies would soon come to the country.

Man Killed In land dispute

Burao:- One Person was Killed And Two Others Injured In a Dispute over a piece Of land in burao Thogdher Region Last week, The Deceased Abdi Ismail Ali And Another Man Mohammud Ayanle Ali Both who claimed the ownership of The Parcel of the land exchange fire hence the deceased was Shot dead while the Other sustained injury, A SOMTEL Technician Working Nearby was injured During the fire fight,

Abdiaziz A.

Tracing lessons from their participation (and the lack of it) in the country's political history from the numerous peace conferences that established this nation, the local council elections in 2002 and Presidential elections in 2003, the women vowed to be aggressive in the upcoming electoral exercise. The big question is will there be parliamentary elections? Last month, the long awaited Electoral Law was passed by the House of Representatives with 64 votes in favor and 7 votes against.

People hoped that the law will push this country towards completing its democratization process. However the legislation seems to have drawn the country a step backward as it proposes voters registration and identification of boundaries to serve the proportional representative system. Something that is impossible to do in the remaining 45 days.

Recently, opposition party leaders already announced that demonstrations will be held IF elections will not be held on March 29.

Common sentiments are that of disappointment directed to the decision made by the parliament approving controversial articles in the Electoral Law.

Doubts over the sincerity of this government's commitment to proceed with the electoral exercise are brewing as people continue to wonder will there be elections?

The countries that have made a pact against Eritrea are Sudan, Egypt and Yemen, although some woould say that Djibouti is secretely part of that pact. These countries say that they have a defense pact against Eritrean aggression. [Remember that Eritrea and Yemen fought a war over the Hanish islands while Eritrea and Ethiopia fought over the contested border area of the badme region].

Eritrea needs some friends in the neighborhood due to the mounting dangers all around it.

In my opinion Somaliland should develop very close ties with Eritrea. Such a relationship would not mean that Somaliland would have lessened its strong ties with Ethiopia, not one bit.

In fact Somaliland could serve as a neutral country in a region plagued by feuding camps. Somaliland could serve as the Switzerland of the Horn.

I find it very hard to understand the Somaliland governments inability to atleast visit Eritrea and try to develop closer ties with Eritrea, after all Eritrea is a country in our region of the world, it is a country in our neighborhood for crying out loud!

The idea that Ethiopia-Somaliland ties would be lessened in some way by a strong Eritrean-Somaliland relationship is nonsense, after all Ethiopia is close friends with many of Somalilands sworn enemies, like warlord Abdullahi Yusuf of Somalia for instance yet our relationship with Ethiopia continues to be strong. Every country has the right to pursue its vital intrests as long as it does nt hurt other countries.

Eritrea and Somaliland can benefit a lot from developing closer ties with eachother and indeed the Horn of Africa region can benefit a lot from such a relationship, not least in terms of security.

Cumar Caydiid cumar_caydiid@accountant.com

A delegation led by the president of the Republic of Somaliland, Dahir Riyale Kahin, who was on a visit to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, after concluding its visit to South Africa, today held talks with the AU acting chairman and his two deputies.

The AU officials and President Riyale discussed the sovereignty of Somaliland. The AU officials promised not to connect the Somaliland issue with Somalia. They said an AU fact finding mission will soon visit Somaliland.

The delegation led by the president of the republic of Somaliland today left for Djibouti, where it is expected to have a one-day visit.

The talks between the president and the delegation led by the Somaliland president were attended by the minister in charge of presidential affairs, Usman Ahmad Muse, the director of the office of the presidency and the minister of cooperation.

The Somaliland delegation had several ministers including lady Edna Isma'il.

The talks dealt with the relations between the two countries.

- The President of the Somaliland enclave and his delegations arrived in Djibouti yesterday on his return trip from South Africa.

Get a jump on the Easter bunny: AirTran Airways fares for spring travel start at $83+ He was given an official welcome at Djibouti airport by Delayte Mohammed Delayte, Djiboutian Prime Minister, Mohammed Ali Yusuf, Minister of Cooperation, Mohammed Barkhad Abdillahi, Minister of Labor, Head of Djibouti Protocol and other senior officials.

The reception of President Riyale in Djibouti thus included all ceremonial symbols of an official visit by a foreign Head of State. The President and his delegation immediately went into talks with Djiboutian Prime Minister at the State House before holding official talks with President Ismail Omar Guelleh at the Presidential Palace. The two sides talked about the how to strengthen the ties between the two countries which covered ways of strengthening bilateral cooperation.

Somaliland President Rayale, accompanied by a number of his cabinet Ministers, left the Addis Ababa yesterday, while in the Ethiopian Capital President Riyale met with Ethiopian Government officials and head of states. Also the President met with the head of the African Union (AU) and the two sides disguised the Somaliland separation from Somalia.

President Rayale made it clear to the African union that Somaliland is democratic independent country that only share border with Somalia, and will not forced back to rejoin Somalia. The president repeated his statement, "We will have only brotherly neighbor hood, no chance of reunification," Kahin said. "The people of Somaliland have made their decision not to go again into union with Somalia through a referendum and I cannot change the will of the people."

According to a statement issued by Somaliland's Information Minister, the African Union Promised to send a fact finding team to Somaliland.

President Rayale is expected at the port city of Berbera early today.

Somaliland currently has good diplomatic relations with its neighbors Djibouti and Ethiopia and some key African and European countries, including its former colonial power, Britain.

Somaliland, a former British Protectorate united with the former Italian Somalia in July 1960 to form the Somali Republic, unilaterally restored its sovereignty after the 1991 collapse of Siyad Barre's dictatorial regime, which especially had victimized Somalilanders.

Since then it has restored peace and stability and embarked on a democratization process, holding municipal and presidential elections. Parliamentary elections are also scheduled to be held in late March 2005, as the last step of the country's democratic transition.

The AU officials and President Riyale discussed the sovereignty of Somaliland. The AU officials promised not to connect the Somaliland issue with Somalia. They said an AU fact finding mission will soon visit Somaliland.

The delegation led by the president of the republic of Somaliland today left for Djibouti, where it is expected to have a one-day visit.

The democratization process of Somaliland is in its infancy. With hardly any developed resources at hand, Somaliland has produced results unmatched by any other country within its geographic region.

Skeptics, of course, may hold a different view. Some observers, -- and especially ones who live inside the country --, may be too close to the trees in order to see the forest. They may have great difficulty visualizing any specific outcome of the turbulent process that has been unleashed. They may fail to recognize it for what it really is: - a path to democracy. One can get a better view of this path and see the first steps clearer at a greater distance. One begins to see the stability the peace has delivered over the years by resilience. The question, however, remains: will this delicate process sustain itself?

Certainly, there are so many things that still need to be fixed or developed. The national and local infrastructure is, practically, nonexistent. Many public institutions have not even been conceived yet. The healthcare system is in shambles; public education is minimal; unemployment is high, and urgent actions must be taken to prioritize and manage the meager resources one has.

Corruption among officials is rampant and it must be at least curtailed. Inept politicians, directors, and an overabundance of totally incompetent policy makers have created a desperate situation. A systemic improvement is inconceivable unless this issue is properly resolved.

There are too many other areas in dire need of substantial improvement as well. And, after all that has already been said, one can ask the perfectly legitimate question: Is there a glimmer of hope? Is there a remote chance for a successful resolution of the present dilemma? What redeeming seed remains there that is worth the effort not to give up? What is it that makes this war-torn region, devastated by famine, diseases and hatred, which resembles more a hellhole than a country, appear sufficiently encouraging for the great powers of the world to take notice? Specifically, what makes this democracy, in its infant stages, stand out particularly now in view of the new world-order ideology promulgated by the United States' president which is based on and accentuates the concept of "freedom and democracy to all"?

This change in the American policy toward the Middle East, heralded in the name of liberty, encourages bringing about gradual changes that would lead to eventual replacement of brutal dictatorial regimes. This new policy may work to Somaliland's advantage as well by setting an example not merely for the affluent Middle Eastern countries.

This freedom and the road to democracy is what made Somaliland stand out in the crowd.

However, the path to freedom has never been an easy one. It has never been without struggle and sacrifice. The outcome, certainly, can hardly ever be predicted. And this is where Somaliland ventures now. If nothing else, Somaliland's struggle for the survival of its freedom deserves attention. Hopefully, the Somaliland common citizens will too take notice and appreciate what is at the heart of the struggle and what has initiated the success achieved so far. In essence, it is not something an outsider would ever understand. It is the product of emotional attachment to valuing peace, tranquility, and a sense of patriotism. In the end, it is a simple act of coming together to guard and cherish ones common interest.

But, what is preventing us to complete the path towards democracy and who is the enemy?

There can be no doubt that who the enemy is when an alien rushes across the borders and invades ones homeland. This becomes even more difficult, when the enemy is "homegrown in your own back and front yard." How devastating and disheartening it is to discover that so many of the very same officials, who are charged with the solemn responsibility of protecting and safeguarding one's hard-fought-for freedom, are precisely the ones, who are usurping their assumed authority, -- stealing and plundering left and right, confusing the public with useless rhetoric and are trampling the very principles that are needed to ensure the survival of the new democracy.

The big question and an extremely difficult task would be how to isolate such an enemy without having to resort to finger pointing?

Identifying and weeding out the perpetrators would be not only horrendously difficult, but it would also be an utterly hazardous task. The enemy will fight back ruthlessly, without mercy, with all the means it has at its disposal, jealously guarding its personal interests and preserving its continued power. Without finger pointing, there is no other way to single out the enemy within -- the abusers of power. And in the process one is faced with various forms of retributions including being arrested and jailed. Unfortunately, that is the only open option for citizens to take.-.. Pointing out the bad apples and forcing authorities (State Elders) to take actions.

When the old regime collapsed and the political marriage of some thirty plus years failed, the de-facto speech gag rule collapsed as well. It was virtually a culture of silence that forced the public to condone gross embezzlement and plundering of all forms of public resources (from funds to lands). Since there was a total lack of scrutiny and accountability, the few tax dollars the country received that could have been used to build basic institutions, were instead diverted and were drained into personal pockets of corrupt officials and their kinships.

Almost miraculously, with the collapse of the old regime and its culture of silence, the imposed stagnation of thought and of speech came to an end as well. Deplorably, however, new forms of corruption continued as ruthlessly as under the old regime. Until now, though, the average citizen was able to enjoy the only new found freedom - the Freedom of Speech. This first and foremost freedom that survived from the ruins is now being threatened and challenged as well by self-righteous politicians or individuals in power.

Why Freedom of Speech is so important in this transitional period?

Free Speech is so essential to every nation as to every person. Somalilanders are no different. They love to talk and talk and talk. They love to talk about useful and important things, as they love to talk about silly things. In the process they find new friends and whole groups who have same dreams, same hopes, same aspirations.

The ability to associate freely with whomever one chooses, to be able to organize and form groups to discuss and resolve common problems is, therefore, equally important. The right to publicly criticize anyone harming the interests of the society and to stand up against injustice is now needed more than ever, if the democratization process is to continue.

Nevertheless, citizens need to be aware of the blurry find line between national security, self-respect, and exercising one's freedom.

Make no mistake, we expect our politicians to rise above the skirmishes. As role models for generations to come, they must refrain from mudslinging and personal attack. Stop scoring points at the nations expense and focus the issues! Use constructive language that bridges the political gap!

And Please stop the name calling like teenagers (Gamboolay)?

We already now that without Freedom of Speech, without Freedom of the Press, without Freedom of Assembly and Association the democratization process will suffocate and die! Without democratization, the nation will not see justice. Without justice there will be no better future. Without a better future, the enormous sacrifices have been made in vain.

Already the price of freedom has been extremely high! Too many lives have been sacrificed for our own and for our children's future. Now it is up to us to defend our freedoms, to exercise it wisely, and to shape our future! The next parliamentary elections will be crucial!

The question is, will the new legislators represent the interests of the common citizen and of the nation, or again of a particular clan?

So very much is at stake! So very much can be done!

No Freedoms, no Democracy, no Future!

Be responsible politician and Somaliland will sustain its good name within democratic nations.

Magan Ibrahim Minnesota,USA.

1- The Somaliland President Dhahir Rayale Kahin, made a working visit to the Republic of South Africa during the period 30 January to 9 February 2005, accompanied by the Somaliland Foreign Minister Edna Adan Ismail, Information Minister Abdillahi Duale and Fisheries and Coastal Development Minister Mohammed Mahmoud Farah.

2- During the discussions held on Tuesday, 1 February, in Cape Town, attended by the Somaliland President and ANC leaders in the Western Cape, both sides exchanged ideas and discussed ways to consolidate Somaliland's emerging democracy with particular attention to the up-coming Somaliland parliamentary elections scheduled for 29 March 2005. The two sides also welcomed the steady progress being made in developing people-to-people's relations between South Africa and Somaliland.

3- The Somaliland President and ANC leaders furthermore welcomed the planned African Union fact-finding mission to Somaliland and exchanged ideas, which urged African leaders in areas of conflict on the Continent to cooperate with the African Union to solve outstanding problems in a peaceful, and fair manner. The Somaliland President praised President Thabo Mbeki's peace-building efforts in Africa and his efforts to promote Nepad's goal of inter-African trade, to achieve the aims of a stronger and renewed African continent.

4- Both the Somaliland President and ANC leaders reaffirmed their commitment to the nurturing of peace and stability on the continent. They also reiterated the need for urgent action in implementing the culture and language of dialogue in the Horn of Africa.

5- The Somaliland President paid a courtesy call on President Thabo Mbeki's Minister in the Presidency Dr. Essop Pahad, as well as on the provincial premier Mr. Thabang Makwetla of Mpumalanga and held talks with the Premier of the Western Cape, Mr. Ebrahim Rasool.

6- President Kahin's Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the University of South Africa's (Unisa) ABET department signed a Memorandum of Understanding on the Establishment of Joint Programmes on 8 February, which commits the parties "to the development of an indigenous programme for Adult Education and basic literacy". Both sides agreed a Unisa team will visit Somaliland to begin the joint programme as soon as possible, in order to contribute to the implementation of Nepad's goals and the United Nations Millenium Development Goals in education.

7- The President and his delegation also met with religious leaders, such as the Acting President of the Muslim Judicial Council, Moulana Ighsaan Hendricks.

8- During his visit the Somaliland President met with key South African business people, such as Tokyo Sexwale and the Oppenheimers.

9- The President and his delegation also had the opportunity to visit some of South Africa's navy bases, Soweto's Hector Peterson Museum, the Apartheid Museum, Robben Island and to address the closing session of the Mpumalanga Growth & Development Summit. The Somaliland President also responded to speaking invitations from key South African institutions, such as Pretoria-based Academy of Self-Knowledge, the Institute for Global Dialogue, and the South African Institute of International Affairs.

Enquires:

Iqbal Jhazbhay, Pretoria. Mobile: + 27 82 880 8603 E-mail: iqbal@unisa.ac.za Issued by : The Somaliland Ministry of Information, Hargeisa, Republic of Somaliland, 9 February 2005

Further information on Somaliland, see:http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/country_profiles/3794847.stm http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo18/success.html

But at the end, they win back their humanity, defeat the demons inside them and restart a new life. Somaliland, with its brutal suffering under Siyad Barre, the great loss of life, the peace initiated by its traditional elders and the successful Council and Presidential elections is a living example of humanity's inherent goodness and the will to succeed despite all odds. Now Somaliland is at a major cross-road with the dream of becoming a recognized sovereign state and the upcoming Parliamentary elections the backbone of realizing this dream.

Unfortunately, it appears our President lacks the leadership mettle to take our country into the next realm of statehood. It seems he never heeded the trust we put in him by electing him to the highest office despite his past career and apathetic Vice Presidency. His past actions in his short term from appointing a bloated and incompetent cabinet, human rights violations, unlawful and arbitrary detentions, neglect of the Sool and Sanag regions to swindling millions (padded budgets) of dollars from our meager resources is well recorded in both the Somaliland media and in every Somalilanders mind. Cozying to Djibouti's Omar Gelle showed us his willingness to betray Somaliland's interests for his own personal and political gain.

He even went further than the accepted political norms by publicly ordering his countrymen not to dare criticize his mentor; Ismail Omar Geelle. Our President never weighed the detrimental consequences his policies could have on the issue of our democratization and nationhood. The recent visit of three of his most powerful ministers to Djibouti is not merely a coincidence. President Omar Gelle of Djibouti is known for his fraudulent practices and intimidating the populace during elections.

But all these transgressions, lack of vision and political ineptness is dwarfed by his governments recent devious shenanigans. Our President, not content with his executive powers, his control over the judiciary, his well placed friend and party member, Suleiman Mohamud Adan (Gaal) as the head of the Senate and a majority at the soon to be defunct Parliament, introduced a legislation through one of his MPs specifically designed to give his government total control over the up coming Parliamentary elections. This started in earlty December 2004 when pro UDUB MPs left the session discussing the recommendations of the committee designated to prepare the Parliamentary Election laws. The same pro UDUB MPs continued sabotaging the discussions when they absented themselves from the session of December 27th 2004 where the agenda was the Parliamentary Election Laws. This concerted effort was further highlighted by our President's meddling into the affairs of the Elections Commission and the appointments of potential new members. Finally pro UDUB MPs succeeded in hijacking Somaliland's Parliament and introduced this absurd and one sided legislation. If this legislation succeeds, he and his administration will end up with total control over all aspects of political life in Somaliland. The president we elected in a democratic election intends to deprive us of all the political and democratic gains we righteously fought for. Our Somaliland is on the verge of becoming a One Party Police State.

By introducing this legislation, the government showed its willingness to hijack, corrupt, block or disrupt the democratization process of our country. With this action the government intends to either have control over the parliamentary elections, or cry wolf and blame the opposition for rejecting this ill-intended legislation. Fortunately, The Somaliland Electoral Commission have already voiced their concern and stated, in a statement issued in Hargeisa January 21st, 2005, that the electoral law passed by the House is an obstacle to holding the parliamentary elections. Likewise, the Somaliland Forum issued a similar statement denouncing this trampling on the democratization process of the country. All Somalilanders in the Diaspora and inside Somaliland are morally required to stage their protest against the government's political maneuvering to sabotage our democracy.

In the meantime, President Riyaale's administration and UDUB supporters are orchestrating a campaign to divert the people's attention from the real issues. The president's statements, during Mohamad Hashi's nomination to Elections Commission, which foster suspicion and hatred between our country's communities, the detentions of a traditional elders in Hargeisa, the placement of additional security check posts between Hargeisa and Burao within the last two days, and an unofficial quasi curfew are all parts of a strategy adopted by the government to divert the public.

As part of this strategy, many UDUB frontline supporters in the Diaspora already started concerted media attacks against the opposition, particulary Kulmiye and any other citizen who dares to speak out, to distract Somalilanders from preserving their democratic gains. Since early December 2004 UDUB ideologues in the Diaspora promoted the idea of a fourth solution to the parliamentary elections impasse: holding the elections, the registration, census taking and district demarcations at the same time. Many in the Diaspora dismissed this idea as a far fetched and impractical idea, but little we knew. The wholesale

" Fight for the Parliamentary Elections and Stay alert to deny the government the chance to stage a fraudulent electoral process".

Ironically, Somaliland's Foreign Minister, Dr. Edna Adan Ismail, is scheduled to address a meeting at the Wits University in South Africa on February 3, 2005 about Africa's Success story.

A success we fought for and others could see, but we are going to loose if our President and his administration gets away with their plans.

Mohamad Doaleh, Ottawa, Canada

Speaking at the end of a 13-day mission to Somalia, Ghanim Alnajjar called on the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) to pursue actively the integration of international human rights norms and standards into the reconstruction of its executive, legislative and judicial branches.

"Unless human rights become a cornerstone of the TFG's agenda, the longterm stability of the country cannot be guaranteed", a press statement released by the UN Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator's Office for Somalia quoted him as saying.

He agreed with the TFG prime minister, Ali Muhammad Gedi, on the importance of establishing a "Truth and Reconciliation Commission to redress the suffering of the millions of Somalis who lost either their relatives and/or livelihoods during the many years of conflict and to bring those responsible to justice", the statement said.

Alnajjar visited Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, and Garowe and Bosasso, the capital and coastal port of the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, respectively. He also met members of the TFG, local authorities, civil society groups and representatives of donor countries.

Among issues discussed were "women's and children's rights, prison conditions, the rule of law, the establishment of independent human rights commissions and the situation of internally displaced persons (IDPs)".

The expert also discussed the condition of Somalia's coastline and coastal waters, which have been severely affected by illegal fishing by foreign vessels, and more recently by the Indian Ocean tsunami.

Alnajjar called on the authorities in both Somaliland and Puntland to release all prisoners of war, captured during clashes between the two sides in the disputed region of Sool, last year.

The electoral commission of Somaliland has postponed the elections that were expected to take place on 29 March this year and has not given another date for the elections.

Political parties in Somaliland have also differed on how to hold the elections, with the most bitter rift being between the opposition Kulmiye party and the ruling UDUB (Democratic United National) Party.

The Kulmiye party has refused to attend a meeting between all political parties and the government.

Dear Brothers and Sisters

As many of you are aware, this is my first visit to South Africa, and as you can see, I have decided with my ministers, that Cape Town will be our first city of focus in South Africa.

As far away as South Africa may seem to be from Somaliland and the Horn of Africa, I assure you that South Africa is Somaliland's closest friend on this continent. The Western Cape province should be congratulated for taking the lead in developing South African-Somaliland people-to-people relations, under the leadership of Premier Ebrahim Rasool.

I am extremely pleased to be with you at a time when South Africa is completing its 10 years of democracy, stability and reflecting on its up-coming challenges. This is also a time, when the people of Somaliland join you, as you reflect on 50 years of the Freedom Charter, which was launched by Africa's oldest liberation movement, the African National Congress.

Not only do we have in South Africa, the ANC, Africa's oldest liberation movement and arguably the best, I am also honoured and humbled to be in the presence today of South Africa's oldest surviving Muslim organisation, the Muslim Judicial Council (MJC).

We in Somaliland plan to hold this year a seminar on lessons from Islam in South Africa and the Freedom Charter. This seminar will be co-hosted by the Somaliland Academy for Peace and Development and the University of South Africa.

I am informed by Iqbal Jhazbhay, our advisor on Somaliland-South Africa relations, that your late Minister Abdullah Omar, reflected this self-effacing, modest character. I understand that President Thabo Mbeki highlighted his spectacular and admirable dimension of the late Minister's character at his funeral last year.

My delegation, myself included, were proud and humbled, as we visited the various areas of Cape Town, including Khayelitsha, to be associated fully with Africa. As you say in your local language, Africa ke-nako, Africa's time has come this century, for its full renewal and for it to free itself from the clutches of colonialism and all forms of bondage.

In this respect, Somaliland was honored and humbled by the historic opportunity it had, when a renowned Somalilander, Ambassador AR Abby Farah, led the distinguished UN fact-finding team to South Africa in 1989, which met with South African leaders, such as the late ANC giant, Walter Sisulu.

Our Ambassador Farah, also chaired the historic UN Centre against Apartheid from 1969 to 1972. Later, Somaliland diplomats, as well as the late President Egal, worked with the new chair of the UN Centre against apartheid, Mr. ES Reddy, for over two centuries, in promoting international sanctions against South Africa and support for its liberation movements.

Allow me here to express the deep appreciation of the people of Somaliland for South Africa's hospitality extended to the late Somaliland President Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, who passed away while undergoing treatment at Pretoria's Military 1 hospital in May 2002. The late President Egal belonged to a generation of African leaders at the time of independence from colonialism, and was a contemporary of Kwame Nkrumah, Leopold Senghor and Jomo Kenyatta. President Egal was the last democratically elected Prime Minister of a united Somalia (1967). Finally, as you will have opportunities this evening to engage with my ministers of foreign affairs, information, fisheries and coastal development, I hope we will see each other again either here in Cape Town or Hargeisa to advance Nepad's goal, to further inter-African solidarity and trade.

Somaliland has been described, I quote from the ANC journal Umrabulo, "As a Success Story, Somaliland is Africa's Best-kept Secret". You will get to experience, on the ground, at first hand Africa's Best-kept Secret, how it has managed to have no foreign debt.

You will also experience, first hand, how Somaliland has relied on our women, elders, ulama, religious scholars, and internal resources to build the country from ashes. How South African companies such as Mvelephanda Holdings have attained our oil concessions, how your well placed mineral companies such as Plat Min are beginning gem stone mining and how South Africa's telecommunications sector have installed satellite technology, which gives us broadband, 24-hour internet access at times faster than some homes in Cape Town or Pretoria.

About Somaliland

Somalia, became independent one week after Somaliland and the two independent Somali `States' united to form the Somali Republic, with Somaliland being the `mother' country and the more senior of the two partners.

Nevertheless, the Act of Union, which should have formalised the unification of the two Sovereign Somali states, was never ratified by the Parliaments of the two countries, which makes the 31-year-old union between Somaliland and Somalia only an informal partnership.

Regretfully, like in many partnerships, the initially hopeful union of the two young countries ended in disaster and culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between Somalia and Somaliland. We all remember the union between Senegal and Gambia, which lasted only six months, and that of Egypt and Syria, which lasted three years. The union between Somaliland and Somalia lasted 31 years but culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between the two countries before they separated.

During the years of civil war, and while the world did nothing to stop it, the military regime of the Somali dictator Siyad Barre perpetrated war crimes and acts of genocide against the people of Somaliland. Government airplanes indiscriminately bombed our major cities while tanks and other heavy military artillery pounded civilian dwellings without pity, flattening schools, hospitals, mosques, and 90% of the capital city.

In February 1991, one month after Somaliland's victory, and the fleeing of the troops of Siyad Barre from Somaliland territory, traditional elders met in Berbera.

They unanimously agreed not to seek revenge among themselves nor have malice for any persons from Somalia still living in Somaliland. Consequently, ten thousand Somalia troops that became stranded in Somaliland were fed and sheltered for three months until a safe corridor was secured for their safe return to Somalia.

In December, 2002, Somaliland held their first Local Government elections, followed in April 2003 by the first Presidential elections.

The first Parliamentary elections is expected in March this year, and a year later that of the Upper House of Elders (Senate), all this in order to complete with the long and difficult transition from a traditional, clan-based political system to a stable multi-party democracy in Somaliland.

"Regretfully, even though Somaliland is a country that can be considered a miracle and a rare African success story, the former Organization of African Unity, as well as the present African Union, have spent more time and effort over Africa's failures and conflicts instead of giving credit to Africa's achievements similar to that of Somaliland today," notes Dr. Edna Adan Ismail, minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Somaliland.

"Undermining the achievements of Somaliland, sadly also undermines the goals of NEPAD that are to promote peace, stability, and good governance in Africa. Independence and sovereignty for Somaliland is a reality with no turning back of the clock. What remains is for the international community to come to terms with that reality and to arrive at the only possible and just conclusion: recognition of Somaliland as a rightful member of the world community of nations," he adds.

Ismail, says that failing to do that would be a great discredit to human rights and to democracy itself. It would further destroy the hard-won stability that Somaliland enjoys today, and would result in another mass exodus from the Horn of Africa. "The people of Somaliland have made a clear choice. Will the international community respect the choice of the people of Somaliland ?" he concludes.

I enjoyed Fred Halliday's Three Dustbin theories of history (Comment Extra, last week), but would ask him to think again in labelling all the Horn of Africa as a former pro-Soviet area with no transition to democracy.

Somaliland is a former British protectorate which suffered grievously under a Soviet-backed dictator and in 1991 declared itself an independent republic. A president was elected and a civilian government established. Although still unrecognised internationally, the country has made great efforts to support law and order and establish an infrastructure and a viable economy.

In April 2003 a further peaceful election was held, and President Dahir Kahin and his party were elected, the main opposition party conceding this although losing by only a small number of votes. With limited resources the democratically elected government, with no evidence of corruption, are struggling to develop a viable economy and infrastructure.

Good stories about Africa are seldom heard: here is one positive story which needs wide publicity, not binning.

Professor Sally Tomlinson, Vice-chair of Trustees, Africa Education Trust, London WC2

Last week President Dhahir Rayale Kahin and three of his cabinet ministers visited SA for talks with Minister in the Presidency Essop Pahad, senior foreign affairs officials and businessmen. Ethiopia has said it will be second (to recognise Somaliland). We are searching for number one, said Kahin, who spoke at the Institute for Global Dialogue in Midrand last week. Pretoria's recognition last year of the Saharawi Democratic Republic (Western Sahara), which seceded from Morocco, may have given Somaliland encouragement for its chances. African regional powers such as SA, Kenya and Ethiopia maintain contacts with the Somaliland, a country with 3,5-million people, and the president says his country co-operates closely with the US in fighting terrorism in the region, but the prospects for recognition from Pretoria are remote. Last year Chris Mullins, the British foreign office's top Africa official, visited the country, which before independence in 1960 was known as British Somaliland.

Somaliland bases its legal case for international recognition on the fact that it was the first of the Somalias to achieve independence in 1960. The country bolsters its case by citing that it has held elections that have been recognised as free and fair by a number of observer groups and insists that it has good governance. But with the establishment of a form of transitional government for Somalia and the fear that precedents that could be set for other regions that may wish autonomy in Africa, there is little impetus for recognition.

However, the AU intends sending a mission to Somaliland soon for talks that hold out a chance the issue could be placed higher on Africa's agenda. International recognition would give Somaliland access to much-needed development aid. The bulk of the aid the country currently receives is for immediate humanitarian needs rather than longer-term development needs. The country's economy is heavily dependent on revenues it receives from Ethiopia for the use of the port of Berbera, its gypsum deposits and its livestock exports to Gulf states.

Copyright c 2005 Times Media Ltd.. Source: Financial Times Information Limited - Europe Intelligence Wire.

"We have a functional government with democratically elected president, so how can we talk to a warlord who was not elected by his people" said President Riyale speaking to Reuter news agency in South Africa.

Speaking about his view towards the new Somali government, President Riyale said that the government led by Abdullahi Yusuf will not make any change in Somalia.

"It is just a dream, they are dreaming having a government, it is not a true government, and it is a government in exile, which is far from the chaos and anarchy that dominates Somalia," said the Somaliland leader.

President Riyale, who is in efforts of getting international recognition for his government, is currently visiting South Africa.

He said that Somaliland would prefer to fight if any reunification efforts of with southern Somalia are carried out.

The South African Institute of International Affairs

In Association with The Institute for Global Dialogue & University of South Africa

Jan Smuts House, East Campus, Wits University

03/02/2005

Somaliland- Africa's Secret Success Story

by Dr. Edna Adan Ismail Minister of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Somaliland

I bring you greetings from the Republic of Somaliland and consider it a great honour to up-date you with the situation in my country.

From the outset, please let me explain that Somaliland's existence, as an Independent State is a historical fact and today's reality, which the National Geographic refers to as 'an area of special sovereignty'. Recently, the African Union has taken the issue up and the current chairman of the AU intends to send a fact-finding mission to Somaliland as soon as possible.

Established as a British Protectorate in 1884, Somaliland became independent on June 26, 1960, and was immediately recognised by 34 UN Member States, including the five Permanent Members of the Security Council.

This makes Somaliland the first independent Somali country to become a member of the United Nations, and 44 years later, since we have neither resigned from our membership in the UN, nor given away our sovereignty to anyone, we still claim ownership of our independence and that of our membership in the UN.

Regarding our neighbour, former Italian Somalia, it became independent one week after Somaliland and the two independent Somali `States' united to form the Somali Republic, with Somaliland being the `mother' country and the more senior of the two partners.

It is worth mentioning, however, that the Act of Union, which should have formalised the unification of the two Sovereign Somali states, was never ratified by the Parliaments of the two countries, which makes the 31year-old union between Somaliland and Somalia only an informal partnership.

Regretfully, like in many partnerships, the initially hopeful union of the two young countries ended in disaster and culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between Somalia and Somaliland. We all remember the union between Senegal and Gambia, which lasted only six months, and that of Egypt and Syria, which lasted three years. The union between Somaliland and Somalia lasted 31 years but culminated in a brutal ten-year civil war between the two countries before they separated.

During the years of civil war, and while the world did nothing to stop it, the military regime of the Somali dictator Siyad Barre perpetrated war crimes and acts of genocide against the people of Somaliland. Government airplanes indiscriminately bombed our major cities while tanks and other heavy military artillery pounded civilian dwellings without pity, flattening schools, hospitals, mosques, and 90% of the capital city.

Tens of thousands of our people became massacred, and over half a million were driven from their homes becoming internally displaced. An additional million sought refuge in refugee camps in neighbouring in Ethiopia, Djibouti and Yemen.

In Somaliland, we keep discovering mass graves to this day and so far, over a hundred have become registered by UN Forensic Experts. These atrocities were only some of the reasons why the people of Somaliland fled to all corners of the world to seek refuge wherever they could find asylum.

Please allow me to show you a video of what Hargeisa looked like in 1991 when it was liberated from Somalia.

Peace Processes in Somaliland

After the liberation of our country in 1991, the hard won peace and stability that we enjoy in Somaliland today were achieved through the sheer determination of our men and women and that of our traditional elders. Unlike peace conferences in other parts of Africa, peace in Somaliland was homegrown and was brokered entirely with the initiative and resources of our people.

1. The First Peace Conference in Berbera

In February 1991, one month after Somaliland's victory, and the fleeing of the troops of Siyad Barre from Somaliland territory, our traditional elders met in Berbera. They unanimously agreed to let `bygones be bygones' and not seek revenge among themselves nor have malice for any persons from Somalia still living in Somaliland. Consequently, ten thousand Somalia troops that became stranded in Somaliland were fed and sheltered for three months until a safe corridor could be secured for their return to Somalia.

This general amnesty still holds and Somaliland is proud to have a large number of labourers and merchants from Somalia living and working in Somaliland without any restrictions or fear for their lives. That's what Somaliland's Democracy is all about !

The Second Peace Conference of Somaliland

The leaders also agreed to hold a Second National Peace Conference, and which became convened three months later in Burao in April/May 1991.

During the Burao Congress, elders and representatives of the Clans of former Somaliland Protectorate met under the shades of Acacia trees. They agreed to separate from the Somali Democratic Republic, and on the 18/5/1991, the Independent and Sovereign State of the Republic of Somaliland was born once again.

Immediately, Somalilanders had no choice other than to rise to the challenges and get on with the daunting task of rebuilding Somaliland on a self-help basis. Reconstruction took place without the benefit of a Martial Plan, without the political recognition that the country deserves, without international support, but with only their meagre resources to rely on.

In October 1992, sporadic inter-clan fighting broke out which prompted an immediate reaction and strong involvement of women who held mass demonstrations for peace. The women handed petitions to the elders threatening that these demonstrations would continue unless the elders, politicians and government representatives declared an immediate cease fire and swore in public that all parties would adhere to the terms and conditions of the cease fire. Their demands were immediately met.

The Third Somaliland Peace Conference.

The third National Congress took place in Borama in1993. This Congress was held with the intent of developing a system of Governance and a National Charter for Somaliland.

It was convened under humble and traditional settings instead of taking place in expensive five star international hotels. All Peace Conferences of Somaliland were bottom-up processes and have enjoyed full community support, an approach that has ensured the adherence to the agreements that have been reached on every occasion.

After four months of debates and deliberations in Borama, the 500 representatives of all the clans of Somaliland elected the first Elected President and Vice-President (Our Late President Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal who died in South Africa in 2002, and Vice President Abdurahman Aw Ali ).

During that Congress, the `Borama National Charter' was drafted and adopted and became the Blueprint for the civilian system of Government that has been in place since that time.

This National Charter laid the foundation for the development of the Somaliland Constitution which became approved in May 2001 by an overwhelming majority of 97% of Somalilanders.

The people of Somaliland also re-affirmed their support for their country's sovereignty during this Constitutional Referendum which is consistent with the right of people to self-determination as entrenched in the Charters of the African Union and the United Nations.

In December, 2002, we held our first Local Government elections, followed in April 2003 by the first Presidential elections.

We now plan to hold our first Parliamentary elections in March this year, and a year later that of the Upper House of Elders (Senate), all this in order to complete our long and difficult transition from a traditional, clan-based political system to a stable multi-party democracy in Somaliland.

Demobilisation of Militia

Following the Borama Congress, Somaliland became the second African State after South Africa to achieve a general and voluntary Demobilization of its Militia. Demobilisation of our Freedom Fighters was achieved without international assistance and without international troops to make it happen.

During that historic and highly emotional demobilization ceremony, the militia of one the largest and strongest groups of SNM freedom fighters smartly paraded into the fully packed Hargeisa Sports Stadium, saluted the flag and the President of Somaliland as well as their Sultan, and proceeded to line up their military hardware. This became the first of several other daily and weekly parades with different militia groups laying down their arms and becoming incorporated into the National Army.

The above facts and processes were confirmed by the late Rocky Williams who spent a month in Hargeisa and in his interview on Radio 702 of 4 January 2005.

Stability in Somaliland

After fourteen years, Somaliland is a country of hope and determination. Landmines have been removed and over a million refugees have returned home from refugee camps or from the Diaspora. Tens of thousands of dwellings have been rebuilt and major economic infrastructure has been repaired.

Today, we have an economy that is increasingly attracting foreign investors who wish to do business in Somaliland. Above all, Somaliland is at present building a society founded on peace, justice, and the rule of law.

We wish to reaffirm our commitment to the peace and stability of the region, which includes unreserved respect for the unity, and territorial integrity of States. We stand neither for cessation, nor for the revision of Africa's borders. Somaliland was among the first African States to be free from colonial rule, and our demand for recognition implies full respect of the borders received at the moment of independence from Great Britain. We are by no means the first African state to have entered into a voluntary union with another and subsequently withdrawn from that union intact. Egypt and Syria, Senegal and Gambia and Senegal and Mali have all done likewise.

The good relations we enjoy with neighbouring States are the cornerstones of our foreign policy, which envisions a more stable, democratic and prosperous Horn of Africa.

Economic Development

Somaliland has chosen a system of free market economy, which seems to fully agree with the entrepreneurial character of the people of Somaliland. Consequently, the economic development in Somaliland has been very dramatic in spite of the repeated Saudi Arabian ban on the export of our livestock which has been imposed three times during the past ten years and which is still in force.

At first, the biggest investments were directed towards the reconstruction of private dwellings, shops, schools, ports and airports and other public property. Among the most impressive undertakings are :

 Repair and reconnection of the Hargeisa water supply.
 Maansoor and Ambassador Hotels, which are beautiful three/four star hotels, that favourably compare with similar star hotels in the Horn.
 Reconstruction and rehabilitation of the well known Hargeisa Club
 Construction of Private Hospitals and Clinics
 Construction of villas and private houses at an amazing rate with elegant villas cropping up in different neighbourhoods in the major towns of Somaliland.
 Openning of Amoud and Hargeisa Universities, and Burao Iniversity only a few months ago.
 Construction of Private Schools and Colleges.
 Reconstruction of the Airport of Hargeisa, Berbera, Burao, Borama and others.
 Reconstruction and dredging of the port of Berbera which now offers a berth to large cargo ships.
 Reconstruction of the Hargeisa Electric Power Plant
 Repair of the artery roads and reconstruction of the bridges between Hargeisa and Berbera, Hargeisa and Borama, Berbera and Burao
 Construction of market places, the biggest of which is the new Gobanimo Market in Hargeisa.
 Construction, establishment and expansion of private banks and money transfer businesses.
 The emergence of major communication and IT systems.
The beginning of the Industrialization in Somaliland.
Several industries have been set up such as :
 Several Aluminium factories for doors and windows
 Flour Mill
 Mineral Water bottling plant
 Soft drinks bottling plant
 Honey bottling
 Poultry Farming
 Bakeries and other catering businesses
 Nails factory
 Stone crushing industries and brick making
 Carpentry and furniture workshops
 Plastics factory
 Micro-plant for sponges, mattresses and pillows
 Tailoring and clothing businesses
 Skins and hides

Somaliland has mineral resources that have not yet been exploited. We have oil, gas, coal, and the world's largest gypsum deposits. In addition to this, we have an 850 kilometre-long coastline that is rich with marine resources, waiting to be exploited. The major Port of Berbera serves as a ,ajor outlet/inlet for land-locked Ethiopia with a population of over 65 million. Berbera airport also has the longest runway in Africa having been built by the USA as one of the six landing sites for the Columbia shuttle.

Conclusion

Regretfully, even though Somaliland is a country that can be considered a miracle and a rare African success story, the former Organization of African Unity, as well as the present African Union, have spent more time and effort over Africa's failures and conflicts instead of giving credit to Africa's achievements similar to the shining example we have in Somaliland today.

Undermining the achievements of Somaliland, sadly also undermines the goals of NEPAD that are to promote peace, stability, and good governance in Africa.

Independence and sovereignty for Somaliland is a reality with no turning back of the clock. What remains is for the international community to come to terms with that reality and to arrive at the only possible and just conclusion: recognition of Somaliland as a rightful member of the world community of nations.

Failing to do that would be a great discredit to human rights and to democracy itself. It would destroy the hard-won stability that Somaliland enjoys today, and would result in another mass exodus from the Horn of Africa that would take our people to the four corners of the world again.

The people of Somaliland have made a clear choice. Will the international community respect the choice of the people of Somaliland ?

Thank you very much for your kind attention.

Waraabe, who is hoping to be the next president of the self-styled Republic of Somaliland, told Khaleej Times that he needs the support of Arab countries to gain international recognition for his country.

"We are a real state that is ruled by a constitution. Not many African countries can do what we have done. We ask for recognition from the international community," he said.

Waraabe is currently in Dubai to keep his supporters from this region updated on the political situation in the break-away Republic of Somaliland, which in 1991 declared it secession from the east African country of Somalia.

He said that Somaliland was the first Somalian state that achieved independence on June 26, 1960, even before Somalia, and got recognition of 35 countries around the world. Five days later, when Italian Somalia became independent, Somaliland mistakenly had an unratified, disastrous union with Somalia from July 1, 1960 which continued till May 1991.

The withdrawal from such union was decided after Somalia inflicted unforeseen denials, injustice, atrocities and destruction in Somaliland for 30 years (1960-1990), Waraabe said.

"The Somaliland people, who were together in the struggle for independence, were together in the reproclamation of Somaliland's independence," he said.

Waraabe appealed to Arab countries to support the Somaliland. "My party stands in the opposition because of the inefficiency of the current government, which failed to achieve international recognition for Somaliland, and is not working hard enough to achieve this goal," he claimed.

Commenting on the Somalian government of Abdullah Yousif, which has the international community's recognition, Waraabe said: "President Yousif was unfit to head Somalia out of its 13-year-old crisis and instability, but if he succeeds in ensuring peace and stability in the north, the government and opposition power in Somaliland will establish a dialogue with him - not in regard of unity, but for reconciliation and cooperation between the two countries."

Waraabe said security and stability was the top priority of his party, which is trying to change the government of President Dhahir Rayale Kahin during the coming election in March. "The most important thing to people in my country is peace and stability. I believe we can now sustain that because there has been a positive move towards embracing democracy," he said.

The opposition leader, who is optimistic about the future of Somaliland, stressed that his country is one of the 11 African nations that agreed to form an anti-terrorism origination to protect the country from being used by terrorists who are networking in African countries.

"Somaliland is terrorism-free as terrorists couldn't find a suitable platform to launch their operations," he said.

Tsunami update: UNICEF and partner organizations undertook relief efforts reaching an estimated 8,000 to 12,000 people in Hafun and other areas hit along the Northeast Somalia ('Puntland') coastline on December 26. An estimated 80 percent of homes in Hafun were destroyed. Initial consequences were lack of clean water and sanitation facilities and a serious shortage of food. Areas currently assisted by UNICEF besides Hafun include Bender Beyla, Arris and Garad.

It has been difficult to assess with accuracy the total number affected in Northeast Somalia due to the remoteness of many villages and lack of roads. In late January a multi-agency assessment got underway to get a more accurate perspective as well as the long term consequences of the tsunami.

UNICEF has distributed blankets, jerry cans, plastic sheeting, cooking sets, mosquito netting and soap to the most vulnerable. Other activities have included chlorination of drinking water, repair of damaged wells, construction of new water sources, trucking of water to communities and digging of latrines. UNICEF through a local community-based organization is rehabilitating 10 damaged wells in Hafun.

UNICEF has supplied dewatering pumps for removing sea water and debris which was swept into the wells by the tidal wave.

Relief interventions have also focused on the treatment of the sick and the training of health workers on management of diarrhoea diseases, acute respiratory infections, anaemia and antenatal care and the provision of medical supplies and equipment. Among those UNICEF has trained are workers of the Somali Red Crescent Society. As a result of UNICEF interventions, water borne diseases have declined.

In Kulub and Garacad villages, UNICEF distributed shelter materials to families that were affected. The waves destroyed Kulub village and its water sources. UNICEF is to rehabilitate five wells in Garacad village as well as construct latrine facilities in Garacad and Kulub.

UNICEF has also supported initiatives to ensure resumption of schooling. After the tsunami struck Hafun, displaced residents occupied the local primary school building. In mid-January, UNICEF in collaboration with the local community education committee facilitated the vacation of the building to allow the school to reopen. Prior to the tsunami, the school had 92 students. Advocacy initiatives after the tsunami led to the enrolment in Hafun village surging to 148 with 85 of the pupils being girls. UNICEF provided tarpaulin sheets to serve as shelter for two additional classrooms.

Other coastal communities of Foocaar, Baal Madow and Garaan, all in Hafun district, which didn't have schools previously, are now readying to open them. UNICEF has helped the communities to form education committees. The communities will use plastic tarpaulin sheets provided by UNICEF as shelter for the classrooms.

To date, UNICEF Somalia has received approximately $500,000 in total from the US and UK Funds for UNICEF while pledges have been made by the US OFDA/USAID. A donation of shelter items and fishing nets was also made by the Coca Cola company. Together with supplies that UNICEF already had inside Somalia for rapid response to emergency situations, these amounts have been adequate to cover the response so far. Additional funding may become necessary for longer-term recovery efforts.

More can be read about UNICEF and its work in the tsunami affected areas at www.unicef.org/somalia/

Political developments

Political developments: In Northwest Somalia