That Freedom Shall not Perish

That Somaliland should remain internationally unrecognised 13 years after declaring its independence is no accident. This does not mean that our lack of diplomatic success is down to one single cause, rather, a myriad of causes not all of them due to those who oppose our independence.

It goes without saying that what unites us as Somalilanders is far more important than what might divide us, whether it be allegiance to a political party, clan and the like.

It is of the utmost importance that our political leaders, be they government or opposition parties, present a united front to the outside world. To this end, we feel that it would be enormously beneficial to our just cause if the current government were to invite the opposition parties to join them in a government of national unity. It is our sincere hope that such a government would be more pro-active in pursuit of Somaliland's legitimate claims to statehood, than had hither to been the case.

Indeed no less a personage than president Rayale said he would consider forming a government of unity immediately after the results of the closely contested presidential elections of last year were known. It would be quite indefensible if the government were now to dismiss the idea out of hand. It might be very difficult to argue that this is a government which has got its priorities right if it was quite disposed to forming a government of national unity on account of a disputed election, but not when the unholiest of unholy alliances seek to undermine Somaliland or destroy it altogether. In the words of the former British Prime minister, Harold Wilson, "He who refuses change is the architect of decay."

Our lack of pro-activity in securing Somaliland's over-due international recognition is by no means unique to the political classes. In this respect the Somaliland Diaspora, particularly those in western democracies have a vital role to play in pushing for the recognition of Somaliland. Our people in the Diaspora who have so far remained a rich, albeit, an untapped source of strength could make a start by writing to their members of parliament or other representatives, and put Somaliland's case to an outside world which by and large does not know where to begin when confronted with anything bearing the slightest relation to "Somali" politics, other than to mouth off about the increasingly meaningless tag of 'failed state' and about how Somalia has been without a 'central government' since their ousting of Siad Barre.

That the outside world remains largely oblivious about Somaliland and the fact that we have fulfilled most if not all of the requirements of statehood, such a failure is ours and ours alone. In short, it is the duty of every Somalilander to put our case to the outside world. It is high time we became more ambitious for our country.

We note with interest how that most exclusive of clubs, the G8 group of richest nations have in recent years sought to put Africa on their agenda going as far as to invite senior leaders from the continent to discuss how best to encourage good governance and democracy in our continent.

It is now time we lobbied all those who would listen and informed the world that there is a perfectly viable alternative to chasing the unrealistic dream of reconstituting the old Somali republic, however they might tinker with it. Put simply, we need to keep asking Professor Herbst's pertinent question "IN AFRICA WHAT DOES IT TAKE TO BE A COUNTRY"

Though one might not know it simply by looking at the activities of our politicians, there is more to politics than about lining one's pockets and self-aggrandizement. What is equally abhorant is the conduct of spurious arguments, masquerading as public enlightenment. Such arguments only serve to highlight the inadequacies of some of our public officials who should know better. And if these people have nothing better to say then a long period of silence on their part would be most welcome.

The sad truth is that there really is nothing much standing our way in terms of seeking recognition for Somaliland. Large swathes of Somalia increasingly resemble a finishing school for mass murderers. How can it be argued that those who have reduced Somalia to chaos and devastation should have priority over those who have by their own endeavours laboured to build a viable nation state. The warlords of Somalia murder on an industrial scale, cultivate drugs, devastate their enviroment, inflict untold misery on their people are indifferent to their national interest as it often conflicts with their own selfish interests, and have as their sole political panacea the attainment of the degraded and empty title of Somali president. In contrast, we in Somaliland have been able to bring peace and stability to our land. We have brought back our refugees from neighbouring countries, and democratized our political system. Yet, paradoxically, our reward for this has been to have our economy ruined by unjust sactions and to be ignored politically. Such abuse perpetrated against us was made easier by our failure to lobby effectively.

We know that the Somali peace conference has been nothing but a futile exercise, but even we, were unprepared for the utter pointlesness of this exercise and its participants. One of the presidential candidates, Hussein Aideed, was threatening to withdraw from the conference only a few weeks ago, claiming that some of MPs were not duly elected. It soon became clear that this fit of pique had been brought on by the failure of one Hawo Yarey to secure a seat. This is the sort of farrago that occurs when mediocrities and self-seekers are left to run the show and garner international recognition and reward. We have been silent too long.

Safeguarding a country's national interest is not for neighbouring countries, nor for the United Nations or other international bodies. As Nurudin Farah said Somalia will languish until its people take ownership of their country. Otherwise, the misery of the Somali people will continue to be viewed by Somali politicians, UN agencies and regional bodies as a wonderful opportunity to make money, rather like the $3bn wasted "Operation Restore Hope", very little of which ever found its way to the ordinary people of Somalia, who have had 14 frauds perpetrated against them.

It is a gross injustice that the fate of Somaliland should be tied to that of people who have no sense of ownership of their land. We have a sense of ownership; our problem is that the international community will not recognise our legitimate claims.

It has been rather amusing observing the antics of the "Somaliland" contingent at the Mpaghati conference. They are the same tired faces, witnesses to so many failed conferences. They are there safe in the knowledge that nothing can be achieved, but anxious still to attend the wake of Somalia, hoping to gain whatever crumbs they can from the corpse of the body politic. They represent no-one and are traitors to their nation. They serve no useful purpose other than to be seen by Somali warlords as their useful idiots. This handful of quislings were one of the few groups not to squabble over representation at the conference. This was not proof of their wisdom, merely their paucity of numbers as they were numerically inadequate to fill the seats allocated to the people they falsely claim to represent. It goes almost without saying that the question of numbers is not the only field in which they are inadequate.

While we are silent we are complicit in the abuses perpetrated against us. If we say nothing then it is easy for the world to look the other way as our persecutors seek to draw once again to their web of death and misery. Wherever Somalilanders find themselves they must lobby for recognition of their homeland. This simple prize will not come to us without effort. History rewards only those who help themselves. Our voices individually will count for nothing, but if we all speak with one voice and demand our sovereign right to self determination then finally the world will have to notice and justice can be done.

Mohamed Ibrahim, Jamhuuriya UK, roble1972@yahoo.co.uk

Dr. Essa added that this has a very dangerous implication for Somaliland and as such pointed that it is imperative to launch a campaign against this injustice.

"As part of the campaign all visitors should be given brochures `WELCOME TO THE BAGHDAD OF THE UNITED NATIONS,' to illustrate to visitors the duplicity of UN policy towards Somaliland".

He said, "Visiting UN and INGO's staff are told not to leave their hotels, after dusk, while in Hargeisa."

Speaking about the Mbagathti conference he said, "There are 2 parallel conferences going in Nairobi. The one attended by Somalia factions will have adverse effect, only if supported by the International Community. Participants to this conference were brought by different means and the aim is to export a government to Mogadishu and support it financially."

"The other conference is moving faster and is discussing on ways of getting aid and establish structures, for Mogadishu government. The International Community don't exclude Somaliland from the process, but mention that Somalia negotiate with Somaliland," he said.

KULMIYE secretary for Foreign Affairs in his press conference mentioned that donors will meet in Sweden in October. The conference organized by Italy and funded by Sweden aims to collect funds for Somalia. This process followed by IPF seems to have forgotten all about Somaliland, for it is not included in the search for a planned $45 million dollars.

President Ghelle in his speech spoke in great length about the problems of Somalia, the marathon conference in Kenya, formation of parliament, the election of its chairman and deputies.

Mr. Ghelle, urged the UN to fulfil its obligations to Somali, by putting International pressure against all, who do not abide by the outcome of the conference, but he did not mention them.

Djibouti President also proposed that the Security Council reach a resolution on Somalia, based on the resolutions that come out of the Nairobi Conference for the former Italian Colony of Somalia.

In a press release from the Army Headquarters here, said 2 militiamen were killed, 3 wounded militiamen were captured and a technical with an anti-aircraft mounted was destroyed.

According to the release, the attacking forces retreated to the outskirts of Las Anod and its checkpoint in the West.

Somaliland Army commander, Nuh Ismail Tani, told Radio Hargeisa, that the army stopped their advance on Las Anod, to avoid civilian blood-shed and the destruction of the town, and are about 10 Km from the Centre of the town.

Our reporter in the area, Kayse Digale, in his dispatch stated that the confrontation began, when 3 technicals from Puntland militia opened fire on 2 technical from the army, who were on a reconnoitre.

Quoting sources from the frontline he said, "A contingent from the army moved to support its scouts and after an exchange of fire, forced the attackers to retreat to the outskirts of Las Anod. The army are about 10 Kms from the town and that his good advance.

Chairman of the opposition KULMIYE Party, Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, condemned the attack by Abdillahi Yusuf's forces, which he described as, "Naked aggression."

He said, "The party gives full support forces who are defending the country with life and blood. Such an obligation has to be fulfilled by every citizen".

"KULMIYE perceives this attack to be connected with the Mbagathi conference and is part of the pilot to discredit the stability and security in the country".

In another development, the opposition Justice and Welfare Party U'ID condemned the attack carried by what it described to be the Majertenia Administration.

The Party commended the army for their defence and announced full support to them. The party called on the people to provide moral and material support to the security forces and secure its eastern border immediately.

According to this reliable source all trucks that would have travelled east to areas under Somaliland administration were ordered not to leave the town.

"These steps were taken after 3 Puntland administration leaders arrived in Las Anod, with 3 technicals, in the early hours yesterday morning. This looks as if they are on a war footing," he concluded.

Militia loyal to Abdillahi Yusuf has been in Las Anod since they occupied it in 2002.

Chairman of the Association, Rashed Haji told the participants that they were advised to form the association by Eng. Mohamed Hashi Elmi, 5 years ago. He said, "Due to technical and prevailing reasons, we could not do that before now."

Minister of State for Public Works, Mr. Aden Mohamoud Diriye spoke about what the new association can do to decrease unemployment. He said, "Your association should not remain nominal, but do this uttermost to contribute toward decreasing unemployment."

Eng. Kayse, Deputy chairman of the association said, "5 to 7 thousand people work in construction in the capital city only. Construction workers are facing a difficult time, due to decrease of US Dollars in the local market and the increase of the price of building materials."

Attacks on the besieged Editor In chief of Jamhuuriya 's record -- mounted by competing cliques of political operatives -- speak of a democratic process overrun by well-funded character assassins.

The problem is not the mud being slung by the likes of the speaker of the house Mr. Qaybe who has points to score and settle old wounds with the Editor Saed, but a media that merely parrots their corrosive rhetoric, failing -- through professional scrutiny and investigative legwork -- to put to rest claims that simply aren't true, and to hold liars to account.

With less than few weeks past the arrests of the editor, the main news outlets seem content to report fairly and squarely about this ill fated government desperate actions to divert their inept rule from the main public, except Somaliland Times.

Somaliland Times chartered new territory that reflects the true nature of its editors. It had miserably chosen to go a lonely road where even the government's main paper shied to take. To the degree that its attention to the latest sparring over Editors records for the last 14 years has obscured coverage of the real motive on the government's that matter most to Somalilanders..

Media for Freedom of speech analysis of all local as well as Somaliland Diaspora websites coverage in the event of the arrest reveals that the government has failed to proof its case against the editor. But what really exasperated common citizens of the land the news that Qaybe was behind the current article on Somaliland Times.

To many, the Qaybe's claim to be the sole writer of the article by admitting while in Mafrishs (Kat Chewing Gatherings) that he proudly insulted Editor Hassan Saeed for publishing an article on SL Times, damages the credibility of SL Times itself. But, should we ask what motivated Qaybe to do this?

The fact that he is trying to seize an opportunity to get even with Jamhuuriya , Because, Jamhuuriya extensively reported Qaybe's past activities and his wretched history while he was loyal to Siyad Barre regime. Many times, Jamhuuriya honestly covered the feeling of the people towards what he stands for. It reported his real intentions about the proclamation of the existence of our nation. Which up to date dubious!

It times has been revealed that in his credibility to lead our house of representative was questioned because of stalled debates about important bills with intentional hindrances towards fruitful legislations that benefit the nation. It has been said that at worst he wishes the country should descend into chaos by alienating members of his own Beel by utilizing divisive clan tactics. And to the latest event, by locking out members from the parliament champers by using armed police officers. His latest fumbled resignation made most people to question his ability to lead the preparations for the upcoming elections.

Those reports and their political implications were simply bumped down the Somaliland Times news queue by Qaybe's press gang that seems inextricably drawn to political mudslinging.

To the extent that respected media focuses on character assassination of a fellow journalist, explicate the financial and political embedded ness with Qaybe's distractive machinery. This is not only cheating Somalilanders out of what we say we want most: a meaningful discussion on the current condition of the country and the vision of its leadership stance on the issues that have an impact in our daily lives. But it could be shameful marriage that would have far consequences.

In any event, we expect Qaybe to clarify his position by showing productive legislation and by not employing the backward policies inherited from the last brutal regime. After all, it is time to come clean to admit past deeds. If he really wants citizens to give him one more chance, as a leader, he must rise above skirmishes.

Further more a failure to be independent; the Somaliland Times would sound the final breach of news media's trust among Somalilanders.to engage citizens in our democratic process with reporting that informs about the facts of what is happening in the nation and to report the positions of the politicians on where they stand the most critical issues of the day. Without their fulfillment of this vital public service, our political system is left to the whims of interest rancor and propaganda.

Hooray to Jamhuuriya as it was the only newspaper that had positioned its loyalty to the issues close to the heart of the people and that also resonate most with their hopes and dreams, long before copycats derived from its experience.

Farhiya Mire, Minnesota, USA

The steady dripping of bad vibes from the neighbour country (Somalia) continues to corrode the success and achievements. The elected government has made very few strides. All Arabian countries from Saudi Arabia to Yemen fight to hold on to their illogical stand against Somaliland independence, often at terrible direct costs to Somaliland citizens. Rest of international communities would only listen what these Arab countries are saying about Somaliland simply because they claim to know what is best for Somaliland and its citizens. AU is a vehicle for the West to abstract all un-wanted deeds from the continent. The political leadership needed to push forward looks shaky. The best of the bunch is South Africa but even South Africa seem to give up on Somaliland since its founding father Mr M.I. Egal has passed away. All these challenges threaten to make this tiny country worry about its future.

Sure, the economy seem to grow in alarming rate after the civil war. But the growth was halted after Saudi Arabia banned livestock from the whole region. The lack of progress on international recognition is keeping much-needed foreign capital away.

Real change is not going to come easily. It will require a better educational system, so workers have the skills to compete in an increasingly sophisticated world--especially one in which some African countries are emerging as such formidable competitors. It needs to have states capable of dealing with the threat posed by extremist groups from neighbour country. The inability of the Somaliland Government to contain Abdulahi Yusuf's Militia could be a worrying indicator of worse to come. In the local sphere, Somaliland leaders need to keep cleaning up the corrupted system, keep streamlining government, keep improving the court system.

What's needed above all is political leadership, especially in security and search for international recognition. If it doesn't come from the top down, it should come from the bottom up. It's important that non-government organizations, the media, and business groups push their agendas within the limits of Somaliland's emerging democracies. That will test and build democracy. In Somaliland, the old order is dying. But the birthing pains of the new one have only begun.

Mohamed Ali Gibril

Report we received from the Ministry of Defence of Somaliland says that Puntland militiamen loyal to Abdullahi Yusuf [Puntland leader] this morning launched attacks on Somaliland National Army positions on the village of Ari Adeys, 30 km west of Laas Caanood, Sool Region [northern Somali region claimed by both Somaliland and Puntland].

The report says that the losses so far inflicted on the invading militia includes the destruction of a technical [battlewagon] mounted with an SU gun, which was burnt out, and another vehicle mounted with a B10 gun, which was partially destroyed.

Three wounded Abdullahi Yusuf militiamen who were among those who launched the attack on the Somaliland forces were taken prisoners. These militiamen were based in the region.

Somaliland forces are now stationed seven kilometres away from the centre of Laas Caanood.

In a story filed by 'Asharq Al Awsat' reporter Zeid Kammi in the Kingdom, Saudi Arabian Agriculture Minister Fahd Balghaneim announced his country's intention to soon lift the ban on the livestock of the Horn of African countries and to allow it to be imported through Djibouti. There was no talk of direct imports from Somalia and Somaliland, however.

In a statement to the press while visiting an agricultural project in Hard, 250 km south of Riyadh, on Tuesday, he said the Saudi move was in response to a request by Djibouti to set up a specialised quarantine centre in Djibouti to check livestock before it is exported to the Saudi Kingdom.

He added that a Saudi Committee, representing the Ministries of Agriculture, Trade and Industry, and Health would pay a visit to Djibouti to inspect the quarantine centres there and ensure that the animals were free from epidemic diseases.

Mr Balghaneim, however, pointed out that he didn't expect the ban to be lifted before end of the Ramadan and the Hajj festival, saying that his government needed enough time to put proper procedures in place in terms of inspecting the health condition of the animals and safeguarding the health and safety of the Saudi people and animals.

He said that the Kingdom didn't face any meat or livestock shortage at present due to its diversified sources of import, adding that the establishment of quarantine centres in Saudi Arabia would all play a significant role in monitoring animal health and planning imports to the Kingdom.

Earlier, the self-declared Somaliland accused Djibouti of trying to control its economy following a proposal by Djiboutian authorities aimed at making its ports as gateway for Somaliland's livestock exports to Arab Gulf countries, according to a report by the UAE based Arabic daily 'Al Khaleej' on 14 September.

'Al Khaleej' quoted Somaliland Livestock Minister as describing Djibouti's plan to export Somaliland's livestock through its ports as an "unacceptable attempt aimed at controlling his country's economy." Somaliland has its own regional port at Berbera, but given its status as a non-recognised state, it has not been successful in its plea to Saudi Arabia and other states on the Arabian Peninsula to resume livestock imports directly from Berbera.

Quoting sources in Somalia, 'Al Khaleej' said Djibouti's proposal came as a result of its consultations with some Gulf countries, which showed their desire for Somali livestock. The sources added that the proposal gives the Djiboutian government the right to examine livestock and export them through its ports. The paper added that some Somali businessmen had welcomed the proposal, hoping that it would end the long ban on Somali livestock exports to Gulf countries.

Meanwhile, Somaliland businessmen contacted by 'Awdalnews' in Dubai expressed their rejection of the move by Djibouti. One the businessman who asked to remain anonymous claimed that Djiboutian President Ismail Omar Guelleh had sold the idea to Southern Somali businessmen whom he invited to a forum he recently held in Djibouti. He alleged that President Guelleh had even "bribed" some Somali businessmen by issuing Djiboutian passports to them.

Somaliland Interior Minister Ismail Adam Osman also repeated his call upon Arab countries to lift the ban on the exports of Somaliland livestock and to accept its citizens to travel with Somaliland passports. In an interview with the UAE official Arabic daily 'Al Ittihad' on 12 September 2004, Mr Osman said that his government was fighting over the last six years for the ban to be lifted.

- The ban has caused a great suffering to Somaliland whose economy depended mainly on livestock export, said Somaliland Minister Osman. "We invite Arabs to come to our country and to see by themselves that our country is free from the Rift Valley Fever which has been used as a cover for the ban," he added.

Gunfire and raids erupted in the Sool region, which is claimed by both the self-declared Somaliland and a group called Puntland.

Somalia has been without a functioning national government since the overthrow of President Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991.

Puntland and Somaliland blame each other for starting the hostilities. Puntland said one of its soldiers was killed, and Somaliland claims to have captured three prisoners.

"It's not a war, it was a chasing away of bandits who were trying to disrupt and cause enough confusion to loot rations," Somaliland's Foreign Minister Edna Adan Ismael told the BBC.

In a telephone interview with Awdalnews Network, Somaliland's Interior Minister Ismail Adam Osman described the attack as a planned attempt by Puntland leader Abdillahi Yusuf to create a war situation in the area as an obvious cover up for his failure to secure support for his quest for Somalia's Presidency at the ongoing talks of Somali warring factions in Nairobi.

He said "Majeerteenia (Puntland) forces attacked a small partol unit of the Somaliland army at Adhi Addeeye village, 18-20 km from Las Anod, regional Capital of the Sool region.

He said that reinforcements were immediately sent from Somaliland garrison stationed between Yagoori and Adhi Adeeye and Majeerteenia militias were routed and pushed towards Boholaha Xargagan, less then 15km from Las Anod.

Osman said that there were no casaulties among Somaliland forces, while the Puntland militias suffered one dead, two wounded, one arrested and one "technical" battlewagon destroyed and another damaged.

Describing the situation as tense, Osman said that he expected Puntland militias to attack again.

"But if they do they should know that Somaliland forces will not stop until they reach the internationally recognized borders of our country."

Reiterating Somaliland's firm position of avoiding any military conflicts and war with neighboring countries, Osman said that the whole world knows that Somaliland had the military might and the will to retake its territory from Majeerteenia but had reined in its forces for one year to give a chance to peace and to avoid bloodshed.

"But, now we tell the African countries and the international community that we have been attacked and we are ready to defeat the enemy and secure our borders. It is our right and duty to safeguard our territorial integrity and our sovereignty," he said.

Osman added that Somaliland forces had stopped short of retaking Las Anod yesterday to avoid putting civilians in a harm's way.

"Abdillahi Yusuf cannot claim parts of another country just because he shares blood ties with some of the citizens. Somaliland has internationally recognized borders and every country in the world has a right to defend its borders," he said, reiterating that the people of Las Anod were citizens of Somaliand who were loyal to their country and its sovereignty.

Somaliland, which reclaimed its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991, but not recognized by anyone, was locked in a territorial dispute with Puntland over the east of Sanaag and most of the Sool regions which are home to sub-clans which together with the Majreerteen of Puntland belong to the Darod Harti clan.

Somaliland, however, insists on its legitimate right to safeguard its colonial and international recogniaed borders which included the eastern Sanaag and the whole of the Sool region.

"A heavy exchange of gunfire took place around the village of Abeseoley [22 km north of the regional capital, Las Anod]," Muhammad Sa'id Kashwito, a journalist on the Bosaso-based Midnimo Radio, told IRIN on Thursday.

He said reports from the area indicated that the fighting was between "reconnaissance units" from the two sides. It was not immediately clear what triggered the fighting or what the exact casualty figures were. Both sides blamed each other over the fighting.

The regions of Sool and Sanag, in northern Somalia, geographically fall within the borders of pre-independence British Somaliland, but most of the area's inhabitants, the Warsangeli, Dhulbahante and Majerteen communities, who are members of the larger Darod clan, are associated with residents of Puntland.

The timing of these clashes could not have come at worse time given the fact that residents of the area are suffering from the effects of the prolonged drought, a humanitarian source said.

Tension between the two sides had been simmering since Puntland troops took total control of Las Anod, in December 2003. Before then, both sides had official representation in the town.

Although no fighting was reported in the area on Thursday, both sides were said to have amassed troops on either side of the village of Ari Adey, 30 km west of Las Anod, Kashawito said.

Ahmad Awad Ashara, a member of the newly created Somali transitional federal parliament, who hails from Puntland, the northeastern region of Somalia, told IRIN in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, that he had heard about the fighting. "We have heard of the clashes, but we are reserving comment until we have the full details of the situation," he said.

The official radio in Hargeisa, the Somaliland capital, quoted the defence ministry there as saying on Wednesday morning that forces from Puntland had launched attacks at "Somaliland National Army positions" in the village of Ari Adey.

"Three wounded militiamen who were among those who launched the attack on the Somaliland forces were taken prisoner," the radio said. "Somaliland forces are now stationed 7 km away from the centre of Las Anod."

Puntland leaders declared the region autonomous in 1998 with the aim of reconstituting Somalia as a federal republic.

Northwestern Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of the country following the overthrow of the regime of Muhammad Siyad Barre in 1991. The region has remained relatively peaceful even as the rest of Somalia descended into anarchy and violence.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia, Maxwell Gaylard, on Wednesday urged forces fighting in the Lower Juba Region to immediately cease hostilities and seek a peaceful solution.

"The current fighting in the area is seriously disrupting the humanitarian operations currently underway," Gaylard said. "Unless the conflict can be stopped very soon, we could be witness to the kind of famine conditions experienced in 1992."

Gaylard said he was also concerned that the conflict could lead to a larger-scale violence that might eventually spread to other areas of Somalia and put the latest achievement of the reconciliation and government formation process in jeopardy.

Fighting broke out last week in the southern Somali port city of Kismayo between two rival armed factions in the surrounding areas. An estimated 500 people crossed the border into Kenya, mostly from Dhobley, not far from the border.

The fighting pitted forces of the Juba Valley Alliance, the faction that controls Kismayo, against those loyal to General Muhammad Sa'id Hirsi "Morgan", who has made several attempts to capture the city in the recent past.

Designed to rein in their rampant consumption of 1.2 billion plastic shopping bags per year, the tax resulted in a 90% drop in consumption, and approximately 1 billion fewer bags consumed annually.

To complete the win-win scenario, approximately $9.6 million was raised from the tax in the first year, which is earmarked for a "green fund" established to benefit the environment.

Several other countries and cities around the world are now considering implementing a similar tax, including UK, Australia and New York City(USA

How does it work?

First of all, the purpose is to change consumer behavior, not to generate revenue-moving habits from mindless consumption, to reducing and reusing.

In a nutshell, it's a simple market-based solution in the form of a consumption tax-individuals pay a tax of $.15 per plastic bag consumed at check out.

Retailers save money since they only have to stock a smaller quantity of bags (in Ireland, on average they were spending $50 million a year on single-use plastic bags before the tax). Many retailers are also now benefiting from selling reusable bags.

Administration is straightforward- retailers keep simple records on purchasing and receipts, while the government monitors retailer compliance and collects revenue.

What is exempt?

In Ireland, exemptions from the tax include heavier weight reusable plastic bags; bags used for meat, fish, or poultry; bags for unpackaged produce, ice, or other foods without packaging.

What are the results?

Consumption has dropped approximately 90%, from 1.2 billion to 230 million per year.

Litter has been dramatically reduced.

Approximately 18,000,000 liters of oil have been saved due to reduced production of bags.

Reusable bags, rather than paper, are taking the place of plastic disposables.

Weaker plastic bag companies went out of business, while others have benefited by seizing the opportunity to make reusable shopping bags.

Summary

The PlasTax is a major success. Consumers have widely adopted using reusable shopping bags and retailers no longer incur the costs associated with giving away free bags.

Source: http://reusablebags.com/facts.php?id=6

(Jamhuuriya /21/09/2004) The latest news coming out of Nairobi, Kenya, is that the regional organisation called IGAD is sending the foreign ministers of its member states to New York city in the United States of America. The goal of these foreign ministers is apparently to go and visit the United Nations headquarter in New York and begg the international community to give a massive aid package to Somalia which the Kenyan governemnt is trying to put together. The IGAD countries have one single motive for doing this: they want to get a substantial amount of that money in their own pockets, in other words the IGAD countries are trying to hussle or swindle the international community. The IGAD countries will probably go to the UN and try to convince the International community that the so-called government of Somalia that they created in Kenya is a legitimate government that should be supported by the international community(sounds like Arta-2 doesn't it? ), IGAD will try to secure a billion dollar aid package for this puppet government of their's inorder to make it possible for that so called government to do a Hamid Karzai like military take over of all of Somalia and perhaps even Somaliland.

Since Somaliland is part of Somalia according to the Kenyan made constitution for Somalia it basically means that the IGAD countries or Kenya have declared war on Somaliland, since IGAD or Kenya has launched a diplomatic war on Somaliland the government and people of Somaliland must rise up to this challenge and mobilise themselves on a massive scale both inside and outside Somaliland and launch a diplomatic offensive on all fronts inorder to defend the dignity and future of the Somaliland people.

This diplomatic offensive by Somaliland must be launched mainly by three powerful forces and they are: the Somaliland Government (Dowlada), the Somaliland Opposition Parties (Xisbiyada Mucaaradka) and finally the Somaliland Diaspora (Qurbajooga).

1. The Somaliland Government (Dowlada)

A. Sending A Somaliland Government Delagation to the United Nations Headquarters in New York

The Somaliland president Dahir Riyaale Kaahin together with his foreign minister, Edna Adan, must quickly assemble a group of ministers that could travel to the United States and more specifically the United Nations headquarter in New York, this group of ministers and others should make their case clear to the international communtiy, they should explain that no money should be given to the IGAD created government of Somalia before the issue of Somaliland is resolved(International Recognition), if the international community refuse to accept this line of reasoning then the Somaliland delegation must make sure that Somaliland is given the exact same amount in international aid as any potential Somalia government made in Kenya is given. If an aid package of 500 million dollars is put together for Somalia then a 500 million dollar aid package or more for Somaliland should also be put together, this is a valid argument since Somaliland is more democratic, more stable and more responsible with aid money then Somalia is, the Somaliland government must explain this point to the international community and it must do so quickly. Warlordism and genocide(Somalia) should not be rewarded, peace and democracy(Somaliland) should be rewarded.

B. Somaliland's Ambassadors or Representatives in Different Countries Must Start Working Overtime

All ambassadors or representatives of the Somaliland government who are currently in different countries around the world must step up their work in a big way, they must write letters and they must request meetings with the government officials in the countries where they live and they must explain the Somaliland position regarding the so-called government for Somalia which Kenya is putting together in Kenya. These Somaliland ambassadors or representatives must make it abundantly clear to the governments which they deal with that Somaliland has in 1991 has withdrawn from the union with Somalia into which it entered in 1960 hence the constitution which Kenya has made for Somalia is falsely and wrongfully including Somaliland into the borders of Somalia. Basically Somaliland's position is that:

If the "made in Kenya" government for Somalia is given international aid money to rebuild Somalia then Somaliland must get an equal amount of aid money or more to rebuild and develop Somaliland, if the record is anything to go by then Somaliland deserves to get more than Somalia, furthermore Somaliland's position is that it is an indendent country and only the Somaliland government which was democratically elected by the Somaliland people has the mandate to rule or govern within the territorry which is Somaliland, the independence of Somaliland was solidified when 97% of the population of Somaliland voted for independence.

C. Sending Delegations to African and Arab Countries

The Somaliland government must quickly send delegations of ministers or other prominent Somalilanders such as businessmen, politicans etc to all Somaliland's neighboring countries such as Ethiopia, Djibouti, Eritrea, Yemen, Sudan etc, we should make our case to them clear. Furtmermore a heavy Somaliland delegation consisting of Somalilanders from the government together with Somalilanders prominent or known in the Arab countries must be sent to the Arab countries, these delegations can include people like Cumar Carte(Gulf Country connections), former mayor of Hargeysa Cawl Cilmi Cabdalla(Sudan connections) and Somaliland businessmen with connections in the Arab world. At the same time president Riyaale must contact the Senegalese president with which he previously met and ask him to explain Somaliland's position to the rest of West Africa's countries likewise president Riyaale must contact all African leaders and countries who he think can help Somaliland.

D. The Somaliland government must do everything in their power to make sure that the parliamentary elections are held on time.

2. The Somaliland Opposition Parties (Xisbiyada Mucaaradka)

A. The Somaliland opposition parties can do much on their own. The UCID chairman Faysal Ali Waraabe is currently touring the Scandinavian countries, he will most likely present Somaliland's views on different issues to the governments in those countries, this is one way in which the opposition parties can take part in the diplomatic offensive. Another way is for the opposition parties or the leaders of the two opposion parties to energize their fan base inside Somaliland and across the world and to tell these party loyals to hold meetings with political leaders in their country to explain Somaliland's position or to do lobbying for Somaliland, and finally the oppsition parties can organize their supporters inside Somaliland and tell them to support their party with money and other resources inorder for the parties to be able to do their national duties.

B. The Somaliland opposition parties must do everything in their power to make sure that the parliamentary elecions are held on time.

3. The Somaliland Diaspora (Qurbajooga)%

What is in fact fashionable and profitable is to be none of the above! I am not saying that is honorable, it is not, never can be, nor do I say it is right; it is not either as well. I am saying it is an unfortunate fact prevailing in Somaliland!

In this world of sin and sorrow, much unjust suffering is caused and innocent lives lost with or with out a trace left. The crimes were committed in secret as well as in no secret, in collusion and in the open. No questions asked by which offenders can brought to justice, as a matter of fact the offenders themselves drag the innocent and the victims to no justice! The latest causality whose crimes were nothing but to seek the truth and then tell it to the public by way of the peaceful pen is the following:
1-Hassan Saeed Yussuf of Jamhuria
2-Ahmad Ali garas of Al haatuf
3-Ahmad Araali, a freelance journalist, as well as others.

In these days truth is undesirable; however "Allah is not shy to tell the truth" so truth be told. Then " Bi ayi thanbin qu tilat" For what crimes our men and women were murdered?

Well, that is that. And it is history evolving and repeating itself!

The human animal adjusts such as this despite the injustices prevailed.

" Verily never will Allah change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves. But when Allah willeth a people's punishment, there can be no turning it back. Nor will they find, besides Him, any to protect."

There is the conscionable sector of the society who did not barter their conscience with pocket and belly bargain. There are those martyrs and the Muj. Who liberated us before it was reoccupied and there are those who will do it again but differently this time!

That is the good news in all about these. I hope it is not a fantasy in my line of logic. That put aside, let us come back to the subject of this paper, which is Chairman Sulieman.

In line to my limited knowledge of the chairman leads me to the following:
a) The man is a no nonsense guy. He is a series iron man.
b) He is a no shoe kisser nor is he an A.licker.
c) He is a no one's mouthpiece. He is of his own.
d) He fights for what he blieves in by tooth and nail.
e) He is a no hypo crate-a straight shooter.
f) And lastly, he is unlike the others a Somaliland believer

I hope am right in this...

Therefore, I think let us give him a hand; however the chairman is not off the hook yet! There are three roads a head of him and the people are anxiously watching which road he may travel and that will make all the difference in the world!
1) He can be a savior of the nation from the sub-contractors whose sole intention is to ship out Somali land to hell!
2) He can be a self-centered cabal who fights for his share of the meager revenue .
3) He may allow him self to be used against his cousin and his party to return the favour.

In conclusion all eyes are on the chairman of the Goorti Mr. Sulieman Mahmoud /Mr. Noor. Sufficed we have none believer Imams leading the believers in their prayer! Imagine what can of a prayer that could be? Unlike the others he is a believer. that is a difference, a big one.

I hope the chairman's seclusion in a disclosed location for three days after his nomination will never tilt him on one side or the other. In other words, never deter him from the right direction-which is saving the nation to the best of his ability and never play dirty politics.

Ibrahim Mead, Executive Director, Community Advancement Through Conflict Resolution International.

The recent Gu assessment puts this harvest at the third worst in a decade. The severe drought has extended to several areas in Somalia, especially in the northwest, northeast, central and agro-pastoral regions. Households in these drought-affected areas are now in a desperate situation, with inadequate pasture for remaining livestock and the collapse of local livelihoods. It is now estimated that up to 1.2 million people are in need of assistance throughout the country to next season April 2005.

SEASONAL TIMELINE

CURRENT HAZARD SUMMARY

- Gu production (about 125,305 MT), which is 75 percent of the post-war average, makes this the third worst season in the post-war period.

- Clan conflict and insecurity hindered farming activities and prevented livestock from moving to better grazing areas.

- Commodity prices have increased and livestock prices have decreased, negatively affecting terms of trade.

FOOD SECURITY SUMMARY

A total of 222,600 people in four areas in Somalia require immediate emergency interventions. These areas are the Sool Plateau and Nugal Valley in the northeast, northern Galgadud and south Mudug in the central region, and Lower Juba riverine communities and western parts of Gedo in the south. (See Figure 1). Another 447,100 people in areas adjacent to these areas require urgent livelihood support to prevent them from declining into a humanitarian emergency.

The northeast region is suffering the consequences of a three-year drought with profound economic and environmental results, leading to massive livestock deaths, collapsing livelihoods, and destitution (page 4). The central regions are experiencing yet another year of below normal rainfall, which, in combination with ongoing civil insecurity, has lead to severe food insecurity. North Gedo continues to be an area beset with civil insecurity, leading to chronic food insecurity and the highest malnutrition rates (at about 37 percent GAM) in Somalia. The Juba Valley riverine zone, a chronically food insecure area, is facing severe conditions this year after three successive years of crop failure and resulting high malnutrition rates of 19.5 percent with crude mortality rate of 2.2 per 10,000 per day.

Both short-term emergency interventions and longer-term strategic planning are urgently required. Figure 1: Post-Gu 2004 Critical Areas
Source: FSAU 2004 Post Gu Analysis

NUTRITIONAL FINDINGS

Results of nutritional surveys in Somalia reflect the nature of the ongoing humanitarian emergency. Particularly worrying are numbers, like those found in southern Somalia, of over 15 percent Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM). This figure, coupled with under-5 child mortality rates of over 5/10,000/day, signals an extreme crisis.

Similarly, in northern Somalia (Taleex, Las Canood, Huddun, Garowe and Gardho districts) food insecurity, high morbidity, limited access to health care, limited access to safe water and a poor social care environment for women and children are the main factors associated with the high levels of malnutrition.

In the southern and central zones, causal factors are mainly food insecurity, poor water and sanitation and a high prevalence of diseases, particularly diarrhea, ARI and intestinal parasites. Most of the areas with high malnutrition in these zones also encounter frequent security incidences that hinder monitoring and mitigation activities. In central Somalia, acute malnutrition rates are above the usual range in most of the areas. Acute respiratory infections, worm infestation and diarrhea are some of the common diseases identified in the health facilities and also during the post-Gu assessment.

In the southern part of Somalia, northern Gedo and Juba areas are where the nutritional problems are concentrated due to a combination of poor production and civil conflict. The population in the southern areas generally has access to a more diverse diet with the majority consuming at least three food groups a day. This is mainly attributed to the agro-pastoral livelihood of the dominant population and relief activities.

In northeastern Somalia, the nutritional situation is within a usual range with few exceptional areas like Qardho, Goldogob Dangoroyo and Garowe where above normal rates are documented.

GU RAINFALL
Gu 2004 rains were erratic in general and started late in most parts of the country. In most of the southern and central regions, Gu 2004 rains were below normal, leading to crop failure, poor pasture and limited water availability. Compared to the long term average rainfall was extremely poor in Juba and Shabelle Valleys. Rainfall was unevenly distributed over time and space across southern Somalia causing severe stress to both rain-fed and irrigated crops during April and May 2004. June-July rains helped some rainfed lowland areas recover. Crop recovery, in general, was markedly evident on late planted crops (rainfed and irrigated) and pasture of the Shabelle Valley, Bay, Hiran and Juba Valley Regions. The effect of the June-July rains was more conspicuous on pasture re-growth and regeneration than on crops in Lower and Middle Jubba, Hiran and parts of Gedo Region.

The June-July rains saved the Shabelle Valley and Bay regions from complete crop failure. Moreover, the coastal rains or Hagai encouraged substantial sesame planting thus ensuring an income source for riverine and agro-pastoral communities of Shabelle and Juba Valley Regions. Hagai rains are usually limited to the coastal areas of Shabelle and Jubba Valley Regions, but 2004 Hagai rains were exceptional, reaching further inland to areas of the Shabelle Valley, Bay, Hiran and Jubba Valley Regions. Before these Hagai rains, households were desperate in the riverine, agro-pastoral and pastoral livelihood areas covering almost all of southern Somalia. The June-July rains brought new hope.

As shown in Figure 2, rains were significantly higher than normal in some pockets in the north, attracting huge livestock in-migration from surrounding drought-affected areas, and resulting in over grazing and early depletion of resources.

Source: NOAA/FEWS NET

RESULTING CROP PRODUCTION & MARKET CONDITIONS
In addition to poor rainfall, an inefficient irrigation infrastructure, mismanagement of irrigation water sharing, pests, and insecurity during the 2004 Gu all contributed to a poor production year. As a result, the southern agricultural areas are experiencing one of the three worst cereal production years since 1995, with total cereal production of 125,305 MT, only 75 percent of the post war average. (See Figure 3). Gu agricultural production is critical in Somalia's annual food supply as it constitutes 75-80 percent of annual production in normal years.

In ten of the southern districts, Gu 2004 crop production is 20 percent of the post-war average (See Figure 3). These ten districts are in Juba, Gedo, Bakool, and Bay Region (the sorghum basket of Somalia). June-July rains restored hope for some cereal producers and encouraged sesame planting across southern Somalia, but other crops had already reached irreversible wilting points after a 45-day dry spell. The land under sesame, one of the most important cash crops produced in southern Somalia, and in particular in the Sabelle Valley, increased by 25 percent compared to last year, spurred on by high demand from Gulf countries, and the subsequent high price. The total estimated sesame production for this Gu season is 10,130 MT.

Cereal prices in US$ terms have, in general, increased significantly across the country since the beginning of this year. Figure 4 shows the US$ price trends for relevant cereals and markets across the country since 1995, highlighting, in particular, the fact that cereal prices in the south did not drop as they normally would around the Gu harvest due to the poor harvest this season.

The bulk of cereal production of Southern Somalia is expected to enter into markets at the end of August 2004. The current high prices of cereal (4500-5000 Ssh/Kg) are expected to decline 50 percent during the months of September-October-November 2004, increasing thereafter until the Deyr 2004/05 harvest.

SPECIAL FOCUS: THE NORTHEAST PASTORAL CRISIS
The northeast region is experiencing a three-year drought and a profound environmental crisis, which is leading to massive livestock deaths, collapsing livelihoods, and destitution. The drought has devastated the livestock sector, which is the main livelihood base for the region's population. Livestock productivity and value has declined to unprecedented levels, undermining the sole sources of food for pastoralist households: purchased grain (from livestock sales) and milk. People living in the Nugal valley and Sool Plateau livelihood zones are no longer able to meet their daily energy requirements, and are increasingly at risk of starvation. The deaths of pack animals, which used to carry water long distances, and the exorbitant price of tankered water has increased the indebtedness of remaining families.

The recent Gu assessment found astounding rates of livestock mortality: 90 percent of the pack animals, 80 percent of camels, and 60 percent of shoats (sheep and goats) have died, leading to a reduction in herd size for most of the families to well below sustainable levels. Similarly, drought has reduced employment and self-employment opportunities since the number of people seeking these options increased beyond the local capacity to absorb the supply of labor and services.

What appears to be at stake is the entire pastoralist livelihood system in this area. With livestock herds decimated, even better off households have nothing to share, undermining traditional community support systems which used to help poorer pastoralists through bad years.

Consequently levels of destitution, migration to urban centers and family splitting have reached alarming levels. Aid agencies have attempted to assist through ongoing interventions, include the distribution of relief food, cash for work programs, water trucking, veterinary services, supplementary feeding program and health provision by UN and International NGOs. However the Humanitarian Response Group of the Somali Aid Coordination Body (SACB) has concluded that these interventions are inadequate and appealed for more aid to prevent famine. Increased short-term emergency interventions and longer-term strategic planning are therefore urgently required.

Currency fluctuations caused by a breakthrough in peace talks between rival factions in neighbouring Somalia had exacerbated the problems, they said.

The warning came in the latest Somali Region Food Security Highlights, which is jointly issued by the Somali Regional Government emergency arm and Save the Children UK (SC UK).

According to a recent survey, the number of people currently in need of food assistance up until December is 1.4 million. The report said local conflicts between rival clans were also playing a role in worsening conditions in parts of the region's nine zones.

"Clan conflicts continue to be a problem in a number of zones," the report noted. "Conflicts restrict pastoral mobility, undermine traditional resource sharing, and increase risks and slow trade activities and force prices upward." It also blamed restrictions on illegal cross-border trade - a method by which families in the region can makes ends meet during times of hardship.

The Ethiopian government has ordered a clampdown on smuggling across the porous 1,600-km long border shared with Somalia.

The report noted a rise in grain prices due to shortages of local cereals, and a decline in livestock prices due to poor body condition. "In the worst affected districts, there are reports of livestock deaths, unconfirmed reports of human deaths, stress migrations and food shortages that is reportedly causing malnutrition among children," it said.

John Graham, head of SC UK, told IRIN that quick interventions in the areas of water, food and medical sectors were needed. "Deghabur, Fik and Warder zones are all severely affected, particularly in the pastoralist areas, and require emergency support including water tankering," he said. In the far south of Somali Region, Afder and Liban zones are reported to be affected both by poor rains and by currency fluctuations in the Somali shilling.

"The shilling has been strengthened by prospects of a new government in Somalia, pushing up the price of food and other essentials in border areas," he said.

The Somali shilling is often used by traders in the region in place of the Ethiopian birr (ETB), the currency of Ethiopia. But the increase in strength of the shilling has meant that ETB prices of commodities are rising, while prices of income items such as milk, livestock, and also ETB salaries, have remained the same.

Mr. Abdirashid Duale, Chief Executive Officer of Dahabshiil, says "We value peace which Somalia desperately needs to achieve stability and development. We want to see the cessation of hostilities in Somalia and the success of initiatives aimed at reconciling the people. We recognize that for any success to be achieved towards the realization of peace in Somalia, the initiative must be spearheaded by Somalis themselves. Dahabshiil feels that it has an obligation to support peace in Somalia given that it is the biggest Somali remittance company that is active in most parts of the country. We have been foremost in participating in peace and development initiatives in the region in the past and are proud to sponsor the International Day of Peace 2004 through initiatives of the Somalia Aid Co-ordination Body (SACB), a body, comprising donors, UN agencies and international and national NGOs working in Somalia. We are delighted to contribute financially to the International Day of Peace for the second year".

The International Day of Peace is observed annually as a day of global ceasefire and non-violence. Initiated by the United Nations, it is an invitation to all nations and peoples to honour a cessation of hostilities for the duration of the Day, September 21st. The true meaning of the Day lies in the participation of people around the world, gathering together to think about the meaning of peace and their commitment to its realization.

With over 400 branches in 34 countries, Dahabshiil is the largest financial institution in the region. It acts as the principal financial institution for individuals, businesses, NGOs and international bodies facilitating development and humanitarian projects in the region.

For more information, please contact: Jama Abdi Ahmed, Information Officer, Dahabshiil UK Tel: + 44 207 375 1110; Fax: (44) 207 377 5686

Thus, in really democratic term, the media has more power than the government because the government was formed by the people and for the people. Therefore, the press is a watchdog and the eyes, ears, for the public because people do not want to give the government an "absolute ruling" on everything. The intention is that the government does not, in anyway, abuse the power the people entrusted in them. But it doesn't mean that the press writes about government things that are not true or fair. Often times, what happens is that the government's stand on certain issues, of public interest, is not clear because the government is not talking or hiding things. What happens then is that the media analyses the situation and writes their own interpretation of things. Damn if they do and damn if they don't because the public have the right to know what their government is up to or where do they stand on issues that matters to them and expect to be informed. It is the responsibility of both the government and the media to keep them informed.

However, if the government thinks the media is unfair or writes things that are not true, the government reacts by letting a representative speak to public on their behalf and make things clear. So that there is always two sides to every story and a balance on what is written, but the government has on right to harass, intimidate, or arrest journalists in the middle of night or ambush them in some dark alleyways and beat them up to silence them. That is a violation of free press. Government does not control the press, but it is up to them to have good relationship and keep the peace with the press. The press is a "necessary evil" for the government because the press can be for them and against them too.

The government needs the press, more than the press needs them, to promote their progress and future undertaking projects. If you don't keep them informed they may formed their own interpretation of things when a situation arises. However, government turns up its nose up and snubs the press, government is turning the press against them and what happens is that they may go after government's vulnerability and weakness. It is up to the government to keep the peace and balance the flow of the press. Government comes and goes, but the press is here to stay. If the government cannot stand the heat, they should get out of the way.

Reported By: Saphia Hassn, Email: gurhan02@yahoo.com

At the outset, I was brought up, under the old regime of DemocraticSomalia; I did my schooling in Burao although I was not spared to complete my secondary education ascribed to the fighting between SNM and Army of the regime.

As we are well aware of, Mr Barre, throne to presidency through a military coup, called Revolution by himself - in favour of convincing, the disorientated people after the rigged election in 1969, that it was a new system of promoting the social order-. Initially, it was saluted nationally as well as recognized by the international community. People courageously accustomed and embraced the new system. Within a short period there was a sudden upward trend in governances tendency, education improved, military army built to the one of the best in Africa, Abow Siyad songs sang in everywhere. Then the omen of bad portent emerged and reached the turning point, short term gains were far outweighed by the long term resentments.

In his twenty years of ruling, never give his people the chance of fair election, opposition parties were things for the others. Anyone accused of being sidelining to a democratic way was given his matching order; either execution or a long imprisonments and people become deranged. And don't forget that administration was RECOGNISED. Rebels formed and took arms, we started resistance struggle to enfranchise ourselves form the desponded despot. It took us, as it began, many years the struggle to be materialised, lastly the tyrant was toppled, long time thirsted of freedom was fully quenched.

This to an extend, our people of Somaliland chosen this time to share their sovereignty with nobody, to be an independent state, Recognition wasn't on the agendas at that moment. Despite the euphoria of ousting the dictatorship, being extricated from the past, still the people was gnawed by the hounding experiences inflicted to them over decades of harassment. Although in the first conference in Burao, our people put the past behind them and forgiveness of each other accepted, it rained it poured and we had disabilities a couple of years of civil squabbles about who is going to hold the dog's lead.

Our weaknesses were overcome at the end in 1996, form that year things were proceeding in a less rocky path and hopefully our future will be as bright as it looks. We have managed to pass clearly some of the major hurdles in the road of democracy, voted for referendum, municipal, and presidential elections without problems, soon the parliament election will follow on. According into the international community, what we have achieved so far should qualify Somaliland for recognition.

Apparently, we have to be accepted internationally yet, but the question in here is, when it comes to crunch, would it do well for us? If we look our neighbouring countries, i.e. Djibouti, Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya etc. or most African state, the democracy never caters for them as their counterparts in the west. Their govern body is like one band one man, except Kenya which processed the multi-parties government recently, itself there is accusations that things no going as they should be.

If our prays are answered and Somaliland retreated into a world of fantasy, where it would be recognized as it wants, in my view it would be like this.. The British foreign secretary in his briefing of the media today, he told that the small breakawaySomaliland was given a full recognition by his government, a confirmation letter has been sent to their president Mr Kahin. Within hours the South African government followed, and Ethiopian were left to be the third country rather than the second they promised. United Nations addressed in their meeting and we are given our long sought recognition. The nation of Somaliland in everywhere was overwhelmed the joy of the recognition. In the country, every cities and towns people celebrated. The president addressed his people at the Kheyria in Hargeysa.

The followed week Ambassador Awil, the finance minister travelled to New York to discuss the World Bank and IMF in Geneva for financial help for rebuilding the country, he is given a lump sum of monetary aid and borrowed substantial amount of money from them, Somaliland was put into the database list of developing countries. In his return the fore coming parliament election was delayed for unspecified reasons. There were shipments of arms downloaded from Yemen and many more destinations on the port of Berbera. And within a year, the people put their hands on their heads again with the dismay shrouded their recognition. The forgotten struggle should be restarted from the scratch. No, it's only a FANTASY; luckily we have to be recognized yet.

It is not the recognition per se that leads these countries into such, but it is the nature of that part of the world it does not suits them as it does for the west. You can only wear the hat if it fits on your head. So, does the recognition, -which its search drove some of us beyond acceptable requests by wishing Yuhud for victory-, fits us?

Making my point clear, I don't normally rebuke our government on the face of the press but there are some minor twists made on our democracy i.e. interfering the free expressions, debates, unnecessary arrests, which hindering our progresses rather than helping and brings the question of my title. I am only deciding to err on the side of caution and rather run slower than I can. As the saying goes -To err is human, to forgive is divine -.

The answer of the question is rested for you -the reader.

I am sorry if offended anyone in the process and Somaliland is my blessed country, and in my side there will be no any negotiation of its sovereignty with anybody.

Victory and liberty to Somaliland.

Ibrahim Awad, London, ibroawad@hotmail.com

The statement released by the presidency said: Considering that yesterday there were journalists in Hargeysa from the UK and Northern Ireland who were taking video footage of Somaliland to be beamed to the world regarding African countries that require assistance, the Kulmiye Party took the opportunity to dismiss what has impressed the world on Somaliland. The statement noted the achievements made by the people and leadership of Somaliland on peace, creating a system of government that works and a democratic process, matters which have not even been achieved by most developing countries, especially considering that Somaliland had not received any assistance from outside.

The statement added that the statement by Kulmiye Party that the media was being muzzled and that there were no human rights was oblivious of the fact that the public in Somaliland have full access to local media.

Regarding their claims that there was no security, it said that even the international media had attested to the peace in Somaliland, which had enabled foreign exchange dealers to trade in the open. This is not even possible in the UK where the journalists came from.

Regarding excessive taxation, the statement said the claims were baseless. It said Kulmiye uses the drop in the US dollar as an excuse to say that living standards have fallen, although they used to claim that the government had been flooding the market with money, although the government had not interfered with free market forces. It said the government had been trying to sort out the problem since the law did not allow it to intervene in the currency market.

The statement added that claims that a new tax had been imposed on oil was baseless [passage omitted].

The meeting brings together representatives from the business sector, the interim government of the self-declaredSomaliland, aid agencies and veterinarian organisations.

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) and the Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) are funding the two-day meeting.

In September 2000, the Saudi government imposed a blanket ban on Somali livestock due to the outbreak of Rift Valley Fever in Saudi Arabia. Immediately thereafter the United Arab Emirates and Qatar followed suit.

Participants at the meeting would deliberate on the underlying causes of the blanket ban on the country's crucial trade, once the biggest foreign exchange earner, and measures to lift the embargo.

According to an official of the FAO, Paul Roster, the Arab countries have bitterly complained over the methods used by the Somalis during export of their livestock to the Persian Gulf.

"Those countries have openly indicated they would never lift the ban if the exporters don't change the way they handle the animals," he told the forum.

The prolonged livestock embargo imposed by the Persian Gulf countries has negatively impacted the Somali population that depend heavily on export of livestock, eroding the purchasing power of over 70 percent of the population.

The ban has also had a direct impact on the local market, among other things causing a shortfall in foreign currencies, devaluing of the local currency and a subsequent hike in the prices of imported goods.

Without a strong functional central government for more than a decade, Somalia has struggled to find ways to get livestock certified for export.

The president further told the envoy who is making his first trip to the country since being appointed ambassador, that Somaliland and Somalia could only hold talks and have relations as two separate states, each within its legal boundaries.

President Kahin appealed to the British government to assist Somaliland in its quest for economic development. He told the visiting delegation that the Somaliland people feel more affinity with the British than with other Europeans, then added with a smile, "We therefore have higher expectations from you."

The president mentioned the grave risks posed by the drought and said: We appeal to you for emergency assistance.

Answering a question posed by the delegation on the parliamentary election, Mr Rayale said, "My government is determined to hold the elections with the cooperation of the parties, the electoral commission and the people. We also expect you to help us with the funds you promised in order to facilitate this task."

Ambassador Dewar expressed his appreciation at the welcome accorded him in Somaliland. He told the president that they were very happy with what they had seen so far in Somaliland. The ambassador said his trip was to make acquaintances, and to familiarize himself with what was happening, then added, "so far, it was going on well."

Addressing journalists before departing the airport, he said he welcomed Somaliland's friendship and was happy with what Somaliland had accomplished in recent years, namely, stability, democracy and progress.

The British envoy said his country would encourage the political steps being taken by Somaliland and the parliamentary elections that would be held in March 2005.

Commenting on the drought, the ambassador said that the UK had responded to the drought in Somaliland and was channeling assistance through the UN.

The child was flown last month to Israel on an EL-AAL Airline's flight. He underwent a delicate but successful medical operation for correcting malfunctions in the heart and one of his lungs. The boy was accompanied by his father, Omer Haji Mahmud, head of Somaliland's Liaison Office in Addis Ababa and his mother. They returned from Israel to Addis Ababa on Tuesday.

Sultan Mahmud Ahmed Sheikh and Mr Musbaar said they wanted to convey their gratitude to the people and government of Israel "for the valuable medical service provided to one of our children". Recalling that Israel was the first state in the world to offer recognition to the young Somaliland on independence from Britain in June 26, 1960, Sultan Mahmud and Mr Musbaar said in a joint press statement on Friday, "Somalilanders remain indebted to Israel for taking such a lead in support of our country's independence from Britain more than 4 decades ago and have high hopes for the establishment of diplomatic ties and normal relations between our two countries in the nearest future".

The two Somalilanders also appealed to Israel for provision of medical treatment for complicated health cases concerning Somaliland children as well as support for the development of the livestock, fishery and farming sectors.

The Sultan and Musbaar thanked Israel's Ambassador in Ethiopia for "his kindness and help without which the treatment of the Somaliland boy in Israel wouldn't have been possible".

(SL Times) - The livelihood of hundreds of thousands of people in Somaliland is being threatened by a combination of nation-wide drought, a fastly depreciating US dollar and rising food prices.

With the purchasing power of the pastoral population in Somaliland already devastated by a 4 year drought, the depreciation of the American dollar by 21% of its value against the Somaliland Shilling in the last 3 months, has also contributed to the further deterioration of the living standard of the majority of Somalilanders. The situation was aggravated by the rise in food prices despite the fall of the US dollar from a high SL Sh 7,500 in early April to a low SL Sh 5,800 yesterday.

Somaliland households that receive regular financial support from relatives living abroad saw their income significantly slashed as a result of the depreciation of the dollar. Given that as high as 50% of households among Somaliland's population of 3.5 million, relied for income support on remittances sent by relatives living abroad, the dollar's continued slump, coupled with the hike in food prices, has been felt across the whole country.

The worst-affected by the crisis are people living in drought-stricken rural areas who, after losing most, if not all of their livestock, had up to now survived on small money remittances.

In urban areas where employment is scarce, many families are now threatened by the diminishing value of their remittances and soaring food prices. Almost all money transfers to Somaliland are made in US currency. The exchange rate of the dollar against the SL Sh has remained steady within the range of 7,000 - 7,200 for at least one year, before taking a dive as of last June.

Initially, the cause of the dollar's deterioration was attributed to the influx of large amounts of the green-back into the money market by diaspora Somalilanders who started arriving in the country in June for spending their summer vacation here. Another factor was the drop in demand for the dollar as Somalilanders became unable to travel to Dubai for business, shopping or medication, following a UAE visa ban for Somalia passports.

Though most diaspora Somalilanders have already returned to their host countries, the US dollar continued to weaken against the Somaliland Shilling, reaching as low as 5,900 on Tuesday.

Meanwhile, the 50kg sack of rice that cost $14.5 in May is now sold for $17.5, while the 50kg sugar sack jumped from $15.5 in May to a current $17.

Astonishingly enough, the Somaliland Shilling bank notes have been in tight supply in the market in the last 3 months. It is not known yet why the Bank of Somaliland has not pumped any Shillings into the market to prop up the dollar.

Big traders argue that the rise in food prices has been prompted by the decision of the Ministry of Finance to increase import tax rates. The hike made Berbera Port uncompetitive in comparison with the far more inferior port of Bossaso, with more shipments being diverted to the latter by traders in the region because of law export/import customs duties.

So far, the government has not taken any measures to check the increasingly dwindling incomes of hundreds of thousands of its citizens. Nor has it shown any concern for the consequences that the current threats to the incomes of its people might have on the country's future stability and progress.

(SL Times) - I appreciated the courageous open letter addressed to Israel by Mr. Farah Ali Jama. It is a small step forward to discuss seriously our national issues, instead of focusing to meaningless inter accusations and counter accusations. Initiating a balanced and fruitful relationship with Israel is not a taboo. The major Muslim and Arab countries have already established close diplomatic relations with Israel. To name a few: Egypt, Turkey, Jordan, Morocco, Qatar, Indonesia, Bangladesh Mauritanian, Nigeria, etc. Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf States are ready to recognize if Israel establishes peace with the Palestinians.

So there is nothing wrong if we start preliminary discussions and public awareness for the eventual possibility of establishing mutual diplomatic relationship with that state. Also, for the record, they were the first nation to recognize Somaliland in June, 1960.

Israel is a tiny nation. But it has immense political and economic powers. They are the most trusted ally of the world's lone super power USA. They developed hi -tech irrigational innovations which can make our deserts bloom. They will influence the multinational oil giants to exploit our oil and gas deposits. Within few years, we can transform from a nomadic society to a highly developed state. Why should we always be dependant on Saudi Arabia for our livestock exports? Why should we put all our eggs in a useless and empty Arabian basket?

Like late President Anwar Sadat, our leaders should take daring steps. The joint leaders of the three political parties, the Houses of elders and parliament, and the civic organizations should call loudly, clearly, and without fear, for mutual and simultaneous recognition of both states. Let the dogs bark, if they will.

Reliable sources said Omar Haji Mohamud received his dismissal letter through DHL mail on Tuesday. He had arrived on the same day from Israel, where he took his 6-year-son last month to be treated for a heart condition and a problem with one of the lungs. The boy underwent a successful operation at the expense of the Israeli government. Mr Omar Haji Mohamud paid only for the airfare for himself, his wife and their child.

The trip is understood to have been arranged with the assistance of Israeli Ambassador in Addis Ababa, Mr. Daroon Grossman. So far, the government has not made any public statement on the dismissal of Omar Haji Mohamud. It is premature to tell whether his removal had something to do with the trip to Israel or a reported rift between him and the number two man in the Somaliland mission in Addis Ababa, Mr. Hassan Dinbil.

International organizations, such as the UN, AU and the European Community etc. have formulated international rules and regulations, ethics and manners setting an international standard, among others, in order to help them govern and treat the community of nations in a manner which is fair, just, equitable and legal. Anything less, they felt, would be discriminatory, unjust, uncivilized and illegal. Although those credible organizations have over the years tried to be guided with those standard mechanisms, at times, they also failed to live-up to the expectations of the international community particularly to those who believe in fairness, humanity and the rule of law. More often than not, politics not logic, mere national interest and not international law, emotion and influence rather than objective reality, played an important role in their decision-making. As a result, the very credibility of those international organizations has been put in question. George Orwell's interesting book "Animal Farm" tells us that "all animals are equal but some are more equal than others". Such a phenomenon must not be exercised by our community of nations in our 21st century civilized era because it will simply be a double standard.

According to the Montevideo Convention of 1933, a state constitutes a government, a defined territory, permanent population and the ability to enter into relations with other states. However, there is no necessity in international law for a defined and settled boundary and thus no limit for boundary. Also, capacity to enter into relations with other nations is no longer a criteria but rather a consequence of statehood.

After more than seven decades as a British protectorate, Somaliland got its independence on June 26, 1960 by the Royal proclamation of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth 11. The proclamation is read as follows:

"Whereof the territory in Africa known as the Somaliland protectorate is under our protection and whereas by treaty, grant, usage sufferance and other lawful means We have power and justification in the Somaliland protectorate. And whereas it is intended that the Somaliland shall become an independent country on the twenty-sixth day of June, 1960 (here in after referred to as "the appointed day}": Now therefore, We do hereby, by and with the advice of our privy council, proclaim and declare that, as from the beginning of the appointed day, our protection over the territories known as the Somaliland protectorate shall cease, and all treaties and agreements in force immediately before the appointed day between us for our Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and any of the Tribes of the said territories, all our obligations existing immediately before that day towards the said territories and all functions, powers, rights, authority or jurisdiction exercisable by us immediately before that day in or in relation to the said territories by treaty, grant, usage sufferance or otherwise, shall lapse. Given at our court at Buckingham palace, the twenty-third day of June, in the year of our lord one thousand nine hundred and sixty, and in the ninth year of our reign".

Soon after five days of its independence, it voluntarily united with Italian Somalia. that got its independence on 1st July, 1960..After the collapse of Somalia in 1991, Somaliland declared its independence on 18th May, 1991.

Somaliland and Somalia were two different countries with two different colonial powers and clear international boundaries. Somaliland has a well defined territory of the former British Somaliland protectorate. The Anglo-French treaty of 1888 has defined the boundary between Somaliland and Djibouti. The Anglo-Italian Protocol of 1994 did the same with Somalia. The Anglo-Ethiopian treaty of 1894 was also instrumental in demarcating the line between Ethiopia and Somaliland. Somaliland fulfils the basic criteria of statehood as formulated in article 1 of the conventionally acknowledged Montevideo Convention and at the time had the backing of the OAU Cairo resolution of 1964. Somaliland has a population of 3 million ethnic Somalis divided into clans and sub-clans such as the Issa, Isaaq, Gadabursi, Warsangeli and Dhulbahante. Somaliland experienced two governments from 1993-1996 and in April, 2003. It maintains a civil administration, a national army, police and a stable economy better than few recognized African countries. Somaliland had entered into bilateral and multilateral relations and agreements with several countries and international organizations such as the UN, European Community etc. Somaliland is independent from any external bodies and it has the capacity to absorb and respect international law because it has done that for the last twelve years. Somaliland has a Defined Territory, Permanent Population, Government and Capacity to enter into relations with other states. In addition to the classic Montevideo Convention, Somaliland also fulfills other criteria considered equally important and that is: conformity with the charter of the African Union (AU) the willingness and ability to observe international law.

Somaliland's declaration of independence is predicted upon the territory's prior existence as a recognized independent state, and is therefore consistent with the constitutive act of the African Union (Article 4, b) which affirms the union's "respect of boundaries existing on achievement of independence". Somaliland's borders on achievement of independence were those of the British Somaliland protectorate not the Somali Democratic Republic. Somaliland's independent status therefore represents the dissolution of a voluntary union between sovereign states and not an act of secession.

Since the proclamation of Somaliland, the country has embarked on a period of political stability and economic growth. Since 1991, roughly half a million Somalilanders in the Diaspora have returned home and thousand of dwellings and businesses have been re-constructed from scratch. The majority of the militia have been demobilized or incorporated into the national defense and tens of thousands of mines and unexploded munitions have been removed. Economically speaking, Somaliland is performing better than some African countries. The economy is predominantly pastoral. However, the 850 Km coastline along the Red Sea supports a growing fishing industry. Frankincense is another very popular export that has gained popularity and s generating foreign currency. In addition, Somaliland is bestowed with many minerals not yet exploited but has the potential to enhance the economy. Somaliland's economy has let the Republic survive for he last twelve years without international development assistance that some African countries still depend on.

On a referendum that was held on May 31, 2001 in front of many international observers the people of Somaliland voted overwhelmingly in favor of a constitution that contains articles affirming Somaliland's sovereignty. According to international observers, the referendum of 2001 was open fair and in accordance of internationally accepted election procedure. The people of Somaliland have the right to determine their destiny and they have demonstrated that rather overwhelmingly in the referendum of 2001. They want recognition and they want to join the community of nations and lead their life in peace and harmony with their neighbors. Whereas Somaliland passes all tests for recognition and inclusion to the community of nations and fulfills all requirements of a statehood, active involvement of some nations (games nations play) in order to satisfy their national, political as well as economic interests, in the chaotic situation of the South (.i.e. the former Italian colony) the ignorance and double standard of the international community is becoming an impediment to its recognition. The international community has accorded recognition to nations: the latest being East Timor. The international community recognized the Israel, Palestine, Eritrea, Bosnia Herzegovina even though the state had no control over any area including the capital city and the Saharawi Republic although most of its territory is still under the control of the Moroccan government. All the above states were recognized by the international community even before they qualified as a state. The case of Somaliland clearly demonstrates that recognition has been based more on politics than international law thus denying protection to weak nations such as Somaliland.

The United Nation charter is crafted and formulated to treat all nations (weak and strong) on equal basis. In no way, shape or form must one country take precedence over the other under international law. To do otherwise will clearly show a double standard and that will be unethical and illegal. It is time, therefore, that international agencies such as the AU, EU and UN do the right thing vis-.-vis Somaliland and the right thing is clear and unequivocal: not putting the Somaliland issue on the back burner. Instead they must put the case of Somaliland on the table and once and for all recognize the will of the people of Somaliland to live in peace and harmony within the community of nations.

Somaliland needs partners in drilling its oil and extracting its minerals. Somaliland's long coast has substantial marine resources. Israel has both the expertise and capital needed for the developing those natural resources. Therefore, both countries stand to gain from joint projects in these fields. Moreover, as a people who had experienced genocide and with threats to our survival still looming large in the horizon, forming security cooperation with Israel makes a lot of sense.

Somaliland has no ill-feelings for any particular country in this region or beyond. It does not want to ally itself against a third party. But Somaliland needs to live peacefully and be able to defend its territorial waters and boundaries. If Israel could train Somaliland's coast guards, why not ask them? With such possible economic and security benefits, and the majority of the population in support of such contacts, Somaliland's government is in a good position from which to start dialogue with Israel.

(SL Times) - In my childhood, I dreamt of going to university and graduating one day. I used to say to my parents, "One day, I am going to university and I will have a university degree." This was my dream. I was in elementary school when this idea first entered my mind.

I knew that this dream is not easy; it required a firm commitment and hard work. In my school days, I attended classes regularly and studied at home in order to achieve my goal. Unfortunately, this dream had disappeared one night due to the civil war that broke out in Somaliland when I was in grade five. As a result, I fled along with my family to Ethiopian Refugee camps.

It is really an appalling experience when you flee from your home. It was very common to see mothers lining up in a long queue for food, which was provided by International Organizations such as World Food Program and UNHCR. To make matters worse, Ethiopian soldiers were beating mothers cruelly with big sticks; mothers did not do any thing wrong, all they wanted was to look for food to feed their children.

By the time Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia, we came back to our home, Borama. At that time many people were coming from the Ethiopian refugee camps. I was very much concerned about my education and my future, because most of the schools have been either looted or destroyed. I used to say to my parents I need to go to school, but it was not feasible for many parents to educate their children owing to the harsh circumstances on the ground. The time and energy of the parents were consumed by the process of feeding and securing daily food for the family.

After a period, a fragile peace and stability were restored, consequently, many parents began to consider educating their children. Fortunately, I joined Al Aqsa School, where I finished my intermediate education. During that time, I was thinking of where I will go after I finish my secondary school. This question was constantly circulating in my mind because university education was not available, and I was unable to study overseas. Even if I got admission from an institution of higher learning abroad, I couldn't afford to pay the tuition fees.

In 1997, I heard that a university (Amoud University) was going to be established in Borama town (where I lived). I did not believe this because I thought that universities require huge financial resources to sustain. When I heard a university, the only thing that I had in my mind was tall buildings and foreign lecturers and so on.

Then, the admission exam began. It seemed unrealistic. Some students had sat the exam and Sixty-seven of them passed and started their pre-university studies. Many people used to laugh at them and discouraged them covertly and overtly. They used to scornfully say, "Do you really think that you are in a university?" Fortunately, those students were very strong and as a result they succeeded to counter ridicule from family, friends and the communities.

One year later, the university was officially inaugurated and new students joined it. Thus, I saw my childhood dream getting closer. In June 2000, I sat for the Somaliland GC exam. Luckily enough, I passed the high school leaving exam and took the university admission exam, which I also passed.

In the first year of the university, I became aware that I am in the middle of my childhood dream. I studied hard and struggled for four years in order to achieve my dream. How I could express my feelings about the day my dream came true? It rained the day before my graduation day and the landscape of Amoud was so attractive.

Many guests came from different countries in order to share this eventful day with their sons, daughters, sisters and brothers. In my mind I thought that I am still dreaming, when I put on the gown. I could not believe that I am going to graduate from Amoud University until the President of Amoud University Prof. Sulieman Ahmed Guled announced that we have graduated from Amoud University and the President of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, handed me the certificate.

Amoud University realized my childhood dream, and once again, I am full of hope for a bright future. The university brought hope to a whole generation. There is no harm in dreaming because the dreams of today could be the facts of tomorrow.

(SL Times) - In a world, with its ups and downs, pleasure takes its way to redeem sorrow and sadness, removing bad experiences and life's predicaments, replacing traumas and nightmares with triumph and joy. Worries, by contrast, serve the world to reverse harmonies and to undo man's achievements, bringing highly respected people to the bottom, leaving mental scars and threatening to do more evil. In this life of alternating facts and events, one early morning, I was awakened by my phone alarm. Frightened, I rubbed my eyes and soon a light wind blew from the window, shaking all curtains to make its way inside. Perhaps, this meant a morning greeting. "Get up," the wind implied.

The reason why I set the alarm was very special, far from the usual - not to miss a golden opportunity and a turning point for my life.

I changed into black trousers, white shirt and a blue dotted tie for the first time in my life to physically fit my appearance to the occasion, the long-awaited day - my graduation day. Then, I ran all the way to the bus station.

Now, in Amoud, I had to get out of the bus. Quickly, my gaze rested on the panoramic view of the revamped outlook of Amoud campus; crowds of people dressed up to their nines, the euphoria, and the pervasive rapturous feeling of the people congratulating heartily the graduating students, hugging, shaking and kissing. Remote and isolated from the rest of the crowd, a middle-aged woman stood with her son clasped in her chest. She pushed her hand through his head. Later, in excitement, she released down streams of tears that rolled down her cheeks dripping on his head. "Son, it is our day, our turn. My king, you will help both your people and your country," the woman said. Then, a muffled cry came to my ears. It was the son showing some kind of unknown feeling. "But, why?" I thought.

I was deeply moved by the scene. I cupped my chin and clumsily leaned my back against a tree. Someone shouted to me, "keep out, man. Your shirt is white and the tree is dusty". Glancing back, I saw a person whose face I knew but her name eluded me. I said, "I don't know you". The girl replied matter-of-factly, "I am an ex-class mate. You are a graduate, luckier than anyone else, so, why should you be so disappointed in your graduation day?". I did not know what to say, but I noticed that her conversation enticed me away of my surprised mood.

When it was time to go to the graduation hall, everyone of us put on the graduation uniform (an Abayad-like long sleeved black dress and a black mortarboard - special hat). We had no sooner slipped into the hall, than heard the applauding audience, the unrelenting clapping, the mashharad (a beautiful sound made by women with gentle tongue movements), and screams. The honorable guests conveyed their respect and gratitude by a moment of silence. Lots of renowned people, including President Dahir Rayale Kahin, and other dignitaries were happy and smiling. My heart was filled with unutterable delight and tears filled my eyes with excitement. "Oh! Yes! I am going to be a graduate," I boasted. This was an epoch making day.

But that happiness didn't last for long. Suleiman Ahmed Guled, Amoud university President, enunciated that we had just moved to a broader university and the hardships ahead of us and the political quagmire of the country. A torrent of questions poured down my head: What does it mean being a graduate? Why are so many people willing to congratulate you so anxiously? What...When...Why...and so on. It was difficult to find a single answer. On the contrary, one could respond in a confident manner if they were somewhere out of Somaliland, where conditions are favorable and welcoming.

Being a university graduate in Somaliland, gives one a sense of importance, a socially prestigious status and the hope that one would become financially strong so he can contribute to the welfare of the society. Parents want to receive returns for all those years of spending on their childrens' education. They say, "It is time for us to rest and for our children to shoulder their responsibilities towards us". Their expectations are unbelievably high. But, the question is how?

Penniless and helpless, young graduates are slowly getting the notion that he or she is facing a frightening reality. Their hands are wide open to the sky to beg Allah for a better future. No one knows when these prayers are going to be answered. Luckily, glimpses of hope shined on those who graduated from the faculty of education since the increasing private schools, and the inefficiently working public schools, need them. Business graduates, in turn, are looking curiously at the advertisement pages of the local newspapers in case any job vacancies are printed on them.

Every year, local universities are going to produce dozens of graduates. They will be looking for jobs, but the sad news is that a very small percentage of them will get satisfactory jobs as the previous graduates have already experienced. The remaining ones will pile up in cafes, disappointed, broken. Does anyone care? Absolutely not.

Let us examine the facts about the problems facing students who graduate from Somaliland's universities. First, our people are too short of money to set up their own businesses. Second, the country's management and economic systems are too weak to assist young graduates. Unfortunately, no employment plans have been set forth for the graduates. This is something the ministry of labor could have done. Likewise, the ministry of education should have considered the matter as part and parcel of enhancing the educational system. Parents who invested in their childrens' education up to the college level now want to see if that investment was worth it. If it proved good, it could lure more students to schools, improve their enthusiasm, and reduce the number of absenteeism and dropouts. At the same time, if graduates are employed, the government will gain uncountable advantages as they are more knowledgeable than many who are currently in the system.

Why our government, that is working so hard to get recognition for the country, is not recognizing its native people? The more we recognize our own people and ourselves, the quicker our country's recognition will arrive.

My last word is addressed to the graduates. I say, with no hesitation, no one knows the future, but we should be aware that there is no one out there to help us. It is only with our hands that we can build our future. Although there are no opportunities ready for us, they may lie somewhere ahead, so we had better not give up hope, and always keep exploring and exploring. One day, sooner or later, we will achieve our goal, because "where there is a will, there is a way".

(SL Times) - Hussein Bulhan's recent article - I believe this is his first article that I have seen in the newspapers, correct me if I am wrong (see Somaliland Times most recent issue) - is a refreshing if not sobering account/judgment of the record of this government and the slippery slop we are all in when the government of the day loses its sense of direction. This sense of direction being, metaphorically, the very essence of sagacity and wisdom; for, without the judiciousness of that intrepid individual whose search for greener pastures entails the large questions of life and death for the pastoralist family, greener pastures and the eternal search for the promised land would amount to no more than that false image of a mirage. This sense of direction then, culturally, and the in lore and poems of our people has enormous value and indeed represents the symbols of leadership and good judgment.

This is in essence the accusation leveled at the government, the use of the words `sleep' or `sleeping' does not necessarily mean that the government is `in slumber' rather, Hussein points to the lethargy and inaction that seems to characterize the government these days. In a word, the government is not necessarily sleeping with the enemy, rather, and more importantly, the government has lost direction and thus what remains of the day are the many un-fulfilled and un-quenched issues that confront us as citizens.

I agree with much that Hussein has articulated however I believe he has missed the point entirely. I believe that the government knows exactly what is going on; understands the consequences of its actions; knows full well the array of threats and concerns that confronts Somaliland: the question lies not in the slumber of the government, nor the answer in its awakening, indeed, I suggest, the government is shrouded in the culture of secrecy and in the concentration of power in a few hands. The government simply needs to `open up' the decision making process to stakeholders while reserving ultimate authority to decide and govern. This will create more informed choices and dissident voices that can warn the government on any consequences on the horizon. Governance I believe is the crux of the issue here, but this is to anticipate.

What do I mean exactly? Hussein Bulhan suggests to us that our path to democracy and the rule of law is threatened by the looming image of our government as our rights and freedoms are continually eroded by the government's unwarranted entry into the realms of our free speech and assembly rights guaranteed in the constitution. Hussein is right, however, the answer that Hussein missed was implicit in his piece, and here it is.

Somaliland has chosen a checks and balance system as a form of government, what we are experiencing is the cobwebs of our transition where the executive does not have a countervailing power to curb its excesses. I mean that, the executive is currently the only part of the government where legitimacy flows, that is, it is elected. When the parliament is convened and sits as an elected body there will occur in Somaliland a shift of power as parliament moves to exercise its power through the elected parties. What is occurring is ominous, unwarranted, but I believe predictable as Somaliland continues its experience with democratic politics.

The judiciary, the other part of government will also benefit from the rise of parliament in our politics, the executive will not have the luxury of stacking the system with its lackeys as is now. The parliament will be able to vet and better scrutinize these judges and the better for the candidates and ultimately for our burgeoning democracy.

The coming of these institutions are closer than the horizon and I believe the coming together of all these parts of our form of government will tip the balance of our political forces in favor of the check and balance system as opposed to the unvarnished authority that the executive has today: the recent arrest of a local journalist in Hargeisa showing the ugly side of this imbalance.

Does this forgoing explanation excuse what is happening? Not in the least, Hussein is correct in asserting that civil society groups and the larger public must be activist in defending their rights from government encroachment, indeed, counter to the governments banning of the discussions about Mbagathi, the government would have won more political points by seeming relaxed and acting in a more sophisticated way, I for one have told them - as a supporter of the ruling party - that their knee jerk reaction and bad public relations cost them when it should not! However, it is the culture of secrecy that I find, fundamentally, as the raison d'^tre of the government's wrong-headedness, and lack of direction, and yes, slumber, may cause those who fill their rights have been abrogated to go underground: this being the mother of all rebellion.

Hussein's warnings though are clear, the people of Somaliland have to understand that until such time that our system begins to work favorably, I mean here by favorably that the system ought to work for, by, and in the peoples interests, all politically oriented groups ought to test the judges of Somaliland by making sure that the government is taken to court and morally defrocked when it exercises its power in the wrong way. For example, the arrest of the recent journalist with reference to the right of habeas corpus can be exercised when groups come together and petition the judges who will be forced to issue judgments witch have the value of exposing those in bed with the government. If we want to build systems we need to challenge them, to set precedence this is how we build things.

Finally, the age of our government and our path to democracy including the paucity of resources has also much to do with this substantive lack of commitment of democratic politics. The answers to much of the issues raised here is in the building and agitating for elected institutions that can legitimately confront presidential powers or presidential decrees and indeed overturning them when they are illegitimate. This will take time; however, this "time" should not excuse our right to be vigilant as Hussein Bulhan has pointed to. I still believe that my party UDUB is still the choice for government, this however should never stop its supporters from challenging the government when it is wrong, and this shows that we care about the larger picture and not simple factionalism.

(SL Times) - "If you are not part of the solution you are part of the problem", so said the old adage. Experience has taught us not to be passive if we want to change our conditions. The gnawing question remains unanswered: how long are we going to remain indifferent while Rayale, Awil and others, are consuming our people and land.

Those who deprived the Somaliland people are the some people who promised justice and equality when they came to power. With almost a year of destitution and political destruction heaped upon us, we are as yet to find a solution.

If we want to change our miserable conditions, we must get involved in a struggle for our God given rights. As the abolitionist Frederick Douglas once said "If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightening. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many water. This struggle may be moral and physical; but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand..The limit of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress".

Those of us who are apathetic about the future of our country are dead wrong while Awil and Rayale are in power. There are situations where you can be neutral but not in this issue. Because we have a situation where public funds are stolen or mismanaged, people are jailed without cause or trial, and men have absolute power over us. Yes, they decided that we should throw away our SNM history. We are ruled by men who are against the Somaliland dream, and some of us still prefer to stand on the sidelines!

Neutrality in this issue means allowing these dictators to destroy our country. As the Somali Poet, Salan Arabey once said "The man who condones the slap of insult reaps its legacy; the problems you postpone forever is visited upon your offspring".

We are as much responsible for our misfortunes as the blood-sucking rulers of our country. The solution to our complex problems doe not certainly include remaining indifferent, but rather to get involved and become part of the solution.

We need a revolution that doesn't involve bloodshed. Revolution is always based on land. Revolution is never based on begging somebody for an integrated cup of tea. Revolutions are never based upon love-your-enemy, and pray -for -those who-spitefully-use-you. Revolutions never compromise and are not based upon begging a corrupt government or a corrupt system to accept us. Revolutions change systems, and there is no system which has proven itself more corrupt than Rayale's System. So, my Somaliland people, we need to change the Rayale/Awil System.