That Freedom Shall not Perish

That Somaliland should remain internationally unrecognised 13 years after declaring its independence is no accident. This does not mean that our lack of diplomatic success is down to one single cause, rather, a myriad of causes not all of them due to those who oppose our independence.

It goes without saying that what unites us as Somalilanders is far more important than what might divide us, whether it be allegiance to a political party, clan and the like.

It is of the utmost importance that our political leaders, be they government or opposition parties, present a united front to the outside world. To this end, we feel that it would be enormously beneficial to our just cause if the current government were to invite the opposition parties to join them in a government of national unity. It is our sincere hope that such a government would be more pro-active in pursuit of Somaliland's legitimate claims to statehood, than had hither to been the case.

Indeed no less a personage than president Rayale said he would consider forming a government of unity immediately after the results of the closely contested presidential elections of last year were known. It would be quite indefensible if the government were now to dismiss the idea out of hand. It might be very difficult to argue that this is a government which has got its priorities right if it was quite disposed to forming a government of national unity on account of a disputed election, but not when the unholiest of unholy alliances seek to undermine Somaliland or destroy it altogether. In the words of the former British Prime minister, Harold Wilson, "He who refuses change is the architect of decay."

Our lack of pro-activity in securing Somaliland's over-due international recognition is by no means unique to the political classes. In this respect the Somaliland Diaspora, particularly those in western democracies have a vital role to play in pushing for the recognition of Somaliland. Our people in the Diaspora who have so far remained a rich, albeit, an untapped source of strength could make a start by writing to their members of parliament or other representatives, and put Somaliland's case to an outside world which by and large does not know where to begin when confronted with anything bearing the slightest relation to "Somali" politics, other than to mouth off about the increasingly meaningless tag of 'failed state' and about how Somalia has been without a 'central government' since their ousting of Siad Barre.

That the outside world remains largely oblivious about Somaliland and the fact that we have fulfilled most if not all of the requirements of statehood, such a failure is ours and ours alone. In short, it is the duty of every Somalilander to put our case to the outside world. It is high time we became more ambitious for our country.

We note with interest how that most exclusive of clubs, the G8 group of richest nations have in recent years sought to put Africa on their agenda going as far as to invite senior leaders from the continent to discuss how best to encourage good governance and democracy in our continent.

It is now time we lobbied all those who would listen and informed the world that there is a perfectly viable alternative to chasing the unrealistic dream of reconstituting the old Somali republic, however they might tinker with it. Put simply, we need to keep asking Professor Herbst's pertinent question "IN AFRICA WHAT DOES IT TAKE TO BE A COUNTRY"

Though one might not know it simply by looking at the activities of our politicians, there is more to politics than about lining one's pockets and self-aggrandizement. What is equally abhorant is the conduct of spurious arguments, masquerading as public enlightenment. Such arguments only serve to highlight the inadequacies of some of our public officials who should know better. And if these people have nothing better to say then a long period of silence on their part would be most welcome.

The sad truth is that there really is nothing much standing our way in terms of seeking recognition for Somaliland. Large swathes of Somalia increasingly resemble a finishing school for mass murderers. How can it be argued that those who have reduced Somalia to chaos and devastation should have priority over those who have by their own endeavours laboured to build a viable nation state. The warlords of Somalia murder on an industrial scale, cultivate drugs, devastate their enviroment, inflict untold misery on their people are indifferent to their national interest as it often conflicts with their own selfish interests, and have as their sole political panacea the attainment of the degraded and empty title of Somali president. In contrast, we in Somaliland have been able to bring peace and stability to our land. We have brought back our refugees from neighbouring countries, and democratized our political system. Yet, paradoxically, our reward for this has been to have our economy ruined by unjust sactions and to be ignored politically. Such abuse perpetrated against us was made easier by our failure to lobby effectively.

We know that the Somali peace conference has been nothing but a futile exercise, but even we, were unprepared for the utter pointlesness of this exercise and its participants. One of the presidential candidates, Hussein Aideed, was threatening to withdraw from the conference only a few weeks ago, claiming that some of MPs were not duly elected. It soon became clear that this fit of pique had been brought on by the failure of one Hawo Yarey to secure a seat. This is the sort of farrago that occurs when mediocrities and self-seekers are left to run the show and garner international recognition and reward. We have been silent too long.

Safeguarding a country's national interest is not for neighbouring countries, nor for the United Nations or other international bodies. As Nurudin Farah said Somalia will languish until its people take ownership of their country. Otherwise, the misery of the Somali people will continue to be viewed by Somali politicians, UN agencies and regional bodies as a wonderful opportunity to make money, rather like the $3bn wasted "Operation Restore Hope", very little of which ever found its way to the ordinary people of Somalia, who have had 14 frauds perpetrated against them.

It is a gross injustice that the fate of Somaliland should be tied to that of people who have no sense of ownership of their land. We have a sense of ownership; our problem is that the international community will not recognise our legitimate claims.

It has been rather amusing observing the antics of the "Somaliland" contingent at the Mpaghati conference. They are the same tired faces, witnesses to so many failed conferences. They are there safe in the knowledge that nothing can be achieved, but anxious still to attend the wake of Somalia, hoping to gain whatever crumbs they can from the corpse of the body politic. They represent no-one and are traitors to their nation. They serve no useful purpose other than to be seen by Somali warlords as their useful idiots. This handful of quislings were one of the few groups not to squabble over representation at the conference. This was not proof of their wisdom, merely their paucity of numbers as they were numerically inadequate to fill the seats allocated to the people they falsely claim to represent. It goes almost without saying that the question of numbers is not the only field in which they are inadequate.

While we are silent we are complicit in the abuses perpetrated against us. If we say nothing then it is easy for the world to look the other way as our persecutors seek to draw once again to their web of death and misery. Wherever Somalilanders find themselves they must lobby for recognition of their homeland. This simple prize will not come to us without effort. History rewards only those who help themselves. Our voices individually will count for nothing, but if we all speak with one voice and demand our sovereign right to self determination then finally the world will have to notice and justice can be done.

Mohamed Ibrahim, Jamhuuriya UK, roble1972@yahoo.co.uk

Dr. Essa added that this has a very dangerous implication for Somaliland and as such pointed that it is imperative to launch a campaign against this injustice.

"As part of the campaign all visitors should be given brochures `WELCOME TO THE BAGHDAD OF THE UNITED NATIONS,' to illustrate to visitors the duplicity of UN policy towards Somaliland".

He said, "Visiting UN and INGO's staff are told not to leave their hotels, after dusk, while in Hargeisa."

Speaking about the Mbagathti conference he said, "There are 2 parallel conferences going in Nairobi. The one attended by Somalia factions will have adverse effect, only if supported by the International Community. Participants to this conference were brought by different means and the aim is to export a government to Mogadishu and support it financially."

"The other conference is moving faster and is discussing on ways of getting aid and establish structures, for Mogadishu government. The International Community don't exclude Somaliland from the process, but mention that Somalia negotiate with Somaliland," he said.

KULMIYE secretary for Foreign Affairs in his press conference mentioned that donors will meet in Sweden in October. The conference organized by Italy and funded by Sweden aims to collect funds for Somalia. This process followed by IPF seems to have forgotten all about Somaliland, for it is not included in the search for a planned $45 million dollars.

President Ghelle in his speech spoke in great length about the problems of Somalia, the marathon conference in Kenya, formation of parliament, the election of its chairman and deputies.

Mr. Ghelle, urged the UN to fulfil its obligations to Somali, by putting International pressure against all, who do not abide by the outcome of the conference, but he did not mention them.

Djibouti President also proposed that the Security Council reach a resolution on Somalia, based on the resolutions that come out of the Nairobi Conference for the former Italian Colony of Somalia.

In a press release from the Army Headquarters here, said 2 militiamen were killed, 3 wounded militiamen were captured and a technical with an anti-aircraft mounted was destroyed.

According to the release, the attacking forces retreated to the outskirts of Las Anod and its checkpoint in the West.

Somaliland Army commander, Nuh Ismail Tani, told Radio Hargeisa, that the army stopped their advance on Las Anod, to avoid civilian blood-shed and the destruction of the town, and are about 10 Km from the Centre of the town.

Our reporter in the area, Kayse Digale, in his dispatch stated that the confrontation began, when 3 technicals from Puntland militia opened fire on 2 technical from the army, who were on a reconnoitre.

Quoting sources from the frontline he said, "A contingent from the army moved to support its scouts and after an exchange of fire, forced the attackers to retreat to the outskirts of Las Anod. The army are about 10 Kms from the town and that his good advance.

Chairman of the opposition KULMIYE Party, Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, condemned the attack by Abdillahi Yusuf's forces, which he described as, "Naked aggression."

He said, "The party gives full support forces who are defending the country with life and blood. Such an obligation has to be fulfilled by every citizen".

"KULMIYE perceives this attack to be connected with the Mbagathi conference and is part of the pilot to discredit the stability and security in the country".

In another development, the opposition Justice and Welfare Party U'ID condemned the attack carried by what it described to be the Majertenia Administration.

The Party commended the army for their defence and announced full support to them. The party called on the people to provide moral and material support to the security forces and secure its eastern border immediately.

According to this reliable source all trucks that would have travelled east to areas under Somaliland administration were ordered not to leave the town.

"These steps were taken after 3 Puntland administration leaders arrived in Las Anod, with 3 technicals, in the early hours yesterday morning. This looks as if they are on a war footing," he concluded.

Militia loyal to Abdillahi Yusuf has been in Las Anod since they occupied it in 2002.

Chairman of the Association, Rashed Haji told the participants that they were advised to form the association by Eng. Mohamed Hashi Elmi, 5 years ago. He said, "Due to technical and prevailing reasons, we could not do that before now."

Minister of State for Public Works, Mr. Aden Mohamoud Diriye spoke about what the new association can do to decrease unemployment. He said, "Your association should not remain nominal, but do this uttermost to contribute toward decreasing unemployment."

Eng. Kayse, Deputy chairman of the association said, "5 to 7 thousand people work in construction in the capital city only. Construction workers are facing a difficult time, due to decrease of US Dollars in the local market and the increase of the price of building materials."

Attacks on the besieged Editor In chief of Jamhuuriya 's record -- mounted by competing cliques of political operatives -- speak of a democratic process overrun by well-funded character assassins.

The problem is not the mud being slung by the likes of the speaker of the house Mr. Qaybe who has points to score and settle old wounds with the Editor Saed, but a media that merely parrots their corrosive rhetoric, failing -- through professional scrutiny and investigative legwork -- to put to rest claims that simply aren't true, and to hold liars to account.

With less than few weeks past the arrests of the editor, the main news outlets seem content to report fairly and squarely about this ill fated government desperate actions to divert their inept rule from the main public, except Somaliland Times.

Somaliland Times chartered new territory that reflects the true nature of its editors. It had miserably chosen to go a lonely road where even the government's main paper shied to take. To the degree that its attention to the latest sparring over Editors records for the last 14 years has obscured coverage of the real motive on the government's that matter most to Somalilanders..

Media for Freedom of speech analysis of all local as well as Somaliland Diaspora websites coverage in the event of the arrest reveals that the government has failed to proof its case against the editor. But what really exasperated common citizens of the land the news that Qaybe was behind the current article on Somaliland Times.

To many, the Qaybe's claim to be the sole writer of the article by admitting while in Mafrishs (Kat Chewing Gatherings) that he proudly insulted Editor Hassan Saeed for publishing an article on SL Times, damages the credibility of SL Times itself. But, should we ask what motivated Qaybe to do this?

The fact that he is trying to seize an opportunity to get even with Jamhuuriya , Because, Jamhuuriya extensively reported Qaybe's past activities and his wretched history while he was loyal to Siyad Barre regime. Many times, Jamhuuriya honestly covered the feeling of the people towards what he stands for. It reported his real intentions about the proclamation of the existence of our nation. Which up to date dubious!

It times has been revealed that in his credibility to lead our house of representative was questioned because of stalled debates about important bills with intentional hindrances towards fruitful legislations that benefit the nation. It has been said that at worst he wishes the country should descend into chaos by alienating members of his own Beel by utilizing divisive clan tactics. And to the latest event, by locking out members from the parliament champers by using armed police officers. His latest fumbled resignation made most people to question his ability to lead the preparations for the upcoming elections.

Those reports and their political implications were simply bumped down the Somaliland Times news queue by Qaybe's press gang that seems inextricably drawn to political mudslinging.

To the extent that respected media focuses on character assassination of a fellow journalist, explicate the financial and political embedded ness with Qaybe's distractive machinery. This is not only cheating Somalilanders out of what we say we want most: a meaningful discussion on the current condition of the country and the vision of its leadership stance on the issues that have an impact in our daily lives. But it could be shameful marriage that would have far consequences.

In any event, we expect Qaybe to clarify his position by showing productive legislation and by not employing the backward policies inherited from the last brutal regime. After all, it is time to come clean to admit past deeds. If he really wants citizens to give him one more chance, as a leader, he must rise above skirmishes.

Further more a failure to be independent; the Somaliland Times would sound the final breach of news media's trust among Somalilanders.to engage citizens in our democratic process with reporting that informs about the facts of what is happening in the nation and to report the positions of the politicians on where they stand the most critical issues of the day. Without their fulfillment of this vital public service, our political system is left to the whims of interest rancor and propaganda.

Hooray to Jamhuuriya as it was the only newspaper that had positioned its loyalty to the issues close to the heart of the people and that also resonate most with their hopes and dreams, long before copycats derived from its experience.

Farhiya Mire, Minnesota, USA

The steady dripping of bad vibes from the neighbour country (Somalia) continues to corrode the success and achievements. The elected government has made very few strides. All Arabian countries from Saudi Arabia to Yemen fight to hold on to their illogical stand against Somaliland independence, often at terrible direct costs to Somaliland citizens. Rest of international communities would only listen what these Arab countries are saying about Somaliland simply because they claim to know what is best for Somaliland and its citizens. AU is a vehicle for the West to abstract all un-wanted deeds from the continent. The political leadership needed to push forward looks shaky. The best of the bunch is South Africa but even South Africa seem to give up on Somaliland since its founding father Mr M.I. Egal has passed away. All these challenges threaten to make this tiny country worry about its future.

Sure, the economy seem to grow in alarming rate after the civil war. But the growth was halted after Saudi Arabia banned livestock from the whole region. The lack of progress on international recognition is keeping much-needed foreign capital away.

Real change is not going to come easily. It will require a better educational system, so workers have the skills to compete in an increasingly sophisticated world--especially one in which some African countries are emerging as such formidable competitors. It needs to have states capable of dealing with the threat posed by extremist groups from neighbour country. The inability of the Somaliland Government to contain Abdulahi Yusuf's Militia could be a worrying indicator of worse to come. In the local sphere, Somaliland leaders need to keep cleaning up the corrupted system, keep streamlining government, keep improving the court system.

What's needed above all is political leadership, especially in security and search for international recognition. If it doesn't come from the top down, it should come from the bottom up. It's important that non-government organizations, the media, and business groups push their agendas within the limits of Somaliland's emerging democracies. That will test and build democracy. In Somaliland, the old order is dying. But the birthing pains of the new one have only begun.

Mohamed Ali Gibril

Report we received from the Ministry of Defence of Somaliland says that Puntland militiamen loyal to Abdullahi Yusuf [Puntland leader] this morning launched attacks on Somaliland National Army positions on the village of Ari Adeys, 30 km west of Laas Caanood, Sool Region [northern Somali region claimed by both Somaliland and Puntland].

The report says that the losses so far inflicted on the invading militia includes the destruction of a technical [battlewagon] mounted with an SU gun, which was burnt out, and another vehicle mounted with a B10 gun, which was partially destroyed.

Three wounded Abdullahi Yusuf militiamen who were among those who launched the attack on the Somaliland forces were taken prisoners. These militiamen were based in the region.

Somaliland forces are now stationed seven kilometres away from the centre of Laas Caanood.

In a story filed by 'Asharq Al Awsat' reporter Zeid Kammi in the Kingdom, Saudi Arabian Agriculture Minister Fahd Balghaneim announced his country's intention to soon lift the ban on the livestock of the Horn of African countries and to allow it to be imported through Djibouti. There was no talk of direct imports from Somalia and Somaliland, however.

In a statement to the press while visiting an agricultural project in Hard, 250 km south of Riyadh, on Tuesday, he said the Saudi move was in response to a request by Djibouti to set up a specialised quarantine centre in Djibouti to check livestock before it is exported to the Saudi Kingdom.

He added that a Saudi Committee, representing the Ministries of Agriculture, Trade and Industry, and Health would pay a visit to Djibouti to inspect the quarantine centres there and ensure that the animals were free from epidemic diseases.

Mr Balghaneim, however, pointed out that he didn't expect the ban to be lifted before end of the Ramadan and the Hajj festival, saying that his government needed enough time to put proper procedures in place in terms of inspecting the health condition of the animals and safeguarding the health and safety of the Saudi people and animals.

He said that the Kingdom didn't face any meat or livestock shortage at present due to its diversified sources of import, adding that the establishment of quarantine centres in Saudi Arabia would all play a significant role in monitoring animal health and planning imports to the Kingdom.

Earlier, the self-declared Somaliland accused Djibouti of trying to control its economy following a proposal by Djiboutian authorities aimed at making its ports as gateway for Somaliland's livestock exports to Arab Gulf countries, according to a report by the UAE based Arabic daily 'Al Khaleej' on 14 September.

'Al Khaleej' quoted Somaliland Livestock Minister as describing Djibouti's plan to export Somaliland's livestock through its ports as an "unacceptable attempt aimed at controlling his country's economy." Somaliland has its own regional port at Berbera, but given its status as a non-recognised state, it has not been successful in its plea to Saudi Arabia and other states on the Arabian Peninsula to resume livestock imports directly from Berbera.

Quoting sources in Somalia, 'Al Khaleej' said Djibouti's proposal came as a result of its consultations with some Gulf countries, which showed their desire for Somali livestock. The sources added that the proposal gives the Djiboutian government the right to examine livestock and export them through its ports. The paper added that some Somali businessmen had welcomed the proposal, hoping that it would end the long ban on Somali livestock exports to Gulf countries.

Meanwhile, Somaliland businessmen contacted by 'Awdalnews' in Dubai expressed their rejection of the move by Djibouti. One the businessman who asked to remain anonymous claimed that Djiboutian President Ismail Omar Guelleh had sold the idea to Southern Somali businessmen whom he invited to a forum he recently held in Djibouti. He alleged that President Guelleh had even "bribed" some Somali businessmen by issuing Djiboutian passports to them.

Somaliland Interior Minister Ismail Adam Osman also repeated his call upon Arab countries to lift the ban on the exports of Somaliland livestock and to accept its citizens to travel with Somaliland passports. In an interview with the UAE official Arabic daily 'Al Ittihad' on 12 September 2004, Mr Osman said that his government was fighting over the last six years for the ban to be lifted.

- The ban has caused a great suffering to Somaliland whose economy depended mainly on livestock export, said Somaliland Minister Osman. "We invite Arabs to come to our country and to see by themselves that our country is free from the Rift Valley Fever which has been used as a cover for the ban," he added.

Gunfire and raids erupted in the Sool region, which is claimed by both the self-declared Somaliland and a group called Puntland.

Somalia has been without a functioning national government since the overthrow of President Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991.

Puntland and Somaliland blame each other for starting the hostilities. Puntland said one of its soldiers was killed, and Somaliland claims to have captured three prisoners.

"It's not a war, it was a chasing away of bandits who were trying to disrupt and cause enough confusion to loot rations," Somaliland's Foreign Minister Edna Adan Ismael told the BBC.

In a telephone interview with Awdalnews Network, Somaliland's Interior Minister Ismail Adam Osman described the attack as a planned attempt by Puntland leader Abdillahi Yusuf to create a war situation in the area as an obvious cover up for his failure to secure support for his quest for Somalia's Presidency at the ongoing talks of Somali warring factions in Nairobi.

He said "Majeerteenia (Puntland) forces attacked a small partol unit of the Somaliland army at Adhi Addeeye village, 18-20 km from Las Anod, regional Capital of the Sool region.

He said that reinforcements were immediately sent from Somaliland garrison stationed between Yagoori and Adhi Adeeye and Majeerteenia militias were routed and pushed towards Boholaha Xargagan, less then 15km from Las Anod.

Osman said that there were no casaulties among Somaliland forces, while the Puntland militias suffered one dead, two wounded, one arrested and one "technical" battlewagon destroyed and another damaged.

Describing the situation as tense, Osman said that he expected Puntland militias to attack again.

"But if they do they should know that Somaliland forces will not stop until they reach the internationally recognized borders of our country."

Reiterating Somaliland's firm position of avoiding any military conflicts and war with neighboring countries, Osman said that the whole world knows that Somaliland had the military might and the will to retake its territory from Majeerteenia but had reined in its forces for one year to give a chance to peace and to avoid bloodshed.

"But, now we tell the African countries and the international community that we have been attacked and we are ready to defeat the enemy and secure our borders. It is our right and duty to safeguard our territorial integrity and our sovereignty," he said.

Osman added that Somaliland forces had stopped short of retaking Las Anod yesterday to avoid putting civilians in a harm's way.

"Abdillahi Yusuf cannot claim parts of another country just because he shares blood ties with some of the citizens. Somaliland has internationally recognized borders and every country in the world has a right to defend its borders," he said, reiterating that the people of Las Anod were citizens of Somaliand who were loyal to their country and its sovereignty.

Somaliland, which reclaimed its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991, but not recognized by anyone, was locked in a territorial dispute with Puntland over the east of Sanaag and most of the Sool regions which are home to sub-clans which together with the Majreerteen of Puntland belong to the Darod Harti clan.

Somaliland, however, insists on its legitimate right to safeguard its colonial and international recogniaed borders which included the eastern Sanaag and the whole of the Sool region.

"A heavy exchange of gunfire took place around the village of Abeseoley [22 km north of the regional capital, Las Anod]," Muhammad Sa'id Kashwito, a journalist on the Bosaso-based Midnimo Radio, told IRIN on Thursday.

He said reports from the area indicated that the fighting was between "reconnaissance units" from the two sides. It was not immediately clear what triggered the fighting or what the exact casualty figures were. Both sides blamed each other over the fighting.

The regions of Sool and Sanag, in northern Somalia, geographically fall within the borders of pre-independence British Somaliland, but most of the area's inhabitants, the Warsangeli, Dhulbahante and Majerteen communities, who are members of the larger Darod clan, are associated with residents of Puntland.

The timing of these clashes could not have come at worse time given the fact that residents of the area are suffering from the effects of the prolonged drought, a humanitarian source said.

Tension between the two sides had been simmering since Puntland troops took total control of Las Anod, in December 2003. Before then, both sides had official representation in the town.

Although no fighting was reported in the area on Thursday, both sides were said to have amassed troops on either side of the village of Ari Adey, 30 km west of Las Anod, Kashawito said.

Ahmad Awad Ashara, a member of the newly created Somali transitional federal parliament, who hails from Puntland, the northeastern region of Somalia, told IRIN in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, that he had heard about the fighting. "We have heard of the clashes, but we are reserving comment until we have the full details of the situation," he said.

The official radio in Hargeisa, the Somaliland capital, quoted the defence ministry there as saying on Wednesday morning that forces from Puntland had launched attacks at "Somaliland National Army positions" in the village of Ari Adey.

"Three wounded militiamen who were among those who launched the attack on the Somaliland forces were taken prisoner," the radio said. "Somaliland forces are now stationed 7 km away from the centre of Las Anod."

Puntland leaders declared the region autonomous in 1998 with the aim of reconstituting Somalia as a federal republic.

Northwestern Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of the country following the overthrow of the regime of Muhammad Siyad Barre in 1991. The region has remained relatively peaceful even as the rest of Somalia descended into anarchy and violence.

Meanwhile, the United Nations Humanitarian Coordinator for Somalia, Maxwell Gaylard, on Wednesday urged forces fighting in the Lower Juba Region to immediately cease hostilities and seek a peaceful solution.

"The current fighting in the area is seriously disrupting the humanitarian operations currently underway," Gaylard said. "Unless the conflict can be stopped very soon, we could be witness to the kind of famine conditions experienced in 1992."

Gaylard said he was also concerned that the conflict could lead to a larger-scale violence that might eventually spread to other areas of Somalia and put the latest achievement of the reconciliation and government formation process in jeopardy.

Fighting broke out last week in the southern Somali port city of Kismayo between two rival armed factions in the surrounding areas. An estimated 500 people crossed the border into Kenya, mostly from Dhobley, not far from the border.

The fighting pitted forces of the Juba Valley Alliance, the faction that controls Kismayo, against those loyal to General Muhammad Sa'id Hirsi "Morgan", who has made several attempts to capture the city in the recent past.

Designed to rein in their rampant consumption of 1.2 billion plastic shopping bags per year, the tax resulted in a 90% drop in consumption, and approximately 1 billion fewer bags consumed annually.

To complete the win-win scenario, approximately $9.6 million was raised from the tax in the first year, which is earmarked for a "green fund" established to benefit the environment.

Several other countries and cities around the world are now considering implementing a similar tax, including UK, Australia and New York City(USA

How does it work?

First of all, the purpose is to change consumer behavior, not to generate revenue-moving habits from mindless consumption, to reducing and reusing.

In a nutshell, it's a simple market-based solution in the form of a consumption tax-individuals pay a tax of $.15 per plastic bag consumed at check out.

Retailers save money since they only have to stock a smaller quantity of bags (in Ireland, on average they were spending $50 million a year on single-use plastic bags before the tax). Many retailers are also now benefiting from selling reusable bags.

Administration is straightforward- retailers keep simple records on purchasing and receipts, while the government monitors retailer compliance and collects revenue.

What is exempt?

In Ireland, exemptions from the tax include heavier weight reusable plastic bags; bags used for meat, fish, or poultry; bags for unpackaged produce, ice, or other foods without packaging.

What are the results?

Consumption has dropped approximately 90%, from 1.2 billion to 230 million per year.

Litter has been dramatically reduced.

Approximately 18,000,000 liters of oil have been saved due to reduced production of bags.

Reusable bags, rather than paper, are taking the place of plastic disposables.

Weaker plastic bag companies went out of business, while others have benefited by seizing the opportunity to make reusable shopping bags.

Summary

The PlasTax is a major success. Consumers have widely adopted using reusable shopping bags and retailers no longer incur the costs associated with giving away free bags.

Source: http://reusablebags.com/facts.php?id=6

(Jamhuuriya /21/09/2004) The latest news coming out of Nairobi, Kenya, is that the regional organisation called IGAD is sending the foreign ministers of its member states to New York city in the United States of America. The goal of these foreign ministers is apparently to go and visit the United Nations headquarter in New York and begg the international community to give a massive aid package to Somalia which the Kenyan governemnt is trying to put together. The IGAD countries have one single motive for doing this: they want to get a substantial amount of that money in their own pockets, in other words the IGAD countries are trying to hussle or swindle the international community. The IGAD countries will probably go to the UN and try to convince the International community that the so-called government of Somalia that they created in Kenya is a legitimate government that should be supported by the international community(sounds like Arta-2 doesn't it? ), IGAD will try to secure a billion dollar aid package for this puppet government of their's inorder to make it possible for that so called government to do a Hamid Karzai like military take over of all of Somalia and perhaps even Somaliland.

Since Somaliland is part of Somalia according to the Kenyan made constitution for Somalia it basically means that the IGAD countries or Kenya have declared war on Somaliland, since IGAD or Kenya has launched a diplomatic war on Somaliland the government and people of Somaliland must rise up to this challenge and mobilise themselves on a massive scale both inside and outside Somaliland and launch a diplomatic offensive on all fronts inorder to defend the dignity and future of the Somaliland people.

This diplomatic offensive by Somaliland must be launched mainly by three powerful forces and they are: the Somaliland Government (Dowlada), the Somaliland Opposition Parties (Xisbiyada Mucaaradka) and finally the Somaliland Diaspora (Qurbajooga).

1. The Somaliland Government (Dowlada)

A. Sending A Somaliland Government Delagation to the United Nations Headquarters in New York

The Somaliland president Dahir Riyaale Kaahin together with his foreign minister, Edna Adan, must quickly assemble a group of ministers that could travel to the United States and more specifically the United Nations headquarter in New York, this group of ministers and others should make their case clear to the international communtiy, they should explain that no money should be given to the IGAD created government of Somalia before the issue of Somaliland is resolved(International Recognition), if the international community refuse to accept this line of reasoning then the Somaliland delegation must make sure that Somaliland is given the exact same amount in international aid as any potential Somalia government made in Kenya is given. If an aid package of 500 million dollars is put together for Somalia then a 500 million dollar aid package or more for Somaliland should also be put together, this is a valid argument since Somaliland is more democratic, more stable and more responsible with aid money then Somalia is, the Somaliland government must explain this point to the international community and it must do so quickly. Warlordism and genocide(Somalia) should not be rewarded, peace and democracy(Somaliland) should be rewarded.

B. Somaliland's Ambassadors or Representatives in Different Countries Must Start Working Overtime

All ambassadors or representatives of the Somaliland government who are currently in different countries around the world must step up their work in a big way, they must write letters and they must request meetings with the government officials in the countries where they live and they must explain the Somaliland position regarding the so-called government for Somalia which Kenya is putting together in Kenya. These Somaliland ambassadors or representatives must make it abundantly clear to the governments which they deal with that Somaliland has in 1991 has withdrawn from the union with Somalia into which it entered in 1960 hence the constitution which Kenya has made for Somalia is falsely and wrongfully including Somaliland into the borders of Somalia. Basically Somaliland's position is that:

If the "made in Kenya" government for Somalia is given international aid money to rebuild Somalia then Somaliland must get an equal amount of aid money or more to rebuild and develop Somaliland, if the record is anything to go by then Somaliland deserves to get more than Somalia, furthermore Somaliland's position is that it is an indendent country and only the Somaliland government which was democratically elected by the Somaliland people has the mandate to rule or govern within the territorry which is Somaliland, the independence of Somaliland was solidified when 97% of the population of Somaliland voted for independence.

C. Sending Delegations to African and Arab Countries

The Somaliland government must quickly send delegations of ministers or other prominent Somalilanders such as businessmen, politicans etc to all Somaliland's neighboring countries such as Ethiopia, Djibouti, Eritrea, Yemen, Sudan etc, we should make our case to them clear. Furtmermore a heavy Somaliland delegation consisting of Somalilanders from the government together with Somalilanders prominent or known in the Arab countries must be sent to the Arab countries, these delegations can include people like Cumar Carte(Gulf Country connections), former mayor of Hargeysa Cawl Cilmi Cabdalla(Sudan connections) and Somaliland businessmen with connections in the Arab world. At the same time president Riyaale must contact the Senegalese president with which he previously met and ask him to explain Somaliland's position to the rest of West Africa's countries likewise president Riyaale must contact all African leaders and countries who he think can help Somaliland.

D. The Somaliland government must do everything in their power to make sure that the parliamentary elections are held on time.

2. The Somaliland Opposition Parties (Xisbiyada Mucaaradka)

A. The Somaliland opposition parties can do much on their own. The UCID chairman Faysal Ali Waraabe is currently touring the Scandinavian countries, he will most likely present Somaliland's views on different issues to the governments in those countries, this is one way in which the opposition parties can take part in the diplomatic offensive. Another way is for the opposition parties or the leaders of the two opposion parties to energize their fan base inside Somaliland and across the world and to tell these party loyals to hold meetings with political leaders in their country to explain Somaliland's position or to do lobbying for Somaliland, and finally the oppsition parties can organize their supporters inside Somaliland and tell them to support their party with money and other resources inorder for the parties to be able to do their national duties.

B. The Somaliland opposition parties must do everything in their power to make sure that the parliamentary elecions are held on time.

3. The Somaliland Diaspora (Qurbajooga)%

What is in fact fashionable and profitable is to be none of the above! I am not saying that is honorable, it is not, never can be, nor do I say it is right; it is not either as well. I am saying it is an unfortunate fact prevailing in Somaliland!

In this world of sin and sorrow, much unjust suffering is caused and innocent lives lost with or with out a trace left. The crimes were committed in secret as well as in no secret, in collusion and in the open. No questions asked by which offenders can brought to justice, as a matter of fact the offenders themselves drag the innocent and the victims to no justice! The latest causality whose crimes were nothing but to seek the truth and then tell it to the public by way of the peaceful pen is the following:
1-Hassan Saeed Yussuf of Jamhuria
2-Ahmad Ali garas of Al haatuf
3-Ahmad Araali, a freelance journalist, as well as others.

In these days truth is undesirable; however "Allah is not shy to tell the truth" so truth be told. Then " Bi ayi thanbin qu tilat" For what crimes our men and women were murdered?

Well, that is that. And it is history evolving and repeating itself!

The human animal adjusts such as this despite the injustices prevailed.

" Verily never will Allah change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves. But when Allah willeth a people's punishment, there can be no turning it back. Nor will they find, besides Him, any to protect."

There is the conscionable sector of the society who did not barter their conscience with pocket and belly bargain. There are those martyrs and the Muj. Who liberated us before it was reoccupied and there are those who will do it again but differently this time!

That is the good news in all about these. I hope it is not a fantasy in my line of logic. That put aside, let us come back to the subject of this paper, which is Chairman Sulieman.

In line to my limited knowledge of the chairman leads me to the following:
a) The man is a no nonsense guy. He is a series iron man.
b) He is a no shoe kisser nor is he an A.licker.
c) He is a no one's mouthpiece. He is of his own.
d) He fights for what he blieves in by tooth and nail.
e) He is a no hypo crate-a straight shooter.
f) And lastly, he is unlike the others a Somaliland believer

I hope am right in this...

Therefore, I think let us give him a hand; however the chairman is not off the hook yet! There are three roads a head of him and the people are anxiously watching which road he may travel and that will make all the difference in the world!
1) He can be a savior of the nation from the sub-contractors whose sole intention is to ship out Somali land to hell!
2) He can be a self-centered cabal who fights for his share of the meager revenue .
3) He may allow him self to be used against his cousin and his party to return the favour.

In conclusion all eyes are on the chairman of the Goorti Mr. Sulieman Mahmoud /Mr. Noor. Sufficed we have none believer Imams leading the believers in their prayer! Imagine what can of a prayer that could be? Unlike the others he is a believer. that is a difference, a big one.

I hope the chairman's seclusion in a disclosed location for three days after his nomination will never tilt him on one side or the other. In other words, never deter him from the right direction-which is saving the nation to the best of his ability and never play dirty politics.

Ibrahim Mead, Executive Director, Community Advancement Through Conflict Resolution International.

The recent Gu assessment puts this harvest at the third worst in a decade. The severe drought has extended to several areas in Somalia, especially in the northwest, northeast, central and agro-pastoral regions. Households in these drought-affected areas are now in a desperate situation, with inadequate pasture for remaining livestock and the collapse of local livelihoods. It is now estimated that up to 1.2 million people are in need of assistance throughout the country to next season April 2005.

SEASONAL TIMELINE

CURRENT HAZARD SUMMARY

- Gu production (about 125,305 MT), which is 75 percent of the post-war average, makes this the third worst season in the post-war period.

- Clan conflict and insecurity hindered farming activities and prevented livestock from moving to better grazing areas.

- Commodity prices have increased and livestock prices have decreased, negatively affecting terms of trade.

FOOD SECURITY SUMMARY

A total of 222,600 people in four areas in Somalia require immediate emergency interventions. These areas are the Sool Plateau and Nugal Valley in the northeast, northern Galgadud and south Mudug in the central region, and Lower Juba riverine communities and western parts of Gedo in the south. (See Figure 1). Another 447,100 people in areas adjacent to these areas require urgent livelihood support to prevent them from declining into a humanitarian emergency.

The northeast region is suffering the consequences of a three-year drought with profound economic and environmental results, leading to massive livestock deaths, collapsing livelihoods, and destitution (page 4). The central regions are experiencing yet another year of below normal rainfall, which, in combination with ongoing civil insecurity, has lead to severe food insecurity. North Gedo continues to be an area beset with civil insecurity, leading to chronic food insecurity and the highest malnutrition rates (at about 37 percent GAM) in Somalia. The Juba Valley riverine zone, a chronically food insecure area, is facing severe conditions this year after three successive years of crop failure and resulting high malnutrition rates of 19.5 percent with crude mortality rate of 2.2 per 10,000 per day.

Both short-term emergency interventions and longer-term strategic planning are urgently required. Figure 1: Post-Gu 2004 Critical Areas
Source: FSAU 2004 Post Gu Analysis

NUTRITIONAL FINDINGS

Results of nutritional surveys in Somalia reflect the nature of the ongoing humanitarian emergency. Particularly worrying are numbers, like those found in southern Somalia, of over 15 percent Global Acute Malnutrition (GAM). This figure, coupled with under-5 child mortality rates of over 5/10,000/day, signals an extreme crisis.

Similarly, in northern Somalia (Taleex, Las Canood, Huddun, Garowe and Gardho districts) food insecurity, high morbidity, limited access to health care, limited access to safe water and a poor social care environment for women and children are the main factors associated with the high levels of malnutrition.

In the southern and central zones, causal factors are mainly food insecurity, poor water and sanitation and a high prevalence of diseases, particularly diarrhea, ARI and intestinal parasites. Most of the areas with high malnutrition in these zones also encounter frequent security incidences that hinder monitoring and mitigation activities. In central Somalia, acute malnutrition rates are above the usual range in most of the areas. Acute respiratory infections, worm infestation and diarrhea are some of the common diseases identified in the health facilities and also during the post-Gu assessment.

In the southern part of Somalia, northern Gedo and Juba areas are where the nutritional problems are concentrated due to a combination of poor production and civil conflict. The population in the southern areas generally has access to a more diverse diet with the majority consuming at least three food groups a day. This is mainly attributed to the agro-pastoral livelihood of the dominant population and relief activities.

In northeastern Somalia, the nutritional situation is within a usual range with few exceptional areas like Qardho, Goldogob Dangoroyo and Garowe where above normal rates are documented.

GU RAINFALL
Gu 2004 rains were erratic in general and started late in most parts of the country. In most of the southern and central regions, Gu 2004 rains were below normal, leading to crop failure, poor pasture and limited water availability. Compared to the long term average rainfall was extremely poor in Juba and Shabelle Valleys. Rainfall was unevenly distributed over time and space across southern Somalia causing severe stress to both rain-fed and irrigated crops during April and May 2004. June-July rains helped some rainfed lowland areas recover. Crop recovery, in general, was markedly evident on late planted crops (rainfed and irrigated) and pasture of the Shabelle Valley, Bay, Hiran and Juba Valley Regions. The effect of the June-July rains was more conspicuous on pasture re-growth and regeneration than on crops in Lower and Middle Jubba, Hiran and parts of Gedo Region.

The June-July rains saved the Shabelle Valley and Bay regions from complete crop failure. Moreover, the coastal rains or Hagai encouraged substantial sesame planting thus ensuring an income source for riverine and agro-pastoral communities of Shabelle and Juba Valley Regions. Hagai rains are usually limited to the coastal areas of Shabelle and Jubba Valley Regions, but 2004 Hagai rains were exceptional, reaching further inland to areas of the Shabelle Valley, Bay, Hiran and Jubba Valley Regions. Before these Hagai rains, households were desperate in the riverine, agro-pastoral and pastoral livelihood areas covering almost all of southern Somalia. The June-July rains brought new hope.

As shown in Figure 2, rains were significantly higher than normal in some pockets in the north, attracting huge livestock in-migration from surrounding drought-affected areas, and resulting in over grazing and early depletion of resources.

Source: NOAA/FEWS NET

RESULTING CROP PRODUCTION & MARKET CONDITIONS
In addition to poor rainfall, an inefficient irrigation infrastructure, mismanagement of irrigation water sharing, pests, and insecurity during the 2004 Gu all contributed to a poor production year. As a result, the southern agricultural areas are experiencing one of the three worst cereal production years since 1995, with total cereal production of 125,305 MT, only 75 percent of the post war average. (See Figure 3). Gu agricultural production is critical in Somalia's annual food supply as it constitutes 75-80 percent of annual production in normal years.

In ten of the southern districts, Gu 2004 crop production is 20 percent of the post-war average (See Figure 3). These ten districts are in Juba, Gedo, Bakool, and Bay Region (the sorghum basket of Somalia). June-July rains restored hope for some cereal producers and encouraged sesame planting across southern Somalia, but other crops had already reached irreversible wilting points after a 45-day dry spell. The land under sesame, one of the most important cash crops produced in southern Somalia, and in particular in the Sabelle Valley, increased by 25 percent compared to last year, spurred on by high demand from Gulf countries, and the subsequent high price. The total estimated sesame production for this Gu season is 10,130 MT.

Cereal prices in US$ terms have, in general, increased significantly across the country since the beginning of this year. Figure 4 shows the US$ price trends for relevant cereals and markets across the country since 1995, highlighting, in particular, the fact that cereal prices in the south did not drop as they normally would around the Gu harvest due to the poor harvest this season.

The bulk of cereal production of Southern Somalia is expected to enter into markets at the end of August 2004. The current high prices of cereal (4500-5000 Ssh/Kg) are expected to decline 50 percent during the months of September-October-November 2004, increasing thereafter until the Deyr 2004/05 harvest.

SPECIAL FOCUS: THE NORTHEAST PASTORAL CRISIS
The northeast region is experiencing a three-year drought and a profound environmental crisis, which is leading to massive livestock deaths, collapsing livelihoods, and destitution. The drought has devastated the livestock sector, which is the main livelihood base for the region's population. Livestock productivity and value has declined to unprecedented levels, undermining the sole sources of food for pastoralist households: purchased grain (from livestock sales) and milk. People living in the Nugal valley and Sool Plateau livelihood zones are no longer able to meet their daily energy requirements, and are increasingly at risk of starvation. The deaths of pack animals, which used to carry water long distances, and the exorbitant price of tankered water has increased the indebtedness of remaining families.

The recent Gu assessment found astounding rates of livestock mortality: 90 percent of the pack animals, 80 percent of camels, and 60 percent of shoats (sheep and goats) have died, leading to a reduction in herd size for most of the families to well below sustainable levels. Similarly, drought has reduced employment and self-employment opportunities since the number of people seeking these options increased beyond the local capacity to absorb the supply of labor and services.

What appears to be at stake is the entire pastoralist livelihood system in this area. With livestock herds decimated, even better off households have nothing to share, undermining traditional community support systems which used to help poorer pastoralists through bad years.

Consequently levels of destitution, migration to urban centers and family splitting have reached alarming levels. Aid agencies have attempted to assist through ongoing interventions, include the distribution of relief food, cash for work programs, water trucking, veterinary services, supplementary feeding program and health provision by UN and International NGOs. However the Humanitarian Response Group of the Somali Aid Coordination Body (SACB) has concluded that these interventions are inadequate and appealed for more aid to prevent famine. Increased short-term emergency interventions and longer-term strategic planning are therefore urgently required.

Currency fluctuations caused by a breakthrough in peace talks between rival factions in neighbouring Somalia had exacerbated the problems, they said.

The warning came in the latest Somali Region Food Security Highlights, which is jointly issued by the Somali Regional Government emergency arm and Save the Children UK (SC UK).

According to a recent survey, the number of people currently in need of food assistance up until December is 1.4 million. The report said local conflicts between rival clans were also playing a role in worsening conditions in parts of the region's nine zones.

"Clan conflicts continue to be a problem in a number of zones," the report noted. "Conflicts restrict pastoral mobility, undermine traditional resource sharing, and increase risks and slow trade activities and force prices upward." It also blamed restrictions on illegal cross-border trade - a method by which families in the region can makes ends meet during times of hardship.

The Ethiopian government has ordered a clampdown on smuggling across the porous 1,600-km long border shared with Somalia.

The report noted a rise in grain prices due to shortages of local cereals, and a decline in livestock prices due to poor body condition. "In the worst affected districts, there are reports of livestock deaths, unconfirmed reports of human deaths, stress migrations and food shortages that is reportedly causing malnutrition among children," it said.

John Graham, head of SC UK, told IRIN that quick interventions in the areas of water, food and medical sectors were needed. "Deghabur, Fik and Warder zones are all severely affected, particularly in the pastoralist areas, and require emergency support including water tankering," he said. In the far south of Somali Region, Afder and Liban zones are reported to be affected both by poor rains and by currency fluctuations in the Somali shilling.

"The shilling has been strengthened by prospects of a new government in Somalia, pushing up the price of food and other essentials in border areas," he said.

The Somali shilling is often used by traders in the region in place of the Ethiopian birr (ETB), the currency of Ethiopia. But the increase in strength of the shilling has meant that ETB prices of commodities are rising, while prices of income items such as milk, livestock, and also ETB salaries, have remained the same.

Mr. Abdirashid Duale, Chief Executive Officer of Dahabshiil, says "We value peace which Somalia desperately needs to achieve stability and development. We want to see the cessation of hostilities in Somalia and the success of initiatives aimed at reconciling the people. We recognize that for any success to be achieved towards the realization of peace in Somalia, the initiative must be spearheaded by Somalis themselves. Dahabshiil feels that it has an obligation to support peace in Somalia given that it is the biggest Somali remittance company that is active in most parts of the country. We have been foremost in participating in peace and development initiatives in the region in the past and are proud to sponsor the International Day of Peace 2004 through initiatives of the Somalia Aid Co-ordination Body (SACB), a body, comprising donors, UN agencies and international and national NGOs working in Somalia. We are delighted to contribute financially to the International Day of Peace for the second year".

The International Day of Peace is observed annually as a day of global ceasefire and non-violence. Initiated by the United Nations, it is an invitation to all nations and peoples to honour a cessation of hostilities for the duration of the Day, September 21st. The true meaning of the Day lies in the participation of people around the world, gathering together to think about the meaning of peace and their commitment to its realization.

With over 400 branches in 34 countries, Dahabshiil is the largest financial institution in the region. It acts as the principal financial institution for individuals, businesses, NGOs and international bodies facilitating development and humanitarian projects in the region.

For more information, please contact: Jama Abdi Ahmed, Information Officer, Dahabshiil UK Tel: + 44 207 375 1110; Fax: (44) 207 377 5686

Thus, in really democratic term, the media has more power than the government because the government was formed by the people and for the people. Therefore, the press is a watchdog and the eyes, ears, for the public because people do not want to give the government an "absolute ruling" on everything. The intention is that the government does not, in anyway, abuse the power the people entrusted in them. But it doesn't mean that the press writes about government things that are not true or fair. Often times, what happens is that the government's stand on certain issues, of public interest, is not clear because the government is not talking or hiding things. What happens then is that the media analyses the situation and writes their own interpretation of things. Damn if they do and damn if they don't because the public have the right to know what their government is up to or where do they stand on issues that matters to them and expect to be informed. It is the responsibility of both the government and the media to keep them informed.

However, if the government thinks the media is unfair or writes things that are not true, the government reacts by letting a representative speak to public on their behalf and make things clear. So that there is always two sides to every story and a balance on what is written, but the government has on right to harass, intimidate, or arrest journalists in the middle of night or ambush them in some dark alleyways and beat them up to silence them. That is a violation of free press. Government does not control the press, but it is up to them to have good relationship and keep the peace with the press. The press is a "necessary evil" for the government because the press can be for them and against them too.

The government needs the press, more than the press needs them, to promote their progress and future undertaking projects. If you don't keep them informed they may formed their own interpretation of things when a situation arises. However, government turns up its nose up and snubs the press, government is turning the press against them and what happens is that they may go after government's vulnerability and weakness. It is up to the government to keep the peace and balance the flow of the press. Government comes and goes, but the press is here to stay. If the government cannot stand the heat, they should get out of the way.

Reported By: Saphia Hassn, Email: gurhan02@yahoo.com

At the outset, I was brought up, under the old regime of DemocraticSomalia; I did my schooling in Burao although I was not spared to complete my secondary education ascribed to the fighting between SNM and Army of the regime.

As we are well aware of, Mr Barre, throne to presidency through a military coup, called Revolution by himself - in favour of convincing, the disorientated people after the rigged election in 1969, that it was a new system of promoting the social order-. Initially, it was saluted nationally as well as recognized by the international community. People courageously accustomed and embraced the new system. Within a short period there was a sudden upward trend in governances tendency, education improved, military army built to the one of the best in Africa, Abow Siyad songs sang in everywhere. Then the omen of bad portent emerged and reached the turning point, short term gains were far outweighed by the long term resentments.

In his twenty years of ruling, never give his people the chance of fair election, opposition parties were things for the others. Anyone accused of being sidelining to a democratic way was given his matching order; either execution or a long imprisonments and people become deranged. And don't forget that administration was RECOGNISED. Rebels formed and took arms, we started resistance struggle to enfranchise ourselves form the desponded despot. It took us, as it began, many years the struggle to be materialised, lastly the tyrant was toppled, long time thirsted of freedom was fully quenched.

This to an extend, our people of Somaliland chosen this time to share their sovereignty with nobody, to be an independent state, Recognition wasn't on the agendas at that moment. Despite the euphoria of ousting the dictatorship, being extricated from the past, still the people was gnawed by the hounding experiences inflicted to them over decades of harassment. Although in the first conference in Burao, our people put the past behind them and forgiveness of each other accepted, it rained it poured and we had disabilities a couple of years of civil squabbles about who is going to hold the dog's lead.

Our weaknesses were overcome at the end in 1996, form that year things were proceeding in a less rocky path and hopefully our future will be as bright as it looks. We have managed to pass clearly some of the major hurdles in the road of democracy, voted for referendum, municipal, and presidential elections without problems, soon the parliament election will follow on. According into the international community, what we have achieved so far should qualify Somaliland for recognition.

Apparently, we have to be accepted internationally yet, but the question in here is, when it comes to crunch, would it do well for us? If we look our neighbouring countries, i.e. Djibouti, Ethiopia, Uganda, Tanzania, Kenya etc. or most African state, the democracy never caters for them as their counterparts in the west. Their govern body is like one band one man, except Kenya which processed the multi-parties government recently, itself there is accusations that things no going as they should be.

If our prays are answered and Somaliland retreated into a world of fantasy, where it would be recognized as it wants, in my view it would be like this.. The British foreign secretary in his briefing of the media today, he told that the small breakawaySomaliland was given a full recognition by his government, a confirmation letter has been sent to their president Mr Kahin. Within hours the South African government followed, and Ethiopian were left to be the third country rather than the second they promised. United Nations addressed in their meeting and we are given our long sought recognition. The nation of Somaliland in everywhere was overwhelmed the joy of the recognition. In the country, every cities and towns people celebrated. The president addressed his people at the Kheyria in Hargeysa.

The followed week Ambassador Awil, the finance minister travelled to New York to discuss the World Bank and IMF in Geneva for financial help for rebuilding the country, he is given a lump sum of monetary aid and borrowed substantial amount of money from them, Somaliland was put into the database list of developing countries. In his return the fore coming parliament election was delayed for unspecified reasons. There were shipments of arms downloaded from Yemen and many more destinations on the port of Berbera. And within a year, the people put their hands on their heads again with the dismay shrouded their recognition. The forgotten struggle should be restarted from the scratch. No, it's only a FANTASY; luckily we have to be recognized yet.

It is not the recognition per se that leads these countries into such, but it is the nature of that part of the world it does not suits them as it does for the west. You can only wear the hat if it fits on your head. So, does the recognition, -which its search drove some of us beyond acceptable requests by wishing Yuhud for victory-, fits us?

Making my point clear, I don't normally rebuke our government on the face of the press but there are some minor twists made on our democracy i.e. interfering the free expressions, debates, unnecessary arrests, which hindering our progresses rather than helping and brings the question of my title. I am only deciding to err on the side of caution and rather run slower than I can. As the saying goes -To err is human, to forgive is divine -.

The answer of the question is rested for you -the reader.

I am sorry if offended anyone in the process and Somaliland is my blessed country, and in my side there will be no any negotiation of its sovereignty with anybody.

Victory and liberty to Somaliland.

Ibrahim Awad, London, ibroawad@hotmail.com

The statement released by the presidency said: Considering that yesterday there were journalists in Hargeysa from the UK and Northern Ireland who were taking video footage of Somaliland to be beamed to the world regarding African countries that require assistance, the Kulmiye Party took the opportunity to dismiss what has impressed the world on Somaliland. The statement noted the achievements made by the people and leadership of Somaliland on peace, creating a system of government that works and a democratic process, matters which have not even been achieved by most developing countries, especially considering that Somaliland had not received any assistance from outside.

The statement added that the statement by Kulmiye Party that the media was being muzzled and that there were no human rights was oblivious of the fact that the public in Somaliland have full access to local media.

Regarding their claims that there was no security, it said that even the international media had attested to the peace in Somaliland, which had enabled foreign exchange dealers to trade in the open. This is not even possible in the UK where the journalists came from.

Regarding excessive taxation, the statement said the claims were baseless. It said Kulmiye uses the drop in the US dollar as an excuse to say that living standards have fallen, although they used to claim that the government had been flooding the market with money, although the government had not interfered with free market forces. It said the government had been trying to sort out the problem since the law did not allow it to intervene in the currency market.

The statement added that claims that a new tax had been imposed on oil was baseless [passage omitted].

The meeting brings together representatives from the business sector, the interim government of the self-declaredSomaliland, aid agencies and veterinarian organisations.

The UN Development Programme (UNDP) and the Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO) are funding the two-day meeting.

In September 2000, the Saudi government imposed a blanket ban on Somali livestock due to the outbreak of Rift Valley Fever in Saudi Arabia. Immediately thereafter the United Arab Emirates and Qatar followed suit.

Participants at the meeting would deliberate on the underlying causes of the blanket ban on the country's crucial trade, once the biggest foreign exchange earner, and measures to lift the embargo.

According to an official of the FAO, Paul Roster, the Arab countries have bitterly complained over the methods used by the Somalis during export of their livestock to the Persian Gulf.

"Those countries have openly indicated they would never lift the ban if the exporters don't change the way they handle the animals," he told the forum.

The prolonged livestock embargo imposed by the Persian Gulf countries has negatively impacted the Somali population that depend heavily on export of livestock, eroding the purchasing power of over 70 percent of the population.

The ban has also had a direct impact on the local market, among other things causing a shortfall in foreign currencies, devaluing of the local currency and a subsequent hike in the prices of imported goods.

Without a strong functional central government for more than a decade, Somalia has struggled to find ways to get livestock certified for export.

The president further told the envoy who is making his first trip to the country since being appointed ambassador, that Somaliland and Somalia could only hold talks and have relations as two separate states, each within its legal boundaries.

President Kahin appealed to the British government to assist Somaliland in its quest for economic development. He told the visiting delegation that the Somaliland people feel more affinity with the British than with other Europeans, then added with a smile, "We therefore have higher expectations from you."

The president mentioned the grave risks posed by the drought and said: We appeal to you for emergency assistance.

Answering a question posed by the delegation on the parliamentary election, Mr Rayale said, "My government is determined to hold the elections with the cooperation of the parties, the electoral commission and the people. We also expect you to help us with the funds you promised in order to facilitate this task."

Ambassador Dewar expressed his appreciation at the welcome accorded him in Somaliland. He told the president that they were very happy with what they had seen so far in Somaliland. The ambassador said his trip was to make acquaintances, and to familiarize himself with what was happening, then added, "so far, it was going on well."

Addressing journalists before departing the airport, he said he welcomed Somaliland's friendship and was happy with what Somaliland had accomplished in recent years, namely, stability, democracy and progress.

The British envoy said his country would encourage the political steps being taken by Somaliland and the parliamentary elections that would be held in March 2005.

Commenting on the drought, the ambassador said that the UK had responded to the drought in Somaliland and was channeling assistance through the UN.

The child was flown last month to Israel on an EL-AAL Airline's flight. He underwent a delicate but successful medical operation for correcting malfunctions in the heart and one of his lungs. The boy was accompanied by his father, Omer Haji Mahmud, head of Somaliland's Liaison Office in Addis Ababa and his mother. They returned from Israel to Addis Ababa on Tuesday.

Sultan Mahmud Ahmed Sheikh and Mr Musbaar said they wanted to convey their gratitude to the people and government of Israel "for the valuable medical service provided to one of our children". Recalling that Israel was the first state in the world to offer recognition to the young Somaliland on independence from Britain in June 26, 1960, Sultan Mahmud and Mr Musbaar said in a joint press statement on Friday, "Somalilanders remain indebted to Israel for taking such a lead in support of our country's independence from Britain more than 4 decades ago and have high hopes for the establishment of diplomatic ties and normal relations between our two countries in the nearest future".

The two Somalilanders also appealed to Israel for provision of medical treatment for complicated health cases concerning Somaliland children as well as support for the development of the livestock, fishery and farming sectors.

The Sultan and Musbaar thanked Israel's Ambassador in Ethiopia for "his kindness and help without which the treatment of the Somaliland boy in Israel wouldn't have been possible".

(SL Times) - The livelihood of hundreds of thousands of people in Somaliland is being threatened by a combination of nation-wide drought, a fastly depreciating US dollar and rising food prices.

With the purchasing power of the pastoral population in Somaliland already devastated by a 4 year drought, the depreciation of the American dollar by 21% of its value against the Somaliland Shilling in the last 3 months, has also contributed to the further deterioration of the living standard of the majority of Somalilanders. The situation was aggravated by the rise in food prices despite the fall of the US dollar from a high SL Sh 7,500 in early April to a low SL Sh 5,800 yesterday.

Somaliland households that receive regular financial support from relatives living abroad saw their income significantly slashed as a result of the depreciation of the dollar. Given that as high as 50% of households among Somaliland's population of 3.5 million, relied for income support on remittances sent by relatives living abroad, the dollar's continued slump, coupled with the hike in food prices, has been felt across the whole country.

The worst-affected by the crisis are people living in drought-stricken rural areas who, after losing most, if not all of their livestock, had up to now survived on small money remittances.

In urban areas where employment is scarce, many families are now threatened by the diminishing value of their remittances and soaring food prices. Almost all money transfers to Somaliland are made in US currency. The exchange rate of the dollar against the SL Sh has remained steady within the range of 7,000 - 7,200 for at least one year, before taking a dive as of last June.

Initially, the cause of the dollar's deterioration was attributed to the influx of large amounts of the green-back into the money market by diaspora Somalilanders who started arriving in the country in June for spending their summer vacation here. Another factor was the drop in demand for the dollar as Somalilanders became unable to travel to Dubai for business, shopping or medication, following a UAE visa ban for Somalia passports.

Though most diaspora Somalilanders have already returned to their host countries, the US dollar continued to weaken against the Somaliland Shilling, reaching as low as 5,900 on Tuesday.

Meanwhile, the 50kg sack of rice that cost $14.5 in May is now sold for $17.5, while the 50kg sugar sack jumped from $15.5 in May to a current $17.

Astonishingly enough, the Somaliland Shilling bank notes have been in tight supply in the market in the last 3 months. It is not known yet why the Bank of Somaliland has not pumped any Shillings into the market to prop up the dollar.

Big traders argue that the rise in food prices has been prompted by the decision of the Ministry of Finance to increase import tax rates. The hike made Berbera Port uncompetitive in comparison with the far more inferior port of Bossaso, with more shipments being diverted to the latter by traders in the region because of law export/import customs duties.

So far, the government has not taken any measures to check the increasingly dwindling incomes of hundreds of thousands of its citizens. Nor has it shown any concern for the consequences that the current threats to the incomes of its people might have on the country's future stability and progress.

(SL Times) - I appreciated the courageous open letter addressed to Israel by Mr. Farah Ali Jama. It is a small step forward to discuss seriously our national issues, instead of focusing to meaningless inter accusations and counter accusations. Initiating a balanced and fruitful relationship with Israel is not a taboo. The major Muslim and Arab countries have already established close diplomatic relations with Israel. To name a few: Egypt, Turkey, Jordan, Morocco, Qatar, Indonesia, Bangladesh Mauritanian, Nigeria, etc. Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf States are ready to recognize if Israel establishes peace with the Palestinians.

So there is nothing wrong if we start preliminary discussions and public awareness for the eventual possibility of establishing mutual diplomatic relationship with that state. Also, for the record, they were the first nation to recognize Somaliland in June, 1960.

Israel is a tiny nation. But it has immense political and economic powers. They are the most trusted ally of the world's lone super power USA. They developed hi -tech irrigational innovations which can make our deserts bloom. They will influence the multinational oil giants to exploit our oil and gas deposits. Within few years, we can transform from a nomadic society to a highly developed state. Why should we always be dependant on Saudi Arabia for our livestock exports? Why should we put all our eggs in a useless and empty Arabian basket?

Like late President Anwar Sadat, our leaders should take daring steps. The joint leaders of the three political parties, the Houses of elders and parliament, and the civic organizations should call loudly, clearly, and without fear, for mutual and simultaneous recognition of both states. Let the dogs bark, if they will.

Reliable sources said Omar Haji Mohamud received his dismissal letter through DHL mail on Tuesday. He had arrived on the same day from Israel, where he took his 6-year-son last month to be treated for a heart condition and a problem with one of the lungs. The boy underwent a successful operation at the expense of the Israeli government. Mr Omar Haji Mohamud paid only for the airfare for himself, his wife and their child.

The trip is understood to have been arranged with the assistance of Israeli Ambassador in Addis Ababa, Mr. Daroon Grossman. So far, the government has not made any public statement on the dismissal of Omar Haji Mohamud. It is premature to tell whether his removal had something to do with the trip to Israel or a reported rift between him and the number two man in the Somaliland mission in Addis Ababa, Mr. Hassan Dinbil.

International organizations, such as the UN, AU and the European Community etc. have formulated international rules and regulations, ethics and manners setting an international standard, among others, in order to help them govern and treat the community of nations in a manner which is fair, just, equitable and legal. Anything less, they felt, would be discriminatory, unjust, uncivilized and illegal. Although those credible organizations have over the years tried to be guided with those standard mechanisms, at times, they also failed to live-up to the expectations of the international community particularly to those who believe in fairness, humanity and the rule of law. More often than not, politics not logic, mere national interest and not international law, emotion and influence rather than objective reality, played an important role in their decision-making. As a result, the very credibility of those international organizations has been put in question. George Orwell's interesting book "Animal Farm" tells us that "all animals are equal but some are more equal than others". Such a phenomenon must not be exercised by our community of nations in our 21st century civilized era because it will simply be a double standard.

According to the Montevideo Convention of 1933, a state constitutes a government, a defined territory, permanent population and the ability to enter into relations with other states. However, there is no necessity in international law for a defined and settled boundary and thus no limit for boundary. Also, capacity to enter into relations with other nations is no longer a criteria but rather a consequence of statehood.

After more than seven decades as a British protectorate, Somaliland got its independence on June 26, 1960 by the Royal proclamation of Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth 11. The proclamation is read as follows:

"Whereof the territory in Africa known as the Somaliland protectorate is under our protection and whereas by treaty, grant, usage sufferance and other lawful means We have power and justification in the Somaliland protectorate. And whereas it is intended that the Somaliland shall become an independent country on the twenty-sixth day of June, 1960 (here in after referred to as "the appointed day}": Now therefore, We do hereby, by and with the advice of our privy council, proclaim and declare that, as from the beginning of the appointed day, our protection over the territories known as the Somaliland protectorate shall cease, and all treaties and agreements in force immediately before the appointed day between us for our Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and any of the Tribes of the said territories, all our obligations existing immediately before that day towards the said territories and all functions, powers, rights, authority or jurisdiction exercisable by us immediately before that day in or in relation to the said territories by treaty, grant, usage sufferance or otherwise, shall lapse. Given at our court at Buckingham palace, the twenty-third day of June, in the year of our lord one thousand nine hundred and sixty, and in the ninth year of our reign".

Soon after five days of its independence, it voluntarily united with Italian Somalia. that got its independence on 1st July, 1960..After the collapse of Somalia in 1991, Somaliland declared its independence on 18th May, 1991.

Somaliland and Somalia were two different countries with two different colonial powers and clear international boundaries. Somaliland has a well defined territory of the former British Somaliland protectorate. The Anglo-French treaty of 1888 has defined the boundary between Somaliland and Djibouti. The Anglo-Italian Protocol of 1994 did the same with Somalia. The Anglo-Ethiopian treaty of 1894 was also instrumental in demarcating the line between Ethiopia and Somaliland. Somaliland fulfils the basic criteria of statehood as formulated in article 1 of the conventionally acknowledged Montevideo Convention and at the time had the backing of the OAU Cairo resolution of 1964. Somaliland has a population of 3 million ethnic Somalis divided into clans and sub-clans such as the Issa, Isaaq, Gadabursi, Warsangeli and Dhulbahante. Somaliland experienced two governments from 1993-1996 and in April, 2003. It maintains a civil administration, a national army, police and a stable economy better than few recognized African countries. Somaliland had entered into bilateral and multilateral relations and agreements with several countries and international organizations such as the UN, European Community etc. Somaliland is independent from any external bodies and it has the capacity to absorb and respect international law because it has done that for the last twelve years. Somaliland has a Defined Territory, Permanent Population, Government and Capacity to enter into relations with other states. In addition to the classic Montevideo Convention, Somaliland also fulfills other criteria considered equally important and that is: conformity with the charter of the African Union (AU) the willingness and ability to observe international law.

Somaliland's declaration of independence is predicted upon the territory's prior existence as a recognized independent state, and is therefore consistent with the constitutive act of the African Union (Article 4, b) which affirms the union's "respect of boundaries existing on achievement of independence". Somaliland's borders on achievement of independence were those of the British Somaliland protectorate not the Somali Democratic Republic. Somaliland's independent status therefore represents the dissolution of a voluntary union between sovereign states and not an act of secession.

Since the proclamation of Somaliland, the country has embarked on a period of political stability and economic growth. Since 1991, roughly half a million Somalilanders in the Diaspora have returned home and thousand of dwellings and businesses have been re-constructed from scratch. The majority of the militia have been demobilized or incorporated into the national defense and tens of thousands of mines and unexploded munitions have been removed. Economically speaking, Somaliland is performing better than some African countries. The economy is predominantly pastoral. However, the 850 Km coastline along the Red Sea supports a growing fishing industry. Frankincense is another very popular export that has gained popularity and s generating foreign currency. In addition, Somaliland is bestowed with many minerals not yet exploited but has the potential to enhance the economy. Somaliland's economy has let the Republic survive for he last twelve years without international development assistance that some African countries still depend on.

On a referendum that was held on May 31, 2001 in front of many international observers the people of Somaliland voted overwhelmingly in favor of a constitution that contains articles affirming Somaliland's sovereignty. According to international observers, the referendum of 2001 was open fair and in accordance of internationally accepted election procedure. The people of Somaliland have the right to determine their destiny and they have demonstrated that rather overwhelmingly in the referendum of 2001. They want recognition and they want to join the community of nations and lead their life in peace and harmony with their neighbors. Whereas Somaliland passes all tests for recognition and inclusion to the community of nations and fulfills all requirements of a statehood, active involvement of some nations (games nations play) in order to satisfy their national, political as well as economic interests, in the chaotic situation of the South (.i.e. the former Italian colony) the ignorance and double standard of the international community is becoming an impediment to its recognition. The international community has accorded recognition to nations: the latest being East Timor. The international community recognized the Israel, Palestine, Eritrea, Bosnia Herzegovina even though the state had no control over any area including the capital city and the Saharawi Republic although most of its territory is still under the control of the Moroccan government. All the above states were recognized by the international community even before they qualified as a state. The case of Somaliland clearly demonstrates that recognition has been based more on politics than international law thus denying protection to weak nations such as Somaliland.

The United Nation charter is crafted and formulated to treat all nations (weak and strong) on equal basis. In no way, shape or form must one country take precedence over the other under international law. To do otherwise will clearly show a double standard and that will be unethical and illegal. It is time, therefore, that international agencies such as the AU, EU and UN do the right thing vis-.-vis Somaliland and the right thing is clear and unequivocal: not putting the Somaliland issue on the back burner. Instead they must put the case of Somaliland on the table and once and for all recognize the will of the people of Somaliland to live in peace and harmony within the community of nations.

Somaliland needs partners in drilling its oil and extracting its minerals. Somaliland's long coast has substantial marine resources. Israel has both the expertise and capital needed for the developing those natural resources. Therefore, both countries stand to gain from joint projects in these fields. Moreover, as a people who had experienced genocide and with threats to our survival still looming large in the horizon, forming security cooperation with Israel makes a lot of sense.

Somaliland has no ill-feelings for any particular country in this region or beyond. It does not want to ally itself against a third party. But Somaliland needs to live peacefully and be able to defend its territorial waters and boundaries. If Israel could train Somaliland's coast guards, why not ask them? With such possible economic and security benefits, and the majority of the population in support of such contacts, Somaliland's government is in a good position from which to start dialogue with Israel.

(SL Times) - In my childhood, I dreamt of going to university and graduating one day. I used to say to my parents, "One day, I am going to university and I will have a university degree." This was my dream. I was in elementary school when this idea first entered my mind.

I knew that this dream is not easy; it required a firm commitment and hard work. In my school days, I attended classes regularly and studied at home in order to achieve my goal. Unfortunately, this dream had disappeared one night due to the civil war that broke out in Somaliland when I was in grade five. As a result, I fled along with my family to Ethiopian Refugee camps.

It is really an appalling experience when you flee from your home. It was very common to see mothers lining up in a long queue for food, which was provided by International Organizations such as World Food Program and UNHCR. To make matters worse, Ethiopian soldiers were beating mothers cruelly with big sticks; mothers did not do any thing wrong, all they wanted was to look for food to feed their children.

By the time Somaliland declared its independence from Somalia, we came back to our home, Borama. At that time many people were coming from the Ethiopian refugee camps. I was very much concerned about my education and my future, because most of the schools have been either looted or destroyed. I used to say to my parents I need to go to school, but it was not feasible for many parents to educate their children owing to the harsh circumstances on the ground. The time and energy of the parents were consumed by the process of feeding and securing daily food for the family.

After a period, a fragile peace and stability were restored, consequently, many parents began to consider educating their children. Fortunately, I joined Al Aqsa School, where I finished my intermediate education. During that time, I was thinking of where I will go after I finish my secondary school. This question was constantly circulating in my mind because university education was not available, and I was unable to study overseas. Even if I got admission from an institution of higher learning abroad, I couldn't afford to pay the tuition fees.

In 1997, I heard that a university (Amoud University) was going to be established in Borama town (where I lived). I did not believe this because I thought that universities require huge financial resources to sustain. When I heard a university, the only thing that I had in my mind was tall buildings and foreign lecturers and so on.

Then, the admission exam began. It seemed unrealistic. Some students had sat the exam and Sixty-seven of them passed and started their pre-university studies. Many people used to laugh at them and discouraged them covertly and overtly. They used to scornfully say, "Do you really think that you are in a university?" Fortunately, those students were very strong and as a result they succeeded to counter ridicule from family, friends and the communities.

One year later, the university was officially inaugurated and new students joined it. Thus, I saw my childhood dream getting closer. In June 2000, I sat for the Somaliland GC exam. Luckily enough, I passed the high school leaving exam and took the university admission exam, which I also passed.

In the first year of the university, I became aware that I am in the middle of my childhood dream. I studied hard and struggled for four years in order to achieve my dream. How I could express my feelings about the day my dream came true? It rained the day before my graduation day and the landscape of Amoud was so attractive.

Many guests came from different countries in order to share this eventful day with their sons, daughters, sisters and brothers. In my mind I thought that I am still dreaming, when I put on the gown. I could not believe that I am going to graduate from Amoud University until the President of Amoud University Prof. Sulieman Ahmed Guled announced that we have graduated from Amoud University and the President of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, handed me the certificate.

Amoud University realized my childhood dream, and once again, I am full of hope for a bright future. The university brought hope to a whole generation. There is no harm in dreaming because the dreams of today could be the facts of tomorrow.

(SL Times) - In a world, with its ups and downs, pleasure takes its way to redeem sorrow and sadness, removing bad experiences and life's predicaments, replacing traumas and nightmares with triumph and joy. Worries, by contrast, serve the world to reverse harmonies and to undo man's achievements, bringing highly respected people to the bottom, leaving mental scars and threatening to do more evil. In this life of alternating facts and events, one early morning, I was awakened by my phone alarm. Frightened, I rubbed my eyes and soon a light wind blew from the window, shaking all curtains to make its way inside. Perhaps, this meant a morning greeting. "Get up," the wind implied.

The reason why I set the alarm was very special, far from the usual - not to miss a golden opportunity and a turning point for my life.

I changed into black trousers, white shirt and a blue dotted tie for the first time in my life to physically fit my appearance to the occasion, the long-awaited day - my graduation day. Then, I ran all the way to the bus station.

Now, in Amoud, I had to get out of the bus. Quickly, my gaze rested on the panoramic view of the revamped outlook of Amoud campus; crowds of people dressed up to their nines, the euphoria, and the pervasive rapturous feeling of the people congratulating heartily the graduating students, hugging, shaking and kissing. Remote and isolated from the rest of the crowd, a middle-aged woman stood with her son clasped in her chest. She pushed her hand through his head. Later, in excitement, she released down streams of tears that rolled down her cheeks dripping on his head. "Son, it is our day, our turn. My king, you will help both your people and your country," the woman said. Then, a muffled cry came to my ears. It was the son showing some kind of unknown feeling. "But, why?" I thought.

I was deeply moved by the scene. I cupped my chin and clumsily leaned my back against a tree. Someone shouted to me, "keep out, man. Your shirt is white and the tree is dusty". Glancing back, I saw a person whose face I knew but her name eluded me. I said, "I don't know you". The girl replied matter-of-factly, "I am an ex-class mate. You are a graduate, luckier than anyone else, so, why should you be so disappointed in your graduation day?". I did not know what to say, but I noticed that her conversation enticed me away of my surprised mood.

When it was time to go to the graduation hall, everyone of us put on the graduation uniform (an Abayad-like long sleeved black dress and a black mortarboard - special hat). We had no sooner slipped into the hall, than heard the applauding audience, the unrelenting clapping, the mashharad (a beautiful sound made by women with gentle tongue movements), and screams. The honorable guests conveyed their respect and gratitude by a moment of silence. Lots of renowned people, including President Dahir Rayale Kahin, and other dignitaries were happy and smiling. My heart was filled with unutterable delight and tears filled my eyes with excitement. "Oh! Yes! I am going to be a graduate," I boasted. This was an epoch making day.

But that happiness didn't last for long. Suleiman Ahmed Guled, Amoud university President, enunciated that we had just moved to a broader university and the hardships ahead of us and the political quagmire of the country. A torrent of questions poured down my head: What does it mean being a graduate? Why are so many people willing to congratulate you so anxiously? What...When...Why...and so on. It was difficult to find a single answer. On the contrary, one could respond in a confident manner if they were somewhere out of Somaliland, where conditions are favorable and welcoming.

Being a university graduate in Somaliland, gives one a sense of importance, a socially prestigious status and the hope that one would become financially strong so he can contribute to the welfare of the society. Parents want to receive returns for all those years of spending on their childrens' education. They say, "It is time for us to rest and for our children to shoulder their responsibilities towards us". Their expectations are unbelievably high. But, the question is how?

Penniless and helpless, young graduates are slowly getting the notion that he or she is facing a frightening reality. Their hands are wide open to the sky to beg Allah for a better future. No one knows when these prayers are going to be answered. Luckily, glimpses of hope shined on those who graduated from the faculty of education since the increasing private schools, and the inefficiently working public schools, need them. Business graduates, in turn, are looking curiously at the advertisement pages of the local newspapers in case any job vacancies are printed on them.

Every year, local universities are going to produce dozens of graduates. They will be looking for jobs, but the sad news is that a very small percentage of them will get satisfactory jobs as the previous graduates have already experienced. The remaining ones will pile up in cafes, disappointed, broken. Does anyone care? Absolutely not.

Let us examine the facts about the problems facing students who graduate from Somaliland's universities. First, our people are too short of money to set up their own businesses. Second, the country's management and economic systems are too weak to assist young graduates. Unfortunately, no employment plans have been set forth for the graduates. This is something the ministry of labor could have done. Likewise, the ministry of education should have considered the matter as part and parcel of enhancing the educational system. Parents who invested in their childrens' education up to the college level now want to see if that investment was worth it. If it proved good, it could lure more students to schools, improve their enthusiasm, and reduce the number of absenteeism and dropouts. At the same time, if graduates are employed, the government will gain uncountable advantages as they are more knowledgeable than many who are currently in the system.

Why our government, that is working so hard to get recognition for the country, is not recognizing its native people? The more we recognize our own people and ourselves, the quicker our country's recognition will arrive.

My last word is addressed to the graduates. I say, with no hesitation, no one knows the future, but we should be aware that there is no one out there to help us. It is only with our hands that we can build our future. Although there are no opportunities ready for us, they may lie somewhere ahead, so we had better not give up hope, and always keep exploring and exploring. One day, sooner or later, we will achieve our goal, because "where there is a will, there is a way".

(SL Times) - Hussein Bulhan's recent article - I believe this is his first article that I have seen in the newspapers, correct me if I am wrong (see Somaliland Times most recent issue) - is a refreshing if not sobering account/judgment of the record of this government and the slippery slop we are all in when the government of the day loses its sense of direction. This sense of direction being, metaphorically, the very essence of sagacity and wisdom; for, without the judiciousness of that intrepid individual whose search for greener pastures entails the large questions of life and death for the pastoralist family, greener pastures and the eternal search for the promised land would amount to no more than that false image of a mirage. This sense of direction then, culturally, and the in lore and poems of our people has enormous value and indeed represents the symbols of leadership and good judgment.

This is in essence the accusation leveled at the government, the use of the words `sleep' or `sleeping' does not necessarily mean that the government is `in slumber' rather, Hussein points to the lethargy and inaction that seems to characterize the government these days. In a word, the government is not necessarily sleeping with the enemy, rather, and more importantly, the government has lost direction and thus what remains of the day are the many un-fulfilled and un-quenched issues that confront us as citizens.

I agree with much that Hussein has articulated however I believe he has missed the point entirely. I believe that the government knows exactly what is going on; understands the consequences of its actions; knows full well the array of threats and concerns that confronts Somaliland: the question lies not in the slumber of the government, nor the answer in its awakening, indeed, I suggest, the government is shrouded in the culture of secrecy and in the concentration of power in a few hands. The government simply needs to `open up' the decision making process to stakeholders while reserving ultimate authority to decide and govern. This will create more informed choices and dissident voices that can warn the government on any consequences on the horizon. Governance I believe is the crux of the issue here, but this is to anticipate.

What do I mean exactly? Hussein Bulhan suggests to us that our path to democracy and the rule of law is threatened by the looming image of our government as our rights and freedoms are continually eroded by the government's unwarranted entry into the realms of our free speech and assembly rights guaranteed in the constitution. Hussein is right, however, the answer that Hussein missed was implicit in his piece, and here it is.

Somaliland has chosen a checks and balance system as a form of government, what we are experiencing is the cobwebs of our transition where the executive does not have a countervailing power to curb its excesses. I mean that, the executive is currently the only part of the government where legitimacy flows, that is, it is elected. When the parliament is convened and sits as an elected body there will occur in Somaliland a shift of power as parliament moves to exercise its power through the elected parties. What is occurring is ominous, unwarranted, but I believe predictable as Somaliland continues its experience with democratic politics.

The judiciary, the other part of government will also benefit from the rise of parliament in our politics, the executive will not have the luxury of stacking the system with its lackeys as is now. The parliament will be able to vet and better scrutinize these judges and the better for the candidates and ultimately for our burgeoning democracy.

The coming of these institutions are closer than the horizon and I believe the coming together of all these parts of our form of government will tip the balance of our political forces in favor of the check and balance system as opposed to the unvarnished authority that the executive has today: the recent arrest of a local journalist in Hargeisa showing the ugly side of this imbalance.

Does this forgoing explanation excuse what is happening? Not in the least, Hussein is correct in asserting that civil society groups and the larger public must be activist in defending their rights from government encroachment, indeed, counter to the governments banning of the discussions about Mbagathi, the government would have won more political points by seeming relaxed and acting in a more sophisticated way, I for one have told them - as a supporter of the ruling party - that their knee jerk reaction and bad public relations cost them when it should not! However, it is the culture of secrecy that I find, fundamentally, as the raison d'^tre of the government's wrong-headedness, and lack of direction, and yes, slumber, may cause those who fill their rights have been abrogated to go underground: this being the mother of all rebellion.

Hussein's warnings though are clear, the people of Somaliland have to understand that until such time that our system begins to work favorably, I mean here by favorably that the system ought to work for, by, and in the peoples interests, all politically oriented groups ought to test the judges of Somaliland by making sure that the government is taken to court and morally defrocked when it exercises its power in the wrong way. For example, the arrest of the recent journalist with reference to the right of habeas corpus can be exercised when groups come together and petition the judges who will be forced to issue judgments witch have the value of exposing those in bed with the government. If we want to build systems we need to challenge them, to set precedence this is how we build things.

Finally, the age of our government and our path to democracy including the paucity of resources has also much to do with this substantive lack of commitment of democratic politics. The answers to much of the issues raised here is in the building and agitating for elected institutions that can legitimately confront presidential powers or presidential decrees and indeed overturning them when they are illegitimate. This will take time; however, this "time" should not excuse our right to be vigilant as Hussein Bulhan has pointed to. I still believe that my party UDUB is still the choice for government, this however should never stop its supporters from challenging the government when it is wrong, and this shows that we care about the larger picture and not simple factionalism.

(SL Times) - "If you are not part of the solution you are part of the problem", so said the old adage. Experience has taught us not to be passive if we want to change our conditions. The gnawing question remains unanswered: how long are we going to remain indifferent while Rayale, Awil and others, are consuming our people and land.

Those who deprived the Somaliland people are the some people who promised justice and equality when they came to power. With almost a year of destitution and political destruction heaped upon us, we are as yet to find a solution.

If we want to change our miserable conditions, we must get involved in a struggle for our God given rights. As the abolitionist Frederick Douglas once said "If there is no struggle there is no progress. Those who profess to favor freedom and yet depreciate agitation are men who want crops without plowing up the ground. They want rain without thunder and lightening. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many water. This struggle may be moral and physical; but it must be a struggle. Power concedes nothing without a demand..The limit of tyrants are prescribed by the endurance of those whom they oppress".

Those of us who are apathetic about the future of our country are dead wrong while Awil and Rayale are in power. There are situations where you can be neutral but not in this issue. Because we have a situation where public funds are stolen or mismanaged, people are jailed without cause or trial, and men have absolute power over us. Yes, they decided that we should throw away our SNM history. We are ruled by men who are against the Somaliland dream, and some of us still prefer to stand on the sidelines!

Neutrality in this issue means allowing these dictators to destroy our country. As the Somali Poet, Salan Arabey once said "The man who condones the slap of insult reaps its legacy; the problems you postpone forever is visited upon your offspring".

We are as much responsible for our misfortunes as the blood-sucking rulers of our country. The solution to our complex problems doe not certainly include remaining indifferent, but rather to get involved and become part of the solution.

We need a revolution that doesn't involve bloodshed. Revolution is always based on land. Revolution is never based on begging somebody for an integrated cup of tea. Revolutions are never based upon love-your-enemy, and pray -for -those who-spitefully-use-you. Revolutions never compromise and are not based upon begging a corrupt government or a corrupt system to accept us. Revolutions change systems, and there is no system which has proven itself more corrupt than Rayale's System. So, my Somaliland people, we need to change the Rayale/Awil System.

One day a man who was apparently not known in the area walked into the mosque. The man appeared to be a stranger and did not seem to have a nodding acquaintance with any of the people in the mosque. Yet strangely as it may seem, he confidently walked straight to the front line, passing through rows of people waiting for prayers.

Bespectacled and about 6' 2" tall, he had a full beard and trimmed moustache. He was wearing a long, spotless white flowing Arab thobe complete with headgear. The congregation was about to get up for the Maghrib prayers when the stranger joined the people sitting at the front. After a little while, there was a murmur among the people at the front row, which later grew into a commotion. Those at the back rows were mystified as to what was going on. But as the argument raged, they began to get a sense of what the argument was about. They heard incoherent sentences like " Waar daaya wadaadka.Waar u oggolaada., " Waar maxaa ku jaban hadduu ina tukiyo.". The squabbling as to whether or not to allow the stranger to lead Maghrib prayers went on for a while.

"Waar waa nin waalan ee waxba ha u dhiibina!!!.." a loud voice boomed from a corner but no body gave a scant attention to it. The quarrelsome mystics, who often occupied the front row, waved their oversized rosary beads up in the air as the tempo of the squabbling reached to a climax. At any rate, the mystics won the argument as some had acquiesced to their suggestion while others simply capitulated. As a result, the stranger was given the go ahead to lead the prayers much to the indignation of the respectable usual Imam. The protestations as to why the customary imam was unceremoniously sidelined went unheeded. Meanwhile, the stranger began a slow lumbering walk to the front of the mosque to take up his position as Imam.

The stranger led the Salat in the usual manner until the second rak'a when suddenly halfway through the third rak'a he turned around a full-circle and faced the congregation he was leading. He then roared into peals of maniacal laughter that reverberated across the serene ambience of the Masjid.

Shocked and outraged, people began to abandon their prayers. To make matters worse, the imam began to speak in tongues. It was hard to make sense out of what he was uttering. Suddenly, he began counting his rosary beads as fast as he could Subhanalah, Alhamdulilah, Allahu Akbar and subsequently recited supplications (duco) to conclude the Salat.

The ill-tempered mystics who allowed the stranger to lead the congregation in the first place froze in shock and utter disbelief. The stranger they have chosen over the usual Imam ruined everyone's prayers. Yet, the mystics were not prepared to evict the mad man from the Masjid. Other responsible worshippers tried to persuade and reason with the deranged Imam to leave the mosque in peace. Suddenly the Imam leapt off from the rug he was sitting on and began to shout hideously at the top of his voice, "Ha dhaco Afweyne, Ha dhaco Kacaanku.", as he attempted feverishly to prove to the usual worshippers that he, too, was against the regime of Afweyne.

Seized by a feeling of instant terror people began fleeing the mosque in droves and amid the chaos and confusion that followed some ran away without shoes; for fear that they might be branded anti-revolutionary or reactionary, which at the time of Siyad Bare's era, carried a long-term imprisonment if not the death penalty. The most argumentative mystic who overruled everyone suddenly seemed less than the man we knew; and more of a desperate fugitive trying to fly off to his secret lair somewhere in the sprawling neighborhood of Casa Populare. He shot out from the mosque's main door as if he was shot out from a cannon. He never looked back.

"Waar ha yaacina.. .Waar fulay yahay wax iska celiya.." Shouted the Imam after the mystic who ran away, as his hoarse voice boomed from the loud speakers of the mosque. In a matter of minutes, the mosque was emptied and everybody went home to perform their prayers. It was only after he ruined everybody's prayers that the people realized that the man was; in fact, mentally unfit to look after himself let alone to lead a congregation. His looks, his dress sense and his cleanliness belied the status of his mind. It transpired later that the stranger's cleric-like looks together with the traditional Arab garb he was donned pulled the wool over the mystics eyes.

This bizarre spectacle reminds me of how Rayale came to power, how he won the presidential elections and last but not least how disappointingly his job performance came to nothing.

How Rayale came to power

When Egal ditched his much-revered vice-president, Abdirahman Aw-Ali, in his second term of office, in favor of Rayale, he did so for a good reason. Egal was inherently Somaliweyn supporter and could not stand for the glowing credentials of Abdirahman Aw-Ali whose record of the armed struggle for the liberation of Somaliland was hard to fault. Egal felt increasingly uncomfortable to work with Abdirahman Aw-Ali and sought the services of someone who would not be proud of the liberation struggles waged. Consequently, he sought a running mate from among the people of Borama. Out of the many gifted and talented men in that region, Egal handpicked Rayale not because he wanted Rayale to fulfill the obligations of a vice-president but because he wanted him to serve as a pliant vice president- literally a figurehead.

With the loss of his post as a Colonel in the NSS and his subsequent business as a qat retailer not being so profitable, the proposed offer, from zero to hero, could not have been more enticing for someone in Rayale's situation then and there as well as tainted past record. Egal's only condition to Rayale was for him [Rayale] to keep his mouth shut permanently and stays out of the president's affairs. Never had Rayale uttered a word throughout Egal's term of office. The only time when Rayale opened his mouth was when, in the absence of president Egal, he congratulated Somaliland's archenemy, Omar Guelleh, on the occasion of his election as president of Djibouti. Egal swiftly retracted that congratulatory message. It was a warning shot over Rayale that he was in breach of the terms and conditions under which he was appointed. Also, it was a powerful signal to Guelleh not to poke his nose into Somaliland's affairs.

Unfortunately, Egal did not live out the last term of his office. He died unexpectedly in a South African hospital following a postoperative complication. When the news of Egal's death was officially announced, the leaders of the two Houses convened an emergency session to decide who would replace the deceased president.

There was squabbling among the decision makers even though the constitution was there to guide them. There was an argument whether Sheikh Ibrahim Madar, the then Chairman of the House of Elders, should take over the post or whether the vice-president be given the opportunity to replace Egal. It was typical of the arguments that raged between the worshippers in the mosque who wanted the stranger to lead the prayers while others were vociferously arguing that the regular imam be allowed to lead the congregation as was customary. Article 139 of the constitution clearly stipulated that in the event of the president's death prior to the adoption of a multi-party system of government, the parliament should elect a new president within 45 days. In the meantime, the Chairman of the House of Elders should serve as interim Chief Executive. Egal made this arrangement prior to his death in a bid to preclude Rayale from becoming a President. He knew that Rayale was singularly incompetent and could hardly be trusted to run the country.

According to sources close to the late President Egal at the time, it was believed that Egal wanted to replace Rayale. "Rayale never expected to be a President," a long time serving diplomat told ICG. However, officials managing the transition were less concerned about whether or not Rayale was competent enough to do the job. They found it expedient to sideline Sheikh Ibrahim and propel Rayale into the presidency even though that was in clear violation of the spirit of the constitution.

Just like the argumentative mystics in the mosque who propelled the stranger into the imamship, they ignored Article 139 of the constitution and opted instead to apply Article 89 (intended to come into effect only after the first multi-party elections are held), which states that the Vice-President shall assume the office of the Presidency for the remainder of the year.

Accordingly, Rayale was sworn in as interim President until March 2003 while denying the same right to the Speaker of the House of Elders, Sheikh Ibrahim Madar, to serve as interim Chief Executive for 45 days until a president could be elected. It emerged later that the decision to sideline Sheikh Ibrahim was brought about by political differences amongst major decision makers.

Egal's concern about Rayale was so intense to the extent that, after the referendum, Egal even called together a handful of selected Borama elders and asked them who else they might field as candidate for a Vice President. But Egal met his fate in a far away land before he finalized this business. Consequently, Rayale stepped into Egal's shoes as an interim President.

How he won the presidential election

Given the divisive and often deadly rivalry amongst major players in Somaliland's political landscape, Rayale was initially hesitant to throw his hat into the ring but once he secured the chairmanship of UDUB, he was emboldened to declare his candidacy for the presidency. And within a relatively short period of time he began to deploy public funds to promote his presidential campaign. All government employees from handymen to cabinet ministers were hard pressed to become party activists and deliver their services to UDUB. Those who disobeyed or even disinclined to do so risked losing their jobs. Much to his surprise, Rayale found out that there were no shortages of subservient individuals to do the bidding for him.

According to sources close to Rayale, it is believed that more than 15 million US dollars worth of Somaliland shillings was printed to use as a slush fund for the Local and Presidential Elections. Moreover, President Omar Guelleh of Djibouti injected sizeable cash into Rayale's campaign chest in an attempt to prevent a potential Issaq President from assuming power. Yet paradoxically, contrary to basic principles of democracy, the two main opposition parties fielded Boramese as their vice-presidents. This effectively precluded other indigenous people to have a level playing field in the election as far as the post of vice-presidency was concerned.

As the Election Day approached, new Somaliland shilling notes began circulating throughout much of the country, which led to acute inflation in the country leaving many people bankrupt or in debt. The opposition parties never had a level playing field as far as the local and presidential elections were concerned. The government had illegally employed all state resources and other government machinery such as radio; press etc to attract more voters in its sway. Huge wads of public money were being carried around in brief cases in the major townships and cities by government ministers to bribe the poor, the greedy and the illiterate to vote for Rayale.

UDUB's victory in presidential elections came as no surprise but rather it was the razor thin margin result (80 votes) that it won that shocked political observers. Yet, that result itself was highly dubious and controversial given the Electoral Commission's refusal to review its own figures. This was a source of persistent suspicions that the government had bribed them.

The Supreme Court's judgment further muddied the water when it announced that UDUB won not by 80 votes but 217. More shockingly, the then chairman of the court refused to justify legally or otherwise where the additional votes came from. So Rayale did it again. First he came to power by stealth and then won the presidential election by deception.

How His job performance came to nothing

When Rayale's mandate was formally extended by popular elections in April 2003, his first post-election cabinet reshuffle disappointed the nation in general and in particular UDUB party supporters. He resurrected a government similar to that of former restaurateur, Ali Mahdi, by appointing dozens of what he called Ministers of State whose functions and responsibilities overlapped with that of existing Vice-Ministers. These so-called Ministers of State suddenly found themselves at loggerheads with both Ministers and Vice-Ministers. It created discord and antagonism amongst cabinet ministers. This resulted in many Somalilanders to doubt the president's loyalty to Somaliland and the depth of his seriousness and commitment to form a viable and effectively functioning government. The question on everyone's lip was: how could a country like Somaliland with a paltry national budget of $20m be able to afford to sustain such a cumbersome government? It is a complex structure, which promotes confusion amongst the governed and discourages accountability and transparency as well as decision-making outside the president's circle. By and large, these ministerial and other administrative appointments had been offered to their holders based on their clans- clans who claim that they twist the lion by its tail. Others had been offered to their posts based on the scale and degree of their loyalty and sycophancy to the president rather than their technical skills.

As soon as Rayale was elected his first priority was to test the people's nerves by deliberately flouting the outstanding parliamentary resolution, which banned Egal from visiting Djibouti, which virulently promotes anti-Somaliland agenda. Rayale went ahead with his visit in spite of public outcry. It was as if he wanted to take revenge against the populace for what Egal has done to him when he was reprimanded for congratulating Guelleh on the occasion of his election as President of Djibouti. To rub salt into the wound, Rayale even struck a secret pact with his maternal cousin- Guelleh. The nature of this pact is still shrouded with mystery to this date. In doing so, Rayale strengthened the hand of our sworn enemy- Guelleh- much to the irritation of our old ally- Ethiopia.

Following this pact, Guelleh hatched a plot and expelled thousands of refugees from his country. He persuaded Rayale to take in these unidentified refugees and accommodate them somewhere in Somaliland.

Rayale's government wholeheartedly accepted Djibouti's request in return for two lousy second-hand electric generators and a pie in the sky- a pledge to build a tarmac road connecting between Hargeisa and Gabiley.

In fact, Guelleh's sinister plan was to surreptitiously send saboteurs disguising as refugees into Somaliland. As a result, Guelleh's sponsored Eritrean trained ONLF terrorists mingled with the hordes of refugees pouring into Somaliland with the aim of carrying out sabotage activities inside Somaliland.

It emerged later that the plan of the ONLF included an attempt to blow up an Ethiopian airliner out of the sky upon taking off at Hargeisa Airport. Guelleh's conspiracy to drive a wedge between Ethiopia and Somaliland failed to materialize. However, this was not the end of the game for Guelleh.

Following the ONLF botched operation; a second set of saboteurs-in-place began to get to work. This time Guelleh brought Abdulqassim Salad Hassan, his right-hand man and business associate, into the equation. In turn, Abduqassim activated his sleeper cells in Somaliland. Then began the campaign to murder foreign aid workers in an attempt to portray Somaliland as a hot bed of Islamic terrorism thereby spoiling its chances of getting diplomatic recognition from the international community. In consequence, a Swiss expatriate was murdered in cold-blood in broad daylight in Hargeisa not far from Ambassador Hotel, Dr. Antonelli, a philanthropist, was brutally gunned down in Borama, and a British elderly couple were savagely slaughtered in their home in Sheikh. This was followed by a truckload of explosives caught in Hargeisa but no one was implicated. This ferocious destabilization campaign took place within a space of short period. Then IRIN had an interview with Guelleh on 23rd October 2003 about the situation in Somaliland. He said categorically, "We support a United Somalia. We cannot allow ourselves to advocate session. He added that so long as the South [Somalia] remained unstable, Somaliland would not enjoy stability. Guelleh's position on Somaliland had always been very clear from the outset and would never change in the foreseeable future but when Rayale was asked why he restored relations with Djibouti, he and his officials failed to give any logical explanation.

Bizarrely as it may seem, Rayale and his officials vigorously defend Guelleh's position to this date. In a local press conference in Hargeisa, Rayale said that the president [Guelleh] was misunderstood. Rayale's loyalty to Somaliland is in itself questionable because a three-storey castle is being built for him in the upmarket neighborhood of Guudka in Djibouti. It looks if though he has made arrangements to flee off to his hideout in Djibouti if things go wrong in Somaliland. This is the clearest testimony yet that Rayale has no confidence in Somaliland whatsoever.

In December 2003, a group of militiamen under the command of Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf crossed the border into Somaliland. Rayale immediately capitalized on this incident by acting on the advice and guidance of his mentor- Guelleh. Consequently, regiments from the Somaliland National Army that guarded Somaliland's border with Djibouti were moved to the eastern front under the pretext that Puntland's militias would be expelled and eastern borders secured. However, as time went by, it became quite clear that no militias were expelled from Las Anod and no borders were secured. In fact, the purpose behind this deceitful exercise was to stealthily bring a whole tract of land around Zeila, which is said to contain oil reserves, under the jurisdiction of Guelleh. This is the same piece of land that the late Siyad Barre ceded to Djibouti at the height of SNM struggle against his military junta. It is a land that Guelleh and his predecessor, Hassan Guled Abtidon, often referred to as Issa Land.

It is equally true that some members of Somaliland customs police take their orders directly from the head of Djibouti's Customs and Excise, which is falsely described as collaboration between the two states. It is therefore not surprising to see Rayale getting hot under the collar whenever the press raises the question of his relationship with Guelleh. What we have in Somaliland today is a government of, by, and for Djibouti's special interests, and by extension Somaliweyn.

In a blatant animosity to downsize Issaq to a minority clan that could be easily drowned in the cesspools of Mogadishu, Guelleh plotted against Somaliland in every step of the way in the disgraced IGAD sponsored Somali Reconciliation Conference by lumping Issaq with Dir.

It is no secret that Guelleh had always been engaged in conspiracies calculated to subvert Somaliland's sovereignty as an independent state. Up until Egal's death however Guelleh simply remained a fly buzzing around the ears of a lion [Egal]. Egal never paid attention to Guelleh's nonsense for he was a veteran elder statesman who was ahead of Guelleh in the diplomatic game by leaps and bounds. But with the sudden death of Egal, Guelleh is now brave enough to interfere in the internal affairs of Somaliland to the extent that he even directs the government's policies and priorities by proxy.

Under Rayale's administration, the situation of Somaliland got from bad to worse. Today, there is no running water in most parts of Somaliland capital- Hargeisa. It is not uncommon to see entire families staying up all night in their dwellings only to get a trickle of water, if lucky, in the small hours of the morning. Now, the majority of people buy potable water from the open market at exorbitant prices. Poor mothers with little orphan children beg water to cook meals for their children. People who brought over their own water rigs and drilled wells like the masjidul tabliiqiyiin were warned not to provide a drop of water to their neighbors or else they would be imprisoned. Rayale's government no longer sees water as a basic necessity and an undeniable human right, which must be made available to all people; it sees as a luxury that only the privileged- the ruling class- can access to. Members of this class do not only have running water in their households but also they can refuse to pay their water bills just like the Finance Minister, Hussein Ali Duale, did recently.

This is the most rotten and corrupt public service agency in Somaliland and, don't forget, it comes directly under the control of Rayale. It is a clear testimony of the president's callous disregard to the welfare of the people. If any, the president colluded with the water agency authorities to misuse public funds designed to improve water supply services in Hargeisa.

Somaliland's trade links with Ethiopia dramatically worsened with the inauguration of Rayale's presidency. There is still a ban on Somaliland's livestock exports to Saudi Arabia although this was inherited from the previous administration. However, no attempts were made by Rayale's government to look for ways and means to find a solution for this problem. Even worse, Somaliland traders can no longer import goods from the UAE.

The slippery slope of civil rights curtailment had already begun in Somaliland. The Interior Minister, Ismail Yare, who was a small-time faqash informer, discarded, under the directions of Rayale, one of the most basic democratic principles of Somaliland law, the presumption of innocence. The rogue security committee that he chairs denies Somaliland citizens to go through normal judicial process.

The government has gone to extraordinary lengths to squelch dissent wherever it has sprung up, drawing on a breathtaking array of tactics from press censorship and surveillance to detention, denial of due process and excessive force including police violence against anyone who dares to speak up like the anti-corruption young protesters in Hargeisa. A so-called National Security tribunal guaranteed that these young men would have the kind of treatment they deserve. Under Rayale, suspects are now as good as guilty.

Rayale gathered a lot of people from his former National Security Officers and entrusted them with administrative posts in his government. He created his own Mukhabaaat, which is accountable only to him and is not governed by any legislation. Its purpose and powers remain unknown and it exercises its powers in the absence of public sight. Millions of taxpayer's money is spent on who is chewing with whom?

Nowadays, a palpable fear of expressing any criticism of Rayale or Guelleh prevails in Somaliland. The press had been gagged under a new legislation enacted recently. However, the government exempted itself from this legislation. It licensed itself to use intimidation and smear tactics against the main opposition parties namely Kulmiye and UCID. The government took advantage of people's lack of understanding and knowledge of multi-party system of government. More often than not, opposition is equated with `state wreckers'. Whenever Kulmiye legitimately opposes the president and his policies, it is accused of `endangering the peace'. This tactic seems to have worked well for the government. As a result, Kulmiye- the party of veteran SNM heroes- has developed a tendency to keep quite about the failures of the government for fear of being accused as warmongers by the populace. The idea of a credible opposition is therefore barely alive.

Since Rayale was elected, freedom of expression has become a thing of the past. Dr. Bulhan, Director of Centre for Creative Solutions was silenced after he called for a national debate regarding on the IGADD sponsored Somali Reconciliation Conference and how it might affect Somaliland's sovereignty as an independent state. The government's response was to withdraw the Centre's license to operate as an NGO in Somaliland.

It became increasingly clear that the whole government of Rayale rests in the systematic destruction of civil society as its development entails the growth of forces which will compel the leadership to be accountable for its actions, and of forces which will develop interests diametrically opposed to Rayale and his unscrupulous clique of usurpers. No excuse, however high sounding, even in the name of peace or national unity, can justify the subjugation of people.

Somaliland's judiciary had been mired in corruption and political interference in the last three successive governments. Under Rayale however the situation has even deteriorated to a rotten state. Judges appointed by the president occupy the seats of every local and regional court. These are judges with no judicial acumen who could not be trusted to state the law in a fair and neutral way. There is a fair supply of phoney witnesses for hire loitering in front of Hargeisa court. The situation has reached to a state where justice is sold only to the highest bidder.

Under this administration, the Chairmanship of the Supreme Court can only be trusted with an individual who is prepared to depart the well-stated principles of law and more importantly too willing to bend the law to fit the views of Rayale's government.

The embezzlement of public funds during Rayale's administration has reached to a record level compared to his predecessor. It is so widespread and deeply embedded throughout much of the country as if these thieveries constitute one of the core policies and priorities of Rayale's Regime.

When the former Trade and Industry Minister, Mohammed Hashi asked Rayale and his cronies about millions of dollars of missing funds, he was immediately and ignominiously sacked for not being a `team player'- a swindler. The vengeful and Machavellian tactics of the government shocked the nation. However, it became clear that the degree and scale of the scandal left the government reeling. The government's spin-doctors failed to cope with the enormity of the evidence against them. It is no longer a secret that government officials are using the national treasury as their own piggy bank.

Minister Hashi has revealed the shamelessness of Rayale's regime and how his clique hid their embezzlement of public funds with accounting gimmicks breathtaking in audacity and duplicity. The institutions that were supposed to carry out the checks and balances of the government had been sidelined and the public, unless it intrudes with bombs, is largely ignored. It is now the rule rather than the exception for the highly partisan Supreme Court not to hold Rayale and his ministers in contempt for the continual failure to comply with the constitution. The constitution seems to have long been ripped into pieces and consigned into the dustbin of history.

Such is the situation in Somaliland today that the whole country is in a topsy-turvy, mixed up situation. Yet our politicians are engaged in a competitive race to outpace one another in terms of misappropriating public funds instead of tackling issues of national importance such as seeking recognition for the country, managing the economy, building new schools and rehabilitating dilapidated ones as well as improving the ever worsening public health services. Of course, Rome was not built in a day and it is illogical and unfair to expect the government to find remedy for all the economic and social ills of the nation overnight. The problem however is the government's eagerness to indulge in appalling governance. The government's unwillingness to submit to a system of governance which will demand accountability and transparency, its deliberate negligence of the development of bureaucratic and technocratic capacities of the country's institutions, the legitimization of looting of public purse to name but a few.

Such actions demonstrate the bankruptcy of this leadership's imagination. A lot is possible where there is a positive will. It is this positive will that Rayale's government lacks and what makes his regime a complete and utter scandal and throws into question the president's loyalty to an independent and sovereign Somaliland state.

Rayale's appalling presidency and abysmal record of deception and hypocrisy, his tireless devotion to the interests of Djibouti, his secret connivance and collusion with Somaliweyn, his utter contempt and complete disregard of the freedom of speech, and his juggling of clan interests in his government is a crystal clear for every honest and pragmatic person to see.

Having destroyed Somaliland, Rayale is now mockingly laughing at us just like the deranged Imam who ruined everyone's prayers. However, Rayale is neither a fool nor insane as in the case of the Imam. But rather, he is a cold, calculating, treacherous president whose only objective is, given his salary of US $500,000 p.a., to grab every dollar from the national treasury and eventually ensure in collaboration with Guelleh that Somaliland be thrown into a pitch-black bottomless hole from which it would never come out again. Rayale has duped us by portraying himself as a Somalilander when, in fact, he is not. He has camouflaged himself in the mask of Somaliland. In consequence the only realistic alternative to safeguard our hard won freedom is to impeach Rayale out of office before it is too late. And in the interest of fairness, a competent and loyal person should then be sought from Borama in order to complete the rest of Rayale's term of office. Only a conscienceless, unpatriotic and morally deviant person would argue that Rayale is a loyal president that could be trusted with the destiny of our people. There is a Somali proverb that says: Niman waxa taagan garan waxa soo socda ma garto (He who cannot comprehend the present cannot predict the future).

The visit is part of an African tour that would take him to Ghana, Benin, Mali, DR Congo, Uganda and Ethiopia.

While in Africa, he will film a serial documentary called "Geldof in Africa".

Presidential spokesman Adan Idriss Dualle told PANA Sir Geldof was received on arrival by Somaliland foreign minister Edna Adan Ismail and taken to the presidential compound to meet President Dahir Rayalle Kahin.

Kahin reportedly bestowed state honours on the visiting Geldof, acknowledging his continued efforts to help the people of Somaliland and Africa.

The brains behind the famous "Live Aid" concerts, Geldof is expected to launch a landmark documentary series to be filmed in the seven African countries he is expected to visit for screening on BBC TV.

Addressing journalists immediately after meeting with the Somaliland president, Geldof said he was expecting to once again place the African continent high on the public podium and install it firmly into the political minds.

He explained that the documentary would be released to coincide with the 20th anniversary of "Live Aid", and at a time when Britain chairs the G8 summit, holds the EU presidency and Prime Minister Tony Blair publishes "US and Them", a report about the future of Africa.

Musician Geldof led a global humanitarian campaign to help feed hundreds of thousands of starving Ethiopians during the worst famine in that country in 1985.

He organised two concerts, one in London's Wembley Stadium and the other in Philadelphia's JFK stadium, raising US $ 73 million all of which went to the starving Ethiopians.

Since that historical day in May 1991, and the months that immediately preceded that all those who committed crimes were forgiven and a new chapter in their behaviour and relations towards Somaliland and its people was opened.

Faction leaders and warlords have demonstrated repeatedly that they have no respect for this democratic state. Some of them have launched campaigns against the recognition of Somaliland. Some went as far as carrying a naked aggression on the territory of this young republic. So far the patience of this government and its people, has gone beyond what one can endure, when such aggression on his prestige, freedom and existence is violated.

The conference in Kenya seems to be moving towards conclusion. The main actors are either at each other's throat or plotting on how eliminate their adversaries by fair or foul means, yet, the only denominator they have in common in their Pandora box is the desire to be at Somaliland's throat.

It is late, but never too late, to begin a diplomatic offensive and it is a step to be applauded.

It has to be carried with greater zest with seasoned and young diplomats and politicians, who are fit to play their cards well.

Parallel to this offensive, a campaign should be launched internally, to extend the administration to the eastern borders and realize that Somaliland's territory is under the jurisdiction of the rightful government of Somaliland.

Somaliland's sovereignty is not negotiable and as such parts of its territory should not be left under the grip of a warlord and an aggressor, who might be a bridge to his colleagues - the other warlords and those who had committed genocide against the people of this country. Somaliland has to be fully prepared against the enemies of its existence, before it is to late to do that. These enemies are at each other's throat but are united - even if it is only wish thinking to be at Somaliland's throat.

`LA NATION' Djibouti Government paper on Monday September 13 published about the meeting under the title DJIBOUTI/SOMALILAND LA COOPE'RATION ECONOMIC ET LES RELATION DE BON VOISINAGE AU CENTERE DES DISCUSSIONS. Djibouti/Somaliland, Economic cooperation and relations of good neighbourliness were the centre of the discussions.

According to La Nation, Ms. Edna Aden Ismail delivered a written letter from President Dahir Rayale Kahin to President Ismail Omer Ghelle.

Ms. Edna Aden told La Nation, that the message was dealing with economic cooperation and good neighbourly relations between Djibouti and Hargeisa.

The foreign Minister told The Republican, in Hargeisa that the two countries will open their liaison offices in Hargeisa and Djibouti soon.

The minister, who thanked Djibouti for the warm reception extended to her, stated that her discussions with the President as well as key Djibouti ministers were centred on strengthening the relation between the 2 countries in all fields.

She said, "Good relation and cooperation will serve the interest of the 2 countries in their sphere of cooperation and will at the same time promote security and stability of both countries. It is an advantage that we have good relations with our neighbours."

In answer to the efforts of Djibouti to make its port the outlet for livestock trade she said, "Somaliland has the livestock, the advantage, the experience and port which can be enlarged. In the free market, competition is open. They are trying to sell what they have. We are at a better advantage. We should strive hard not to loose what we have. Both the livestock and businessmen in the trade are Somalilanders. We cannot loose the competition, but we should not give them loopholes to do that. We should be discreet but firm on our dealings with neighbouring countries".

Ms. Fadumo Sudi Hassan, Minister of Family Affairs and Community Development in her closing speech reminded the participants saying, "Women have to increase their level of education to take part in politics and decision making".

During the 3-day workshop, the participants pointed out that the clans, political parties, women, the constitution and the laws to be part of the obstacles that hinder the participation of women in politics and be part of the decision making bodies.

At the end of the 3-day workshop the participants reached this resolution:
1. To make study on what hinders women from taking part in politics or be in decision-making bodies.
2. To raise awareness on tribalism
3. To increase women education
4. To encourage women to manifest their ambitions and feelings.
5. To make efforts to drop articles that curb women participation from the constitution.

Mr. Mohamed Abdi Da'ud, chairman of the new organization spoke about the dangers of KAT, which he described as a drug, on health, economy and culture.

"More than $40 Million are spent on KAT annually, while thousands of families whose husbands are Kat eaters live a hunger. The numbers of young women who are becoming KAT addicts are on the increase, while hundreds who are mentally deranged are either chained in houses or are roaming the streets," said Mr. Mohamed Abdi Da'ud in explaining the reasons why the organization, Faaruuq, was established.

Speaking about the effects of KAT on the society he said, "People have not sufficient knowledge about the effects of KAT. Due to this habit they are weak physically and cannot work more than 3 Hour's a day. Their time is divided into searching for KAT and eating the drug. The daily expenses for this drug has corrupted the society and as such enhanced bribes and embezzlement".

On the objectives of the organization he said, "We want to raise public awareness on the dangers of drugs such as KAT, Tobacco and liqueur. We want to assist those who want to quit the habit, specially the young generation, by building sport centres and grounds. We are ready to provide information on the effects of KAT and other drugs on health, economy and family. We will give them the necessary religious knowledge. We will seek the support of the International Community in our fight against these drugs. We call on the society to give us hand in our fight".

Chairman of Faaruuq concluded his speech saying, "We believe that the government can do better than anyone else, and as such can be a good example for the society".

Ms. Faadumo Sudi Hassan, Minister of Family affairs and community Development who spoke at the ceremony said, "Our Ministry will give hand to Faaruuq and any organization that fight drugs and anti-religious habits. KAT is a major problem facing the society and raising public awareness is essential in the fight against drugs".

"Unemployed people spend a minimum of $50 per month, while their families are suffering and the wives are struggling to meet ends meet. I appeal to the community to stop eating this drug, on which we spend millions of Dollars, while the country is economically weak," she said.

Hagi Abdikarim Hussein (Abdi-Warabe) member of the House of elders, spoke about the problems of drugs and urged Faaruuq to continue their fight against drugs saying that, "Good will prevail in the end," remembering them that they will face a lot of difficulties, as prophet Mohamed, when he was spreading Islam.

Hagi Abdikarim urged government officials to stop using drugs, teachers to refrain from using them and the young generation to work for the good of the nation.

The Hagi advised those who are removed from office to criticize, but limit their criticism, so that enemies should not exploit them.

The workshop dealt with issues related to problem analysis and discussion of minority issues in Somaliland and ways to address them.

The participants also discussed setting realistic program objectives and prepared an action plan.

Major issues raised were political participation and representation, especially on how political parties will allocate for their being represented.

They discussed educational opportunities for boys and girls, while providing education for adults, who missed that due to the wars in the country.

In the economic sector, the workshop recommended employment opportunities, income generating projects and micro credit fund to be made available for them.

The program was organized by MRGI, coordinated by Taddese Taffese from Africa and Middle East and hosted by Somaliland Manufacturing and Crafts Association.

1. Training and employment officer, Part time (17.5 Hours/wk)
Salary scale o10,000. Including national insurance contribution.

2. Schools and parents liaison officer; Part time (17.5 Hours/wk)
Salary scale o12,500. Including national insurance contribution.

PERSONS SPECIFICATION:

1. Educated to a degree level preferably in social sciences
2. Minimum of three years project management experience
3. Ability to demonstrate understanding to the barrier facing refugee professionals in employment opportunities.

KNOWLEDE AND SKILLS REQUIRED

1. Excellent in oral and written communication
2. Ability to communicate in Somali language
3. Ability to plan, organise, control and work under pressure

For further inquiry and application form please contact;

Fozia Jama. Tel 0208 5713722, Email:barre.teacher@btinternet.com

Closing date for the applications for these posts will be on the 24th September 2004. Interviews will be held on the 30th September 2004. Only short listed applicants will be contacted.

Worst hit was a refugee camp on the outskirts of Mogadishu where, according to hospital sources, at least two children age six and nine died when their shanty house collapsed.

Elsewhere, two people drowned while attempting to escape across the Hargeisa River.

Due to the absence of a central government, coupled with difficult access, aid agencies were not able to reach the victims promptly.

"The rains and floods are wreaking great havoc and we do not have the needed support to respond to the disaster effectively," Adam Hagi Salah of the Somali Environmental Protection and Anti- desertification Organisation (SEPADO) bemoaned.

Since the collapse of Muhammad Siad Barre's government in January 1991, Somalia has existed without an internationally recognized national government and suffered from outbreaks of armed conflict between rival clan groups. For the 13th consecutive year, Somalia faces a complex emergency as ongoing civil strife in the south and central regions and increasing violence in the north have disrupted agricultural and market activity, limited basic health and social services, strained household coping mechanisms, and severely restricted humanitarian access.

Years of widespread violence, combined with extreme poverty, have resulted in the migration of approximately 400,000 refugees to neighboring Kenya, Ethiopia, Djibouti, and Yemen. In addition, an estimated 350,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) are dependent on humanitarian assistance to meet basic needs, according to the 2004 U.N. Consolidated Appeals Process (CAP).

Due to successive rainfall failures, the Togdheer, Sool, Sanaag, and Nugal regions of northern Somalia face serious drought and/or livelihood conditions. Below average rainfall has diminished available grazing lands and drinking water in pastoralist areas, causing livestock health and productivity to deteriorate. The poor performance of the livestock sector is exacerbated by reduced remittances from overseas, unchecked inflation, cross-border trade restrictions from Ethiopia, and livestock export bans imposed on Somalia and other countries in the Horn of Africa by several Persian Gulf countries. As an estimated 60 percent of all Somalis are pastoralists, the continuing decline in the livestock sector indicates a potential livelihoods crisis for the majority of the population.

For 2004, U.N. agencies and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) working in Somalia appealed for $119.1 million in emergency, food, and development assistance through the CAP for vulnerable Somalis including IDPs, returnees, and women and children.

Numbers at a Glance
Total Affected Population.......... 700,000 to 900,000..............Source: Revised CAP, June 2004
Total Number of IDPs................300,000 to 370,000..............Source: Revised CAP, June 2004
Somali Refugees...........................350,000.............................Source: Revised CAP, June 2004
Total USAID/OFDA Humanitarian Assistance in FY 2004:.........$4,274,262
Total USG Humanitarian Assistance in FY 2004:................$27,824,362

CURRENT SITUATION

Ongoing Insecurity and Limited Humanitarian Access

According to the CAP Mid-Year Review, humanitarian conditions in Somalia remain precarious. The security situation in Somalia has deteriorated throughout the year, hampering relief efforts countrywide. Violence and armed conflict has continued in much of southern and central Somalia, while the murder of four aid workers between October 2003 and March 2004 in the self-declared Somaliland in the north, led to new operational restrictions on U.N. agencies and NGOs. Due to security concerns, humanitarian access in some critical areas was further limited. Nevertheless, aid agencies continued to work in Somalia and even intensified activities where possible.

In May, inter-clan fighting in Gedo Region displaced between 3,000 and 3,500 people and caused hundreds of refugees to cross into Mandera, Kenya. Also in May, fighting between rival militia groups in Mogadishu left an estimated 60 people dead and thousands more displaced. In August, more than 20 people were killed due to factional fighting in Bay Region. Recently, humanitarian agencies have scaled down operations as tensions increased in southern Somalia over control of Kismayo port.

In August, the U.N. Security Council extended the mandate of the Nairobi-based Monitoring Group for an additional six months to allow for continued monitoring of violations of the 12-year arms embargo on Somalia. Drought Conditions Spread throughout Somalia

According to USAID's Famine Early Warning System Network (FEWS NET), near failure of the main season Gu rains has exacerbated a serious humanitarian situation as drought conditions spread beyond the northern regions to central Somalia. In August, the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization's (FAO) Food Security Analysis Unit (FSAU) issued preliminary findings from a post-Gu food security, nutrition, and livelihood security assessment, which confirmed previous early warnings that pockets of severe food insecurity existed throughout Somalia.

According to FSAU's August report, livestock losses in northeast Somalia ranged from 60 percent for sheep and goats to 80 percent for camels due to environmental conditions and degraded rangelands.

Southern agricultural areas of Somalia face one of the worst cereal production years since 1995. FEWS NET reports that drought conditions have spread to Bari, Nugal, Mudug, and Galgaduud regions, which has affected the agricultural areas of the lower Juba Valley, northern Gedo, and parts of Hiraan and Bakool regions where crop production is only 20 percent of the normal yield.

Food Insecurity and Malnutrition

According to FSAU's August Nutrition Update, malnutrition rates in all areas of Somalia are consistently above internationally recognized emergency levels, but the lack of humanitarian access to areas of concern seriously impedes aid agencies' ability to provide necessary interventions.

FSAU's food security and nutritional assessments in northern Somalia in July indicated that 21.2 percent of the children in Sool Region were malnourished with 2.8 percent assessed to be severely malnourished. According to FSAU, critical areas of northern Somalia include the Sool Plateau, as well as Taleex, Lasanood, Huddun, Garoowe, Qardho, and Galdogob districts.

In central Somalia, FSAU's July rapid assessment in Dhuusamarreeb and Adaado in Galguduud Region indicated malnutrition rates of 31 percent and 27.8 percent respectively, while the retrospective under five and crude mortality rates for Adaado district were 4.7 per 10,000 per day and 3 per 10,000 per day, respectively.

In southern Somalia, ongoing civil strife has disrupted livelihoods and resulted in greater food insecurity. In northern Gedo Region where the usual level of acute malnutrition is already above 20 percent, FSAU reported that the number had increased to 37 percent in Bulahawa and 34.1 percent in Dolow.

Political Developments and Peace Process

After more than 14 months of negotiations, Somali faction leaders signed an agreement on January 29, under the auspices of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), to establish a new Federal Transitional Parliament that would pave the way for presidential elections and the formation of a national government. On August 22, members of the transitional parliament were sworn Nairobi, Kenya. Legislators were selected under Somalia's clan system, with each of the country's 4 major clans allotted 61 seats in the assembly and a coalition of smaller clans sharing 31 seats.

Despite the recent progress in peace negotiations, significant political challenges remain. According to the International Crisis Group, tasks facing the new authority include consolidating and monitoring a comprehensive ceasefire, controlling heavy weapons, demobilizing militia groups, and forming a new police and military force.

Status of Somali Refugees

In June, the U.N. High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) reported that more than 2,000 refugees from Aisha Camp in eastern Ethiopia had been repatriated to northwestern Somalia. With fewer than 12,000 Somalis remaining in the camp, UNHCR planned to close Aisha by the end of the year. In July, UNHCR closed Hartishek camp following the return of the last refugees to northern Somalia.

UNHCR has identified Somalia as one of eight countries in Africa expected to see significant refugee returns over the next five years depending on the security situation and levels of rehabilitation and reconstruction assistance from donor countries.

U.S. GOVERNMENT ASSISTANCE

On October 1, 2003, Deputy Chief of Mission, Leslie Rowe of the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi redeclared a disaster in response to the continuing complex emergency in Somalia.

In FY 2004, USAID/OFDA provided nearly $4.3 million to support emergency water and sanitation, health and nutrition, logistics support, and capacity building activities in affected areas of Somalia.

USAID/OFDA has granted $350,000 to Action Contre la Faim (ACF) to continue its water and sanitation program in Gedo Region, repairing water sources and conducting education on human hygiene for an estimated 20,000 residents. In addition, USAID/OFDA responded to acute needs in the Sool/Sanaag plateau by reprogramming funds from other areas to support water and sanitation and nutrition activities in Sool Region. Through Norwegian People's Aid (NPA), USAID/OFDA provided more than $490,000 to support water and sanitation programs in Sool Region for approximately 82,000 beneficiaries. USAID/OFDA also provided nearly $450,000 to Adventist Development and Relief Agency's (ADRA) water and sanitation programs, which assisted 31,900 people in Bakool and Bay regions.

USAID/OFDA provided nearly $80,000 to International Medical Corps (IMC) to extend emergency primary health care and specialized feeding to more than 790,000 beneficiaries in Bay, Bakool, and Hiraan regions. The program included vaccinations and immunizations, nutritional monitoring, maternal and child health programs, and emergency curative services.

USAID/OFDA has provided $1.4 million to UNICEF for emergency rehabilitation of water facilities, provision of potable water, and health and nutrition interventions for 170,000 beneficiaries countrywide. In addition, USAID/OFDA has approved $800,000 to UNICEF's U.N. Common Air Services (UNCAS) to enable partner organizations to transport staff and supplies into Somalia. To support FSAU's nutrition surveillance program, USAID/OFDA has provided $700,000 to FAO.

In FY 2004, USAID's Office of Food for Peace (USAID/FFP) has contributed 33,510 MT of P.L. 480 Title II emergency food assistance, valued at approximately $23.6 million through WFP and CARE. USAID/FFP's food assistance is provided to beneficiaries in Bay, Bakool, Gedo, Lower and Middle Shabelle, Lower and Middle Juba, Hiraan, Benadir, Bari, Nugal, Mudug, Awdal, Galbeed, Togdheer, Sanaag, and Sool regions.

U.S. GOVERNMENT HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE TO SOMALIA

Implementing Partner...Activity.........Location...................Amount
ACF.......Water/Sanitation..........Bakool..........................$350,000
ADRA......Water/Sanitation......... Bakool,Bay...................$449,452
IMC.......Health/Nutrition..........Bakool, Bay, Hiraan...........$79,996
NPA.......Water.......................Sool..............................$494,314
FAO.......FSAU - Nutrition Surveillance Countrywide.............$700,000
UNICEF... Water/Sanitation, Health/Nutrition,Logistics Countrywide..$2,200,000
TOTAL.... USAID/OFDA................................................ $4,274,262

USAID/FFP ASSISTANCE

CARE.......13,050 MT of P.L. 480 Title II Emergency Food Assistance Southern and Central Somalia....$8,599,000
WFP........20,460 MT of P.L. 480 Title II Emergency Food Assistance Countrywide.....................$14,951,100
TOTAL USAID/FFP:......................................................$23,550,100
TOTAL USAID HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE TO SOMALIA IN FY 2004:............$27,824,362
TOTAL USG HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE TO SOMALIA IN FY 2004:..............$27,824,362

PUBLIC DONATION INFORMATION

The most effective way people can assist relief efforts is by making cash contributions to humanitarian organizations that are conducting relief operations. A list of humanitarian organizations that are accepting cash donations for their complex emergency response efforts in Somalia can be found at www.interaction.org. Information on organizations responding to the humanitarian situation in Somalia may be available at www.reliefweb.org

USAID encourages cash donations because they: allow aid professionals to procure the exact items needed (often in the affected region); reduce the burden on scarce resources (such as transportation routes, staff time, warehouse space, etc); can be transferred very quickly and without t transportation costs; support the economy of the disaster-stricken region; ensure culturally, dietary, and environmentally appropriate assistance.

More information on making donations and volunteering can be found at: The Center for International Disaster Information: http://www.cidi.org

Elsewhere, two people drowned while attempting to escape across the Hargeisa River.

Due to the absence of a central government, coupled with difficult access, aid agencies were not able to reach the victims promptly. "

The rains and floods are wreaking great havoc and we do not have the needed support to respond to the disaster effectively," Adam Hagi Salah of the Somali Environmental Protection and Anti- desertification Organisation (SEPADO) bemoaned.

Somaliland has since 1991 been a self-declared republic north in Somalia. Somalia has been ravaged by war and rivalling tribal feuds for more than 30 years. The conflict has forced hundreds of thousands to flee from their homes, and it is estimated that 40 000 of these are in Somaliland.

- An expanded collaboration between the UN, international organizations and the authorities lies as a premise when we now resume our operations in Somaliland. The unstable situation has violently slowed down the development, and led to diseases, lack of food and need. Nearly a quarter of all children die before they reach the age of five. In addition a whole generation is in risk of losing out of any education, says The NRC Secretary General, Mr. Raymond Johansen.

- We will now continue with the emergency measures from February to give displaced children a minimum of basic education. Education is one of the conditions for further development of the region, and it is vital to create lasting solutions for fleeing people, says Mr. Johansen.

Today only one out of four children are attending school in Somaliland. Illiteracy is wide spread and only two out of ten adults know how to read. The level of education of teachers is equivalently low; only six out of ten teachers are high school graduates. The Norwegian Refugee Council is now starting with education of teachers, and the hope is to be able to build schools in near future.

People from Somalia and Somaliland constitutes one of the largest groups of refugees in Norway.

Contact persons: Manager of Public Information, Roald Hovring, Telephone: 23 10 98 24, Mobile: 90 75 74 86

He added that many countries including Ethiopia, Djibouti, Kenya and some European countries, which he refused to mention, have now recognized Somaliland passport.

Mr Osman told the Somali community in UAE that killing of foreign staff that dominated in Somalilandin the last months have been organized in southern Somalia to undermine security and existence of Somaliland Republic, but now Somaliland has decided to form a special force of about 150 up to 400 men to keep security of foreigners in Somaliland. [Passage omitted].

Kulmiye party spokesman Muhammad Kahin Ahmad, who opened the forum, said since President Riyale's government was elected one and half years ago, no progress had been scored. Instead his government had been denying people chances to talk about the country's resources, and anyone who addressed the issue or any newspaper that tried to write about the issue, had been faced with a midnight police raids, just as used to be done by former dictator Siyad Bare's regime.

He added that even when students demonstrated they ended up in jail. He said nowadays people did do not elect a government so that a certain individual could brag about it, instead they elected it so that it could help its people and spearhead a national development.

He said there was severe drought in Somaliland currently and there was great need for organizing rescue operations, but, up to now, the government had not taken a single step to this end. [passage omitted]

The five-member delegation is representing the Saudi Arabian company, Sianco [phonetic].

The delegation was received at Egal International Airport by Somaliland government officials and some citizens who played a part in the arrival of the Saudi delegation.

The report added that the aim of the delegation was to finance work at Berbera port, Togdheer Region, to ensure that the port played a better role in trade with the Middle East and the Gulf.

The visit by the delegation is related to the vice-president's laying of a foundation stone for a new university in Sool Region.

This is the vice-president's second visit to Laascaanood since the creation of Puntland regional administration.

The vice-president who is currently involved in plans to take over Puntland's presidency, is said by some people to be trying to gag for support from Sool Region where he hails from.

In light of the recent detention of Hassan Said Yusuf, Chief editor of Jamhuuriya , Awdalnews Network grabbed the opportunity of the Minister's private visit to the UAE to conduct the following interview with him on September 10:

Q: Your government is accused of detaining journalists and suppressing freedom of speech, how would you respond to this?

Minister: We don't usually detain Journalists. We try our best not to resort to imprisoning them. Instead we try to educate them and to raise their political awareness. It is also a fact that our journalists lack proper education and proper training. They need a lot of education and a lot of training. Detention usually comes when they write lies that are against the country's security and existence or can cause a clash between clans. This is what brings detention if at all it happens. But no journalist however could be detained without a proper investigation and without a court warrant. A journalist is detained only when the judicial system becomes convinced that enough evidence has been found to implicate him of publishing damaging reports that threaten the existence and security of the country. Most of the time they fail to proof the genuineness of their sources or found to be bogus. But we never detain journalists for expressing their opinion or carrying genuine interviews with whoever they wish.

Q: Let us talk about the latest case. Why did your government detain the editor of Jamhuuriya in late August 2004?

Minister: He published an ugly report that was against our sovereignty and existence and helping Somaliland enemies. It was a baseless report that I can say was a fabrication by the paper. He published damaging lies against our independence and sovereignty. We always talk to the press and warn them against indulging in this kind of nonsense reporting and to safeguard the sovereignty and existence of Somaliland, but they never heed our advice and they repeat the same mistakes.

Q: You are also accused of banning public debates of civil societies such as the banning of the debate organized by Dr. Bulhan under the theme of "Caqli-keen - come up with an idea", you also banned opposition parties from addressing the public at the Khayriyah public square, doesn't this appear as suppression of freedom of expression?

Minister: No it doesn't appear as suppression of freedom of speech, because for example you are a journalist; you stay in the UAE, you conduct interviews with everyone and you post it on your website. Your reporter had interviewed me in Hargeisa and asked me tough questions without any fear. The press interviews the leaders of the political parties, members of the public and intellectuals. We have free press. There are three daily papers such as Jamhuuriya , Haatuf and Mandeeq and we have the National Television. There are debates going on all the time. Everything is discussed and no one stops it and I am proud to say that Somaliland enjoys a thriving freedom of press and has utmost respect for people's civil liberties.

However, the case of Bulhan that you have mentioned is a different story. Bulhan had a license for a medical NGO. The license was issued to a committee of doctors. But instead of practicing his profession for which he had the license he started organizing political meetings. I called him to my office and asked him in the presence of the police commander to produce his licence and we found that he had a license for an NGO in medical practicing. We told him to work in his legal field or otherwise apply for media license to be allowed to hold political debates. That is why we stopped his political debate. It has also caused a stir among the public. The theme was "Come Up With an Idea " and the people responded to it by saying that Somaliland has come up with a solution in 1991 and it has restored its freedom and Somaliland stands by itself.

This is the nature of the debate Bulhan had initiated. We also found out through our sources that Somalia was delighted with such debates. Some of them even declared that they had a hand in the debate. It was politically damaging and it was legally irrelevant and that is why we banned it. This also incited other intellectuals in Buroa to imitate Bulhan's initiative without even having an NGO or license whatsoever. So it has become chaos. Many of them were members of the opposition parties such as those in Buroa. So why didn't they hold the debate in the name of their parties.

The Caqli Keen debate was music to the ears of Somaliland enemies. We found that through our sources in Nairobi. It would have caused a lot of trouble if we didn't take an action. And we have received congratulatory cables from Somalilanders residing in Nairobi who were privy to the delight of Somaliland enemies with such activities.

Regarding the Khayriyada square, it is open during election campaigns. It falls under the authority of the Election Commission. The Commission has the power to open and close before and after the election times. It has closed it after the latest election and it is still closed. Therefore, only the government has a mandate to address people at the public forums such as Khayriha until the election campaign starts and the commission opens it for all parties.

Q: There were also accusations that you have rejected a meeting of some women groups, did that happen?

Minister: No it never happened.

Q: We know that Osman Kalluun who was one time Deputy Prime Minister of the Arta Transitional Government came to Somaliland sometime ago. We heard that he told the government that he gave up his opposition to the sovereignty of Somaliland. But recently he made a statement quite contrary to this stance. What did he tell you when he came to the country and why do you think he changed his mind?

Minister:

In fact I was in Djibouti when Osman Kalluun returned to Hargeisa. But we know that there is a decision passed by the two houses of Parliament that demands a legal action to be taken against any Somalilander who opposes the sovereignty of Somaliland. The decision, however, gives a pardon to anyone who repents his mistake and declares his support and loyalty to the independence of Somaliland. Therefore, I view Osman Kalluun as a traitor, because he had written an appeal to Somaliland President, asking for pardon and giving up his previous hostile position to the sovereignty of Somaliland. He was pardoned and accepted on this basis. He has visited both Hargeisa and Buroa.

Q: Have you seen Osman's appeal and the President's pardon?

Minister: Yes, I have seen the pardon and his appeal as the President has passed them to me. Osman has mentioned in his appeal that he was asking for a pardon in order to return to his motherland.

Q: But did he mention that he was giving up his opposition to Somaliland's secession and independence?

Minister: If the person asks for pardon, he is asking pardon for being against Somaliland independence. That is the basis for any appeal for pardon. It is not a short term trip to visit the country. It is that he changed his previous position and has become convinced with his country's independence. However, he was unfaithful and a coward because he could have declared his intentions while he was in Somaliland. But he exposed his treacherous nature after he left the country. This was wake up call for us. We will be very careful in the future in such cases. We will ask hard questions to future appellants and we will make their appeals public before the person is even allowed to return to Somaliland.

Q: We have learnt a good lesson from Osman Kalluun's case. We know that part of Somaliland is occupied by Puntland and now there are signs that a government for Somalia could be formed in Mbagathi. And any future government may decide to spread its authority to the Sool region of Somaliland and send military forces to Laas Anod. What kind of precautions do you have in place or how will you react to such an eventuality?

Minister: We are not worried about Mbagathi at all. But in case that scenario becomes a reality, you have to know that Somaliland forces are only 8 km away from Las Anod. They can reach the border in less than an hour. We would like our forces to reach the border peacefully. But if any future Somalia government attempts to deploy forces to the Sool region, I assure you that our military forces will be the first to reach the border before anyone else.

Q: How is the relationship between Las Anod people and your government?

Minister: Las Anod people are Somalilanders. Their traditional elders have all come to Hargeisa. We have constant contacts with them. They are politically mature people and Somaliland citizens.

Q: Recently the Police Commander of Las Anod was arrested in Buroa and taken to Hargeisa, why was he arrested?

Minister: He came Hargeisa to take the salary of the police force in Las Anod. But we suspected that he had taken a salary for a number far bigger than the real number of police forces in Las Anod. We have then sent a committee to Las Anod to bring back the real count of the police force. The list brought back by the committee was far less than that for which the commander has taken the salary. Therefore, he was arrested in Buroa and brought back to Hargeisa. The money was recovered from him and he was released after a short detention.

Many Somalilanders believe that Djibouti is playing a double face and that Ismail Omar Gelleh is not honest about his position towards Somaliland? How do you evaluate your ties with them?

Minister: In fact Somaliland-Djibouti ties were not good earlier. But now we have excellent relations with them. We have agreements with them on security cooperation both on land and sea, border monitoring and they have allowed Somalilanders to enter their country with Somaliland passport. Djibouti accords Somaliland delegations full official receptions. However, Djibouti is part of the world that didn't recognize us and we cannot blame them for participating in Mbagathi. They are a free county but we have close relationship with them and we expect them to be the first to recognize us.

Q: The President has declared parliamentary elections to be held in March 2005. Do you think that they will be held on time?

Minister: The President has announced that the elections will be held in March and we are working hard to make that possible. We have already formulated some of the necessary legislatures and we expect to complete the remaining part in the near future. We hope that the parliamentary elections will be held peacefully like the previous elections.

President Dahir Rayale Kahin received on Tuesday a 5-man delegation led by Ambassador Bob Dewar (The new UK ambassador in Ethiopia) and discussed issues related to development, economy, parliamentary elections and the severe drought in the country.

At the end of 30 minutes of closed door discussions between the president and Ambassador Dewar and 50 minutes talks between the delegation and Somaliland ministers, the President told The Republican and the BBC that the United Kingdom will assist Somaliland in the forthcoming elections.

"Ambassador Dewar told us that the United Kingdom will provide assistance to the forthcoming parliamentary elections, while Mr. David Bell - from UK embassy in Nairobi - informed us that funds have been allocated by Great Britain, for the drought in Somaliland and that it will be made available through UNDP and other International Agencies." In answer to whether the Mbaghati conference for Somalia was raised Mr. Kahin said, "I briefed the ambassador that Somaliland and Somalia are 2 states and not part of the same country. I reminded him that it will be wrong, if the International Community supports the false claim on Somaliland territory".

Ambassador Bob Dewar who briefly spoke to the press, after his meeting with President Kahin said, "This is my first trip and I am on learning tour. I had very good chat with the President. I have a very impressive program put together by the Foreign Minister. I thank the President for his hospitality and I have already met a lot of ministers".

Ambassador Dewar added that that he will discuss the forthcoming parliamentary election with the speakers of the House of Parliament (He has already done that).

The British delegation that arrived here on a 3-day visit, Monday afternoon has already met the National Electoral Commission NEC and discussed on how the elections will be enhanced.

According to reliable sources the delegation queried on the degree of the independence of NEC and the necessity of having equal time in the government owned media, for all the political parties.

Foreign Minister MS. Edna Aden Ismail told the international press that relations between Britain and Somaliland has been on the increase in the last few months. She said, "UK gives its aid through UN agencies and other international agencies. Health personnel from the private and public sectors are expected to leave this week for the UK, where they will be given medical training."

The British delegation also had meetings with political parties, civic societies, EU, UN agencies, INGO'S, British Community in Hargeisa, Somaliland Bank authorities, the private sector. Before their departure to Addis Ababa Wednesday afternoon they visited 2 Hargeisa main hospitals (Hargeisa Group hospital and Edna Maternity Hospital).

The ouster of dictator Siad barre regime plunged Somalia into pandemonium, anarchy and social break downs. In the absence of a central authority in Somali over the past thirteen years or so brought about widespread robbery, lawlessness and without law and order.

The weapons that pervaded every where in the country had fallen into the hands of irresponsible people. The numbers of faction leaders joining in the Somali politics have intensified - those factional leaders replaced with the central authority in

Somalia exacerbated the security situation throughout Somalia.

The warlords regularly fought over who should be in control of Somalia specifically, the former capital Mogadishu. The fights caused widespread destruction of lives as well as properties in the meantime the international communities were sponsoring successive Somali national reconciliation conferences that were held in many parts of Africa ever since 1990.

The major aim hosting such conferences in many parts of the world was to form a functional government in Somalia, which has been without a central government since the down fall of dictator Siad barre.

Most of the Somali peace talks sponsored by the international community were failed to produce a Somali government.

The international community didn't despair in finding long lasting solution for the political differences among the Somali warring factions in order to put an end the decade long anarchy in Somalia.

A national reconciliation summit hosted by the neighbouring country of Djibouti in which a transitional national government headed by notorious murderer Abdulkasim Salad Hassan has been formed in the Djiboutian town of Arta four years ago.

During the peace talks in Arta, the Djibouti government who is hostile to the statehood of Somaliland has been in an effort to put Somaliland authority into the mainstream of the Somali peace talks. The Djibouti's effort to bring Somaliland into the peace talks were in vain.

Shortly after, Abdulkasim has been sworn in, he flew back to the war-torn capital Mogadishu - his government met with tough challenges and growing opposition from the warlords base in the capital, despite the diplomatic recognition extended to the transitional national government.

The Arta government was unable to extend its writ throughout Mogadishu, let alone the whole Somalia, the Arta faction leader has always been claimed that he is the president of Somalia including Somaliland, but he has no influence there.

When his administration failed to disarm the militia and establish immortal peace in Mogadishu, he associated his complete failure with the neighbouring countries notably, Ethiopia.

Abdulkasim's constant criticism to Ethiopia is that he felt lot of envy towards the better friendly relation between Somaliland, and the Ethiopian government. Ethiopia vehemently denied that lame criticism.

Meanwhile Somaliland republic has done noticeable improvement from every aspect. In May 2001 Somaliland government held a constitutional referendum on which 97 percent voted "yes" to the constitution.

"A Yes" vote to the constitution indicated endorsement of Somaliland's independence and a rejection of rule from Mogadishu and Somalia.

Article 1, reaffirmed Somaliland's existence as a sovereign and independent state and that it is nonnegotiable whatsoever.

Legal foundation of democracy is the constitution which states that Somaliland's political system shall be based on peace, co-operation, democracy and plurality of political parties. The constitution guarantees the rights of every citizen male and female, to participate in political life, to be elected to political office and to vote.

Between December 2002 and April 2003, the people of Somaliland voted twice for their leaders; once in municipal election and once in a presidential poll.

All citizens over the age of 16, male and female were eligible to cast their ballots and nearly half a million of them did so each time; during first round, they elected 332 district councilors representing six political associations. During the second, they voted in their first democratically elected head of state since 1969.

The democratic united people's movement or UDUB, KULMIYE, and the justice and welfare party of UCID contested in the presidential election.

The incumbent president of Somaliland Dahir Rayale Kahin has won in the presidential polls which closely constested.

Immediately after the national Electoral College declared Rayale the winner of the presidential contest - UCID and KULMIYE party leaders admitted the defeat and they sent congratulatory messages to the newly elect president of Somaliland.

However despite Somaliland's practically improved security situation and reasonable political development in the region the international community, yet disregards the Somaliland 's independence and instead maintains a regular support to the internationally orchestrated ill-fated conference for Somalia which contributes sorrows rather than immortal solutions.

The fifteenth of which is currently going on and is to be concluded in Mpigathi suburbs of Nairobi. Surprisingly all the agendas of those imported conferences are against the independence and self determination of Somaliland, yet the organizing warlords of such conference constantly keep on dismissing he stability and the remarkable progress towards the governance achieved by the Somaliland republic since the reclamation of its independence from the failed union of Somalia in 1991.

The organizers of the Mpigathti conference called on the authorities of Somaliland to attend the formation of the Somali government and the Somaliland officials vehemently boycotted the participation of the Somali peace talks.

This was not the first time that Somaliland has been invited to the Somali peace initiative intended to bring stability to the troubled country of Somalia. Somaliland has always been maintained that it will never ever sit and talk with the very warlords who committed atrocities against the Somalilanders. According to the first article of our constitution the sovereign Somaliland is nonnegotiable.

We are strongly of the opinion that the Somali national reconciliation conference which is to be finalized in Nairobi is a threat to the national sovereignity of Somaliland, we are telling the individual member states of the security council of the united nations, the African union, and the Arab league of states should respect the rights of sovereignty Somaliland. We have the right to exercise the self determination and the independence of our country. Referring to the highly emotional speeches of the late president of Somaliland Egal "if the world tries to force us, it will create instability. We would rather fight Somalia than go back".

We will not bring to Mogadishu the sovereignty of Somaliland as gift as we did last time (1960 unification) and I advise you Somali leaders to get the shortsighted believe that Somaliland and its population can be subjugated again from your minds"

BY Mukhtar Mohamed Abby, Hargeisa, Somaliland, Mukhtarcabi@hotmail.com

At times, the public was even let to believe that contacts were underway with the Jewish state, only to find out later that nothing of that sort has really been going on. But it is a high time that Somaliland initiated a dialogue with representatives of the Israeli government, in prelude to wider discussions involving that country's civil society and business community.

There isn't any shred of doubt that Somaliland is rich in minerals and sits on an ocean of oil. Somaliland's long coast line is also home to huge marine resources. Israel has the expertise and capital investment needed for the development of those natural resources.

Why we don't invite them to become our partners in development, trade and joint business ventures for the mutual benefit of both sides?

As a people who have experienced genocide and with threats to our survival still looming large in the horizon, nothing seems more sensible than seeking cooperation with Israel in the area of security.

Somaliland has no ill-feelings for any particular country in this region or beyond. It doesn't want to ally itself against a third party. But Somaliland needs to live peacefully and be able to defend its territorial waters and boundary. If Israel could train Somaliland's coast guards to become a formidable defensive force why not ask them?

With the overwhelming majority of the Somaliland public inclined to support the idea of establishing ties with Israel, all the Somaliland government has to do is seek turning it into reality.

According to party sources, the chairman and party officials briefed the delegation on the history of Somaliland and the struggle for the reclamation of sovereignty.

"Reclamation of sovereignty is the people's wish and as such is not negotiable," the sources disclosed.

On the formation of a government for Somalia at the Mbagathi conference Kenya , the officials said, "We warn the international community against forming a government for Somalia, that is to include Somaliland. If the world does not consider this and forms at Mbagathi a government for Somalia with jurisdiction over all the territory of the former Somali Republic, this will lead to a new confrontation and the international community will be responsible for the consequence".

Kulmiye party gave the following suggestions to the British delegation led by Ambassador Bob Dewar:

That the government to be formed at Mbagathi for Somalia should be limited to the territory of former Italian colony, Somaliland should never included in the problems of the factions in Somalia, that they comment the efforts by the international community, but reminds it that in case of the failure of the formation of feasible government for Somalia (Former Italian colony) that Somaliland be recognized, with out any condition by the international community.

On the drought situation Kulmiye party officials briefed the British delegation that a limited aid when drought hits the country is not sufficient. They suggested that the UK cooperate and give hand to Somaliland on making scientific study and research on how to tackle the recurring drought and get a permanent solution for it.

In 1956, a nasty and severe conflict occurred in Togdheer/Burao between the two major tribes HT and HY; hundreds of innocent lives were lost in that conflict form both sides without a reasonable cause. Since then, Burao inherited a passive and chronic hatred, in active hostility and violence which could erupt in any time even if a simple dispute takes place between simple individuals, that senseless conflict resulted lot of other conflicts after that. It resulted Hawdo conflict of Berbera as one. The maryo alool conflict in Burao which resulted the destruction of Burao town and the abandon to Yareeyo and Ood -Wayne and the rejection of the Somaliland currency by both tribes. I would say it is time to stop this unnecessary nuisance from both sides and start to put some senses in our heads. Aaqils, Chief Aaqils, Sultans, Political and Religious leaders such as Mr Ahmed M. Siilanyo, the leader of Kulmiye party and Mr. M.I. Bullaale, leader of Udub party must get together in order to put an end to the grieve difference between the two rival tribes and arrange ever lasting reconciliation and dialogue.

In early 1960, I came to Burao on vacation from school in Aden; I remember Buroa had running water, Electricity and paved streets, a functioning Hospital and three effective boarding schools. After 45 years later, Burao residents are unable to get basic services. Burao produce lot of Great men like: Sheikh Bashir, Farah Omaar, Haji Musse Igare, Mr Mohamoud Ahmed Ali, the father of education of Somaliland, Haji Hassan Geele, Mr Abdirahman Ahmed Ali (tuur), Mr Ahmed Ismail Abdi (Duqsi), Mr Hassan Adan Wadaadiid, Mr Mohamedali, Mr Mohamoud Jama Urdooh, the first Somali journalist and Mr Ahmed M. Siilanyo, the patriot, the living legend, the chairman of Kulmiye Party, the advocate and the speaker of the silent majority. of Somaliland.

As matter of fact, Burao needs to be developing and to have schools, Hospitals, Telephone links, University, Roads, Electric power and constant running water, let's not expect all these from outside help. Always God helps those help themselves, We should make it happen by imposing levy on each and every commodities incoming and outgoing , big or small, salaries of Government and private business employees central and local like, in that sense we can develop Burao without outside assistance.

In 1978, as I recall the Central Government at that time provided Burao two Electric Generators, they were not functioning for some time, due to the missing Electric systems. if those machines still there, I would suggest that Burao financial tycoons: Mr Mohamed Saeed Dualeh (Dahabshiil), Haji Abdi Awad Adan (Indha-deero) to take over those Generators and supply parts in order to function, otherwise to purchase a new Generators, of course in a business form, in that sense, you shall kill two birds in one stone, to contribute and participate in the development of Burao in your own field (Business).

Yusuf Awaleh Gorayo-ere, Columbus, Ohio (Member of Kulmiye Party, Ohio branch )

In an interview with the UAE's official Arabic daily Al Ittihad published today, Osman said that his government was fighting over the last six years for the ban to be lifted.

"The ban has caused a great suffering to Somaliland whose economy depended mainly on livestock export. We invite Arabs to come to our country and to see by themselves that our country is free from the Rift Valley Fever which has been used as a cover for the ban," he said.

Responding to a question on the ban of Somali passport by the UAE and other countries and the difficulty that Somalis face in traveling with the old Somali passport, Osman called upon Arab countries to accept the Somaliland passport.

"It is regrettable that our Arab brethren do not see the difference between Somalia and Somaliland. In Somaliland we have peace and stability and we have government institutions responsible for the issuance of official documents such as passports. Whereas in Somalia, where the warlords spread chaos and mayhem, there is no central authority. Isn't it regrettable to know that all our neighboring countries and some Western countries such as Britain, Canada and some Scandinavian countries accept our passport but our Arab brothers don't," the Minister said, pointing out that the Somaliland authorities have given a sample of the Somaliland passport to the relevant UAE authorities.

On a question whether the lack of recognition for so many years will force his country to reconsider its secession, Osman said that the reclamation of Somaliland's sovereignty was the result of an internationally observed national referendum in which 97 % of Somalialnd people voted for the restoration of independence.

"As our President said on a number of occasions our independence is nonnegotiable. We have been the first of the five Somali regions to get independence in 1960 and we have chosen the union with the South at the time. But this time we are determined to hold on to our independence," Osman said.

On the possibility of accepting bilateral talks with the Southerners, particularly as the Nairobi talks had reached a critical point, Osman said that Somaliland would only have talks with an elected counterpart government and elected counterpart president.

"And even then our talks will be limited only to borders, security and trade and will never be about our independence," he added.

Osman described the Somaliland citizens who were taking part in the Somali Reconciliation Conference in Nairobi as mercenaries who would face trial for national treason if they retuned to Hargeisa.

Responding to a question on whether Somaliland had any contacts or had the intention of establishing diplomatic or trade relations with Israel, Osman said Somaliland had no relations with Israel.

"Israel is part of the world and a member of the UN but we have no ties with it," he said, noting that such propaganda was spread by the enemies of Somaliland with the intention of scaring Arabs away from Somaliland.

Hassan's latest brush with the law came just after midnight on 31 August. Policemen came to his office to arrest him in connection with an article he had published that day about the Somali peace talks in Kenya. The article quoted from interviews with Somali delegates to the talks, including some politicians who claimed that the opposition in Somaliland, rather than the government, has taken a hard-line against the prospects of any possible reunification with Somalia.

Given what is at stake, the independence of Somaliland is a sensitive political topic, domestically, regionally and internationally, making it all the more important to have a robust public debate so that the public can make informed judgements. Journalists, like other Somalilanders, have the right to know what the government and the opposition are thinking, and doing, about crucial issues that affect all of us as individuals, and which will determine our collective political future. More than that, they have a responsibility to shine a search light on what politicians would often prefer to hide. If the government wanted to challenge the veracity of these claims, it has many opportunities to make its view heard. Imprisoning Hassan will only fuel speculation that it has reason to be secretive on this issue.

On Wednesday 1 September, the day after he was arrested, Hassan was brought to a packed Hargeisa district court. Journalists, members of human rights organizations, of other NGOs and of the Civic Forum of Somaliland, turned out in full force. We listened as a distressed but resolute Hassan refused bail, saying that he had not committed a crime; had not been told the reason for his arrest; and insisted on his right to legal representation. He explained that he had been picked up from his office by CID officers, held overnight and then driven to the dry river bed in the centre of Hargeisa and warned that his throat would be slit if he continued to "harass" the government. According to the charge sheet presented in court, the government accuses Hassan of presenting information that is "unbalanced"(Dheellitir la'aan).

Surprised by the rejection of bail, the judge told Hassan that he would have to send him to prison, a fate he accepted. The judge fixed the hearing for Monday, 6 September, and told the CID officer in court to produce their evidence and witnesses.

Immediately afterwards, the various civic representatives called a press conference and condemned the arrest in strong terms, spelt out the wider implications and emphasized the importance of civic solidarity. Those who addressed the press included Abdi Sahardeed, the chairperson of the Somaliland Council of NGOs (Cosongo); Ahmed Mohamed Abdirahman, vice-chair of NAGAAD, the umbrella for women's organizations; Zamzam Abdi Aden, director of the Committee of Concerned Somalis (CCS); Abdirahman Yusuf Arten, chair of the human rights group, Samatalis, and Suleiman Ismail Bulaleh, director of Human Rights Watch Committee. Ahmed Mohamed Ibrahim and Zamzam Abdi Aden, for instance, recalled Somaliland 's painful struggle against the arbitrary exercise of power, and reminded the public of the need for constant vigilance in order to remain free and to live in dignity.

Buoyed by this show of support, Hassan was in good spirits when we saw him the following day, more or less at home in a prison he has come to know only too well. At 2:30 p.m., shortly after we left, CID officers came with a letter from the district court. He was taken to police headquarters to meet with the head of the police force, Mohamed Igge. According to Hassan, Igge informed him that "the President has released you." But he told him that he must first sign a guarantee that "he would not write similar articles in future." He refused to sign anything. "Instead, I asked him if the President had written me a letter of apology for wrongful detention." The police commander responded by saying "we don't issue apologies to fraudsters." Hassan refused to leave prison "until the crime I had committed had been substantiated, adding that I would otherwise bring a case myself against those behind my imprisonment." The argument with the commander continued and, Hassan commented, "I told him that I had been illegally arrested by police officers under his command, and moreover he had now appointed himself the judge." Getting nowhere, Igge instructed the CID officers to drop the prisoner close to his office. They pointed out the illegality of this suggestion as the prisoner had not been released by a court of law. He then told them to return him to the prison, saying that he would telephone the head of the prison service and request him to order his release. However, when they reached the prison, the prison warden asked them to come with an official letter from the court confirming his freedom.

With the imminent arrival of a British delegation led by the ambassador to Addis Ababa, the government was anxious to avoid an embarrassing distraction. On Saturday, Hassan was told by his lawyer that the CID had met the judge, telling him that Hassan had refused to leave the prison, despite a pardon by the President, and asking for a letter from the court to force him out. But the judge told the CID either to argue their case against him or to bring a letter saying that they no longer had a case against him.

As scheduled, Hassan was brought to court on Sunday the 6th, but the prosecutor did not show up. The hearing was postponed until the 9th, and he was allowed out on bail by his lawyer, allowing him to be at liberty during the visit of the British delegation. Once more, the court room was jammed on the 9th, and a morning was wasted as the prosecution again failed to attend. The judge accepted the suggestion by Hassan's lawyers to summon them in writing, and the next hearing is planned for the 16th.

Though angry to be referred to as "the guilty party" without a sed of evidence, Hassan has drawn consolation and energy from the strong backing and unity shown by a wide spectrum of journalists and civic groups. This break with the past has made him, he said, "want to be a symbol of the determination to fight for justice." Five lawyers from an association of lawyers agreed to represent him on a voluntary basis, and the Somaliland Association of Journalists (SOLJA) has publicly taken the government to task for attempting to curb freedom of expression. "Jamhuuriya used to be on its own, but now people have come together and are confronting injustice as associations. As a result, we all become stronger." A member of Samatalis himself, he has vowed to sue the Attorney-General, Hussein Abdi Qalib, who signed the original warrant of arrest, if the government cannot prove its case in court, as well as the two officers who threatened to kill him.

It would be na That people would hesitate before putting their future in jeopardy is understandable, but if the history of Somaliland itself teaches us anything, it shows that we swim or sink together. The illusion that a few fortunate people will continue to flourish while others languish in prison or battle a bureaucracy indifferent to human rights is just that-an illusion. Somaliland, and in particular civil society, owes a debt of gratitude to Jamhuuriya , a beacon for freedom of information and expression when no other newspaper existed. Its journalists, including Hassan, have paid a heavy price for our liberty. In standing by him today, we are remembering our past, and consolidating our collective future.

Rakiya A. Omaar is the director of the international human rights organization, African Rights.

President Dahir Rayale Kahin received on Tuesday a 5-man delegation led by Ambassador Bob Dewar (The new UK ambassador in Ethiopia) and discussed issues related to development, economy, parliamentary elections and the severe drought in the country.

At the end of 30 minutes of closed door discussions between the president and Ambassador Dewar and 50 minutes talks between the delegation and Somaliland ministers, the President told The Republican and the BBC that the United Kingdom will assist Somaliland in the forthcoming elections.

"Ambassador Dewar told us that the United Kingdom will provide assistance to the forthcoming parliamentary elections, while David Bell - from UK embassy in Nairobi - informed us that funds have been allocated by Great Britain, for the drought in Somaliland and that it will be made available tough UNDP and other International Agencies."

In answer to whether the Mbaghati conference for Somalia was raised Kahin said, "I briefed the ambassador that Somaliland and Somalia are 2 states and not part of the same country. I reminded him that it will be wrong, if the International Community supports the false claim on Somaliland territory".

Ambassador Bob Dewar who briefly spoke to the press, after his meeting with President Kahin said, "This is my first trip and I am on learning tour. I had very good chat with the President. I have a very impressive program put together by the Foreign Minister. I thank the President for his hospitality and I have already met a lot of ministers".

Ambassador Dewar added that that he will discuss the forthcoming parliamentary election with the speakers of the House of Parliament (He has already done that).

The British delegation that arrived here on a 3-day visit, Monday afternoon has already met the National Electoral Commission NEC and discussed on how the elections will be enhanced.

According to reliable sources the delegation queried on the degree of the independence of NEC and the necessity of having equal time in the government owned media, for all the political parties.

Foreign Minister MS. Edna Aden Ismail told the international press that relations between Britain and Somaliland has been on the increase in the last few months. She said, "UK gives its aid tough UN agencies and other international agencies. Health personnel from the private and public sectors are expected to leave this week for the UK, where they will be given medical training."

The British delegation also had meetings with political parties, civic societies, EU, UN agencies, INGO'S, British Community in Hargeisa, Somaliland Bank authorities, the private sector. Before their departure to Addis Ababa Wednesday afternoon they visited 2 Hargeisa main hospitals (Hargeisa Group hospital and Edna Maternity Hospital).

He said, "Members of the House of Representatives have been given 10 days to study the legislatures. We want to complete the legislature in the House soon, including the electoral law". The chairman added, "We need the completion of the law, so that the people vote for their representatives in the parliament".

Speaking about views of members of the House, regarding the electoral law he said, "There are some members who do not want the holding of the parliamentary election and as such do not want the electoral law completed".

"There are some members, mostly from the east, who became members in dubious ways and do not want any election to be held," he said.

According to party sources, the chairman and party officials briefed the delegation on the History of Somaliland and the struggle for the reclamation of sovereignty.

"Reclamation of sovereignty is the people's wish and as such is not negotiable," the sources disclosed.

On the formation of a government for Somalia at the Mbagathi conference the officials said, "We warn the international community against forming a government for Somalia, that is to include Somaliland. If the world does not consider this and forms at Mbagathi, a government for Somalia with jurisdiction over all the territory of the former Somali Republic, this will lead to a new confrontation and the international community will be responsible for the consequence".

KULMIYE gave the following suggestions to the British Delegation led by Ambassador Bob Dewar.

- That the government to be formed at Mbagathi for Somalia should be limited to the territory of former Italian colony. Somaliland should never be included in the problems of the factions in Somalia

- That they comment the efforts by the international community, but reminds it that in case of the failure of the formation of feasible government for Somalia (Former Italian Colony) that Somaliland be recognized, without any condition by the International Community.

On the drought situation KULMIYE party officials briefed the British delegation that a limited aid, when drought hits the country is not sufficient. They suggested that the United Kingdom cooperate and give hand to Somaliland on making scientific study and research on how to tackle the recurring drought and get a permanent solution for it.

- The House of Elders to send immediate delegation to all regions and districts. This is to raise the awareness of the people, to get detailed condition on the political, administration extension and the drought and the usage of the local media fully.

- To send a strong delegation to neighbouring countries especially Ethiopia and Djibouti.

- As Somalilanders in the Diaspora are doing their best to get recognition for the country and is order to coordinate efforts towards this goal. The Ministry of foreign affairs should open an office, for sharing information.

- The government to give its annual report to the joint meeting of both Houses of Parliament, in order to assess what has been achieved and what remains.

- The Government and the Parliament to begin immediately a diplomatic campaign in the Arab countries. This is to put Somaliland 's case to Arab countries, as they are a great pressure against our cause and because Somaliland needs them economically.

- The government is urged to bring the new Radio Stations, as it is allotted for in the 2004 budget and as transmission to all parts of the country is essential for dissemination of information and raising public awareness.

"It is surprising that SSJW describes SOLJA whose members are from all the media, exception of Haatuf newspaper to be an association limited to government journalists. The accusation of SSWJ or Haatuf of BBC training is nothing else but to get a share which is equal to what the rest of the Media - print and electronic - get." SOLJA said in its response.

SOLJA added saying, "SSWJ or Haatuf institutions should be condemned for denying the journalists working for Haatuf paper, to take part in the BBC training programme, which has been going on for almost a year and from which journalists from the rest of the Media in the country has got a training beneficial in their profession".

SOLJA urged the leadership of SSWJ and Haatuf paper, which they described to be the same to stop the baseless accusations saying, "BBC training is not a project for financial cash in, but a professional training open for all in service journalists".

SOLJA concluded its response to SSJW saying, "We tried not to give any consideration to the repetitive false information of representing the majority of Somaliland working journalists. This is a false claim. The BBC training program is going smoothly and has contributed a lot, to working journalists".

Minister of Sports Mohamed Said in his opening speech stated that this years tournament is different from the previous ones, for sportsmen from the 6 regions will be the guest of the people of Hargeisa, instead of staying in hotels.

He said, "We have succeeded in this plan, which is part of strengthening inter-community relations".

The Minister thanked President Dahir Rayale Kahin, the government, Somalilanders in the Diaspora and humanitarian organisations for their contributions.

Hundreds of people watched the opening match between Awdal and Sool regions, in which Awdal beat Sool 3:0. In Yesterday's match, Togdheer beat Sanag 3:0. The capital Hargeisa will face Sool today's match.

"The Horn of Africa has been especially susceptible to conflict in the past half century and much of the region is awash in small arms," Shinn explained September 2 to those attending the U.S. Air Force Special Operations Command School at Hurlburt Field in Florida, and the result is "instability that hinders governments from exercising full control over their territory and provides terrorists with easy access to weapons."

Shinn's lecture highlighted the Bush administration's new emphasis on working with African governments to stop terrorism on the continent before it can be exported to other regions of the world. The Defense Department has made a special effort to educate its officers on political and social conditions in Africa, a region that for too long was neglected by defence intellectuals.

"Heightened concern about terrorism in the Horn of Africa," said Shinn, "led to the creation in October 2002 of the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) outside the capital of Djibouti. It has responsibility for fighting terrorism in Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Sudan, Kenya, Somalia and Yemen and in the coastal waters of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. Its stated mission is to detect, disrupt and defeat transnational terrorism and to enhance long-term stability in the region." At any given time, he said, there are between 1,400 and 1,600 American military and civilian personnel at CJTF-HOA.

On the diplomatic side, the State Department's Office of Counter terrorism began an additional program in 2003 known as the East Africa Counter-terrorism Initiative, Shinn told his audience. The $100 million program includes military training for border and coastal security, programs to strengthen control of the movement of people and goods across borders, aviation security, assistance for regional programs to curb terrorist financing, police training and an education program to counter extremist influence. There are separate programs to combat money laundering.

Shinn said both Defense and State department efforts are aimed at places like Somalia, which, as a failed state since 1991, "poses a special dilemma" and has received special attention in U.S. government anti-terrorism efforts.

Former FBI Director Louis Freeh testified before the 9/11 Commission (the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States) that al-Qaida soldiers sponsored and directed attacks against American soldiers in Somalia in 1993 during Operation Restore Hope, Shinn said. Later, in 1996, Osama bin Laden took credit publicly for helping the Somalis in those attacks.

"Although Somalis are not particularly attracted to extremist Islam, the country remains a vacuum and is prey to any terrorist with money and a plan," Shinn said.

Sudan, much in the news because of the conflict in Darfur, poses a special case "because of its long history of tolerance toward and support for terrorist groups," he said.

Following the September 11, 2001, attacks, "Khartoum concluded it was in its interest to increase cooperation with the U.S. on counterterrorism. This provided the Bush administration an opportunity to advance the war on terrorism and make progress on ending the long-standing civil war in Sudan," the diplomat explained.

"Sudan's cooperation on counterterrorism reportedly has been excellent," Shinn said. "With American prodding, Sudan and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) have also made enormous progress in ending the civil war in the country. Secretary Powell announced last May that the U.S. had removed Sudan from a blacklist of countries deemed not to be cooperating fully on counter-terrorism. There is still in place, however, a maze of American sanctions, including the listing of Sudan as a'state sponsor' of terrorism.

"Unfortunately, Sudan's mishandling of the political and humanitarian crisis in Darfur in western Sudan threatens to stop progress on a final peace agreement with the SPLM and halt the improvement in relations with the U.S.," Shinn concluded

Nowadays, it has become a common practice for Riyaale to unleash his notorious minister of interior Ismaaciil Aadan to intimidate, harass and detain innocent civilians without due process. The minister issued an edict banning any public debates of political nature from the civil societies, outlawed peaceful demonstrations and banned from the opposition parties to address the people at the Khayriah public squares. The detention and charge of Yuusuf is the latest unconstitutional act this administration has undertaken.

Clearly this administration is trying to reverse the advances on the human rights, freedom of press, and democratic values that the people have achieved in the last decade. More importantly this move also has a negative impact on the cause of Somaliland in the eyes of the world. This government seems to be on course of suicide and self-destruction mode.

The birth of Somaliland was not a gift from the former Somali regime but rather gained tough a struggle and bloodshed in which those in power today were not part of that pristine cause. However, they came to power tough a rigged and a widely contested election within a margin of error.

The people of Somaliland have given an opportunity and challenge to the current regime to serve the very same people that they helped in their oppression. Instead of taking an advantage of this opportunity to make a difference, they opted to silence the press and terrorize the people, focusing their energy on enriching themselves tough corruption and abuse of power.

Enough has been said on the biography of Riyaale and his track record during his service with the infamous Somali national security service (NSS), in which his objectives were to put down the struggle that gave to the birth of Somaliland. The question one might ask: is Riyaale's past ghost being resurrected? As far as Riyaale is concerned, the facts state that old habits die hard. The reality on the ground fits a dictatorial system that has no respect to uphold the constitution, but rather is interested to remind consistently its people the terror era of the former dictator's regime.

In democratic societies the environment is set for greater public participation, genuine competition for the top office (executive), institutional checks and balances on the executive branch and free and fair elections. It's incumbent on the parliament, judiciary, the opposition parties and the independent press to play an effective role to uphold the constitution and bring public awareness on pertinent issues.

Today there is nothing more important than promoting the rule of law and due process in Somaliland. The lack of good governance is the major cause for the rapid deterioration of the economic and the development of the country.

Strategies for Change:

Undemocratic countries frequently remain poor, because they retain autocratic political structures leading to deadly cycles of conflicts, oppressions and economical retardations.

Democracy on the other hand brings respect for the rule of law, political checks and balances, and responsiveness to citizen's priorities and needs.

The opposition parties, Kulmiye and Ucid, need to develop strategies that force the government to adhere to the constitution of the country and bring public awareness on corruptions, mismanagement and abuses of power. They need to organize a grass root campaign to defeat Udub, the party of the government and emerge with a strong majority in the upcoming parliamentary elections. They should form a strong working relationship between their parties and put their agendas of ousting Udub forward.

The opposition parties need to start dialogue with members of both houses of the parliament in order to influence decisions on the floor and the passages of the laws and regulations that govern the country. The opposition parties should reform their organizations and play a greater role in shaping the country's path towards a mature democracy.

Finally, the leadership of the opposition should also encourage the next generations to lead, and yield top party leadership positions to new leaders that will bring changes and attract more members to oppositions. Their new role should focus on advancing their cause, spreading democratic voices to every corner of the country and expanding the party horizon and making the current administration accountable.

Abdelkarim A Hassan, San Diego, Ca, Ahassanh@aol.com

Although Hasan Sa'id Yusuf's good health and freedom of movement is welcome news, Reporters Without Borders is nonetheless demanding an end to his judicial harassment. His spectacular arrest was the fifteen in 10 years.

Furthermore, Hasan Sa'id Yusuf told the judge that he had been subjected to serious death threats when he was transferred from the central police station to the law courts. The police who escorted him were said to have taken him by force to a dried up river bed and told him that they could "cut his throat and leave him there", local sources said.

"Combined with the arbitrary nature of his arrest, this kind of humiliation is unacceptable," RSF said. "We call on the Somaliland authorities to put things right within the police so that these disgraceful practices are brought to an end."

afrol News, 8 September - Chief editor Hassan Said Yusuf of Somaliland's leading independent newspaper, 'Jamhuuriya ', yesterday was released on bail despite his protests. Meanwhile, 'Jamhuuriya ' editors express concern over the "repressive tendencies" that mark the regime of democratically elected President Dahir Riyale Kahin. Many see Somaliland slipping into repression.

'Jamhuuriya ' correspondent in Oslo, Ahmed Awed Ismail, told afrol News that his newspaper's chief editor, Yusuf, had been released on bail by Hargeisa police. Yusuf had protested the decision and demanded an unconditional release as charges against him were "unconstitutional".

New information released by 'Jamhuuriya ' about the midnight arrest of Yusuf from his office also holds that the police action was "extremely heavy-handed and violent." Members of the police force that brought him to court had "stopped him in the middle of the dry-bed river and threatened him saying,'We can cut your throat and leave you here'," according to the daily newspaper.

Somaliland authorities cited a first-page article on 'Jamhuuriya ' some days earlier as the reason for Yusuf's arrest, claiming that the article was not balanced. Quoting a Somali freelance journalist in Nairobi, 'Jamhuuriya ' had published an interview with some of the warlords that are attending the Somali Peace Conference, where Somaliland refuses to participate due to its secession from Somalia.

In the published interview, Hussein Aideed - one of the warlords from Mogadishu - is quoted to be worrying about the Somaliland opposition party's hard stand towards the yet-to-be-established Somali government. The same is reported to have been said by Abdillahi Yusuf, the strongman of Somalia's autonomous region Puntland. The two faction leaders are said to be especially worrying about the tough stand of Kulmiye's Chairman, Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud's, leading Somaliland's main opposition party.

According to the interview published in 'Jamhuuriya ', these two Somali warlords said that the Somaliland government's position regarding the Somali Peace Conference is soft; meaning they are in favour and cooperative. It is the Kulmiye opposition they fear, the freelance journalist in Nairobi reported. Puntland leader Yusuf goes as far as saying that Somaliland's stand will ultimately depend on the decisions of Mohamoud and his Kulmiye party.

Somaliland's Interior Minister Ismail Adan earlier this week confirmed to afrol News that the 'Jamhuuriya ' editor indeed had been arrested over this report, further indicating that the arrest orders had come from government. The Somaliland government had considered the story as "inciting people against the government," he said, further commenting the story was all "a blatant lie and the truth is quite the opposite."

As Yusuf is now freed on bail, 'Jamhuuriya ' and many Somlilanders are concerned about the "repressive tendencies" the regime of President Kahin has been developing ever since he was democratically elected by the general public on April last year. Yusuf, for example, has now been arrested 15 times by Hargeisa police. The government is not only attacking the press, but also other democratic institutions.

- Earlier in July this year, public meetings by the opposition parties and the civil society have been outlawed, the Oslo representative of 'Jamhuuriya ' told afrol News. "The press and speech freedom are increasingly being curbed and controlled. The government is particularly itchy about the Nairobi meetings, allegedly because some elements in the Somaliland government have clandestine contacts with the Southern Somali warlords in Nairobi," Ismail adds.

Also the Hargeisa police is becoming increasing heavy-handed and violent, the 'Jamhuuriya ' correspondent said. "The mid-night operation of the police is well-known terror inflicting tactics which the present regime inherited from the despot Siyad Barre, who drove Somalia to the gutter after some 30 years of dictatorial rule."

The concerns of the 'Jamhuuriya ' editorial team are shared by wide parts of the Somaliland society, including government representatives. Hargeisa officials afrol News have been in contact with regret the "negative tendencies threatening democracy in Somaliland " and wish to remain anonymous.

The Kulmiye opposition party however clearly protests these developments. "After the presidential election, it has become the usual trend to take steps towards dictatorship and the destruction of democracy, instead of selling our achievements to the international community," the party said in a statement released earlier this week, referring to Somaliland's efforts to sell its democratic gains to achieve recognition of its independence.

'Jamhuuriya ' also quotes strong statements from all parts of civil society condemning the arrest of Yusuf in a recently published article. The Somaliland Journalists Association saw the arrest as "undemocratic and a violation of the individual right." The National Human Rights Network said it had observed that rights violation had been on the increase for the last six months and warned that if such practice continues, "it will be doubtful that fair elections will be held next year."

Next year's parliamentary elections are meant to finalise the establishment of democratic institutions in Somaliland. The yet-to-be-recognised country hopes that its peace, stability, democracy and respect of human rights will lead to recognition by the international society. Many fear that the Hargeisa government is increasingly running out of such arguments, however.

During its stay in the country, the UK Foreign Office delegation held a meeting with the president, cabinet members, officials of the two assemblies, leaders of political parties and the civil society.

The new UK ambassador resident in Ethiopia was making his first visit to the country in order to get to know the country's officials.

Addressing journalists before departing the airport, he said he welcomed Somaliland's friendship and was happy at the stages Somaliland had reached in recent years, namely, the stability, democracy and progress.

The UK envoy said his country would encourage the political steps being made by Somaliland and the parliamentary elections that would be held in March 2005.

Commenting on the drought, he said the UK had responded to the drought in Somaliland and was channelling assistance tough the UN.

[Passage omitted]: names of officials who bade farewell to the UK delegation

The president said there can be no talks with people claiming to be Somalilanders...[sentence as heard].

The president further told the UK envoy, who is making his first trip to the country since being appointed, that Somaliland and Somalia could only hold talks and conduct relations as two separate states, as was the case with Somaliland's ties with Djibouti and Ethiopia, and on the basis of two equal and independent states, each within its legal boundaries.

He appealed to the British government to help the country economically and in its quest for overall development.

On a light-hearted note, he told the delegation that the Somaliland people felt a more closer affinity with the British than with the rest of the Europeans, adding: We therefore expect you to help us.

Riyaale also stressed the risk posed by the drought and said: We appeal to you for emergency assistance.

Answering a question posed by the delegation on the parliamentary election, Riyaale said: My government is determined to hold the elections with the cooperation of the parties, the electoral commission and the people. We also expect you to help us with the funds you promised in order to facilitate this task.

Ambassador Dewar expressed his appreciation at the welcome accorded him in Somaliland.

He told the president that they were very happy with what they had seen so far in Somaliland.

The ambassador said his trip was to make acquaintances and to familiarize himself with what was happening, adding this was, so far, going on well.

[Passage omitted]: other officials present at the meeting

The delegation, which touched down at Egal International Airport, is made up of five members.

The delegation was received at the airport by the minister of foreign affairs, Ms Edna Adan Isma'il and the minister of information, Abdillahi Muhammad Du'ale, as well as the ministers of state for interior and foreign affairs, Sa'id Muhammad Nur and Adan Muhammad Mire Waqaf. Also in the welcoming party was the mayor of Hargeysa, Eng Husayn Mahmud and other officials.

During their stay, the delegation is expected to hold talks with the president of Somaliland, Dahir Riyaale Kahin, some officials of government institutions, members of the Council of Elders and parliament, political parties, the National Electoral Commission, the Drought Committee and other officials.

The delegation will also visit the mass graves, the World War II cemetery, the Hargeysa Hospital, the University of Hargeysa, the Edna Maternity Hospital, Dahabshil money transfer agency, the State House and the HQ of the Red Crescent in Hargeysa.

New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) said that Hassan Said Yusuf, the editor-in-chief of the independent Somali-language daily, Jamhuuriya , and its weekly English-language edition, The Republican, was picked up from his office in Hargeisa, Somaliland's capital, on 31 August.

CPJ quoted local sources as saying that Yusuf's colleagues had by 2 September not been allowed to visit him.

"His arrest stemmed from a news article published in Jamhuuriya on August 30 about the Somaliland government's stance on peace talks in Kenya," CPJ said in a statement.

The Somaliland administration refused to take part in the reconciliation conference in Nairobi aimed at ending factional warfare in the rest of Somalia, which has been without a government since the regime of Muhammad Siyad Barre was toppled in 1991.

"Arresting a journalist over a news story is unacceptable," said Ann Cooper, CPJ's executive director. "We call on Somaliland authorities to ensure Hassan Said Yusuf's immediate, unconditional release, and to ensure that journalists in Somaliland are free to report on matters of public concern without fear of government reprisal," she added.

The article published in Jamhuuriya suggested that Somaliland's main opposition party, Kulmiye, took a harder stance against participating in the peace talks than Somaliland's government, CPJ quoted local sources as saying.

"It is unclear whether Yusuf has been formally charged. His arrest has been condemned by local press freedom organizations, including the Somali Journalists Network (SOJON) and the Press Freedom Violation Monitors," the watchdog said.

It said that Yusuf and other journalists working for Jamhuuriya have been targeted by Somaliland authorities before.

In October 2003, police detained Yusuf for nine hours in Hargeisa accusing him of publishing information that was "not good for the government." In February 2004, two reporters working for Jamhuuriya at the Somaliland Supreme Court were arrested when covering the trial of a prominent traditional elder accused of destabilizing Somaliland.The two journalists were held for four hours before being released without charge, according to local journalists' organisations.

Your excellency; deporting from that premises, with your permission, now I will proceed by, as stipulated in our constitution to examine in brief the legal connotations associated towards the liberty rights i.e. freedom of public demonstrations, expression of opinion, freedom of the press and other mass media.

1. Article 32. It gives the rights to every citizen, to freely express his opinion by writing, by viewing Media, or by literature and any other means.

2.Article 32, also gives the basic right to every citizen, by freely organizing or participating in meeting or peaceful demonstrations according to the law.

3.Article 90, of our constitution, under the powers of the executive branch, it gives you a clear mandate of being responsible for the maintenance of the homeland security, with privileges allowing you to execute Administrative, restoring and protecting our national security internally and externally against all imminent threats.

President; constitution is the one that provided the legal contents, that made you with God's blessing, as a matter of history, `in the Books of Records', the first Somali President elected by his own populace since 1960. That is due to the prevailing political maturity in Somaliland, which advocates for `Democracy practice'.

President; even though, the Domain of the art of politics, for any fledging govt not yet recognized by the international community, is to hope and weave in its way to mature politically, with that nation, both the incumbent govt and the media is no exception.

President; under that prevail in political scenario, at that moment, I was expecting from your side to cultivate a new air into our political arenas, but truly I was shocked when I heard that Jamhuuriya Editor Hassan Said was detained at 11:00 pm. I believe that move was politically wrong and only escalates the standing political tension.

President, as Somaliland er in quest for amicable solutions to our problems, to day I have few advices to be considered as a remedy by all conflicting parties for the sake of our unity.

A. The Role of the Gov

1. Our Govt. must understand that our fragile Democracy cannot be practiced without considering the implementation of a fundamental theory towards any conflict resolution which must be based on patience, reconciliatory alternatives new political reconciliatory alternatives, new political approaches incorporating dialogue strategies, corrective and convincing methods, when identify the root cause of the problem.

2. Our Govt. must always, respect the role that the mass media has contributed towards our nation building initiatives, which truly brought in great reputation for our nascent democracy internally and externally for the last 13 years. I believe they deserve an award of excellence.

3.Our govt. must understand that they missed a great opportunity by briefing our journalists on how to deal with sensitive political articles concerning our govt. political strategy, especially when addressing internal security articles. Therefore, without the presence of that guideline formats, I believe our govt. gave our journalists a blind check towards all sensitive issues.

B. The Role of the Press

1. While enjoying the right as stipulated in our constitution yet as a moral responsibility towards our nationalistic obligations, must avoid propagating our enemies' political propaganda that might create scenario's will portray images that, `Somaliland is divided' on sensitive political issues'

2. Again our journalists must always refrain from presenting articles that will hamper our unity our also will damage our reputation as a country.

3. Finally, our journalists must always understand that liberty has its limitations for the sake of Somaliland for the sake of Somaliland.

Your Excellency, I wish you good luck in all your political endeavour.

Hirabe Five hundred and forty-eight Somali refugees have left home from Djibouti. This was the seventh group of Somali refugees who benefited from the repatriation programme. These Somali refugees lived in Ali Adde and Hol-hol refugee camps since 1991.

All Somali refugees who have been repatriated for the last nine months were originally from Awdal Region of the self-declaredSomaliland.

The repatriation programme was carried out under the auspices of UNHCR in collaboration with a local Djiboutian NGO. Passage omitted.

Officials from UNHCR and Djibouti government said that the repatriation programme will continue until the 25,000 registered Somali refugees from Somaliland return home.

The demand for voluntarily repatriation by Somali refugees in Djibouti started increasing towards the end of last year, when UNHCR officials and Djibouti Home Affairs Minister Abdulkadir Duale Waeys told the refugees that there was no single country which would agree to give asylum to Somali refugees living in Djibouti.

Also the agreement reached between Djibouti and the administration of the self-declared Somaliland has also motivated the refugees to return to their peaceful country.

Historical Background

Somaliland joined its brothers in the South a former Italian colony unconditional under the leadership of Haji Mohammed Ibrahim Egal.

The delegations in Mogadishu answered to it brothers from the North by taking the post of President, Prime Minister, and the capital was to be in Mogadishu while the brothers from the North had no conditions except the dream of greater Somalia.

The late Haji Mohammed Ibrahim Egal (was offered the post of Defense Minister) which Egal accepted with the interest of Somalism at heart rather than complicating matters for the betterment of Somalia.

The Great Somalia State that was yet to be achieved, comprissed of five states as shown on the Somalia flag, Blue and and Five stars on it, of which represents, the former Italian Somalia, Somaliland British proptectorate, French Djibouti, and the Northern Frontier District of Kenya (NFD) and the now Region Five District of Ethiopia (Ogaden)

A few years after the unification between Somalia and Somaliland. "General" Said Barre came to power tough the barrel of the gun, and totally diminishing the dream of a Great Somalia. And with Djibouti granted its independence from its colonial masters France, and proclaimed itself as a self independent state, made the dream of Somalia Union more vivid than ever before.

"Somalia" under the ruthless leadership of dictator "General" Siad Barre had to seek for greener pastures. Barre's immediate adventures led him towards the liberation of Ogaden.

We would now like to bring back our Somali brothers & sisters to the present, with all this disinformations concerning the relations between the North and the South.

The misadministration of Somalia right after the Ogaden led the Somalis to mutiny against the central government in Mogadishu, with the Somali Socialist Democratic Front (SSDF) as a spearhead of the uprising.

Barre's administration answered it with an iron hand which claimed a lot of Somali lives, and forced a handful of Somalis into refugee in Ethiopia. My dear Somali brothers & sisters wake up, this is the wake up process.

The fact that the same Somalis who fought against Ethiopia, were now seeking refugee into Ethiopia was inevitable.

The Somali National Movement (SNM) emerged into the limelight with the ambition to liberate and restore stability up in the Northern Part of the former Somalia. At the same time the Siad Barre's adminstration had a big number of army officers & soldiers stationed at the north.

This army personels were to carry out all the massacres and most horrible acts that man could inflict on any human beings to his own somali brothers and sisters.

When Gen. Siad Barre heard of this Movement in the north he and his collegues with the consent of the whole Somali so called five star started executing people systematicaly one after the other one.

Well this went on and on and on and toughout all this time the whole somali community was concious of what was happening to their fellow somalis up in the north.

Peace and Stability can not be achieved on the notion based on war.

In 1991 Somaliland reclaimed back it sovereignty as the independentSomaliland in the town of Burco.

Since 1991 Somaliland has gone tough changes and achieved more as a people, a nation and a young African Republic.

Somalilanders have proved to the entire international community that peace can only be achieved tough justice,equality and respect of all human rights above all. Peace can only be achieved tough the ballot and not the bullet.

In May 2001, Somaliland had its referrundum whereby the results did show ninety seven percent for an independentSomaliland only tee precent against it.

Primarily, it is one of the symbols of democracy to have these sorts of meetings by elected bodies to restore a lost of confidence, amending leadership or solving another issues as they emerge. But it seems in Somaliland, that the assemblies are brought by a power challenge as well as tampering with by the government particularly interior minister, for obvious reasons. In every assembly the administration representatives appeared and their preferred mayor installed.

Coming down to my title 'people of Burao hold a high expectation of their new Mayor' the second largest city of the country did not escape the prevailing manipulating the local government's structure and surely one like me may be right to say it benefited from it. After the coerced resignation of the former Mayor on the 14/6/2004, the 21 members of the council voted unanimously for a new leader.. Abdi Ahmed Iidle nicknamed'Abdi Burco' and his deputy, Baase muuse Mahamed. The citizens of Burao including myself were filled with ambition dreams that the new leadership will reinstate the vanished hope followed the initial election.

As I gather the new mayor, unlike his predecessors, determining to fulfil his duty and citizen's dreams come true this time, aspirations are substantiated his recent interview with the BBC Somali. Apparently, the whole of our nation, corruption, misusing of public resources, mismanagements and abusing the offices are inborn with us, and it's the biggest challenge of our officers. He highlighted how this elected councils are different from the old ones in the sixties, the old ones were wealthy, earned them respect and abide, not bothered coming in the offices solving minor differences whereas the current, all members coming every morning the mayor's office, they should be here only the meeting times to raise their and the citizen's concerns in the city. Listening his dialogue sounded he has got the qualities, lacked previous governors after Mahamed xuseen Adan who citizens Burao held high regards for him. There is a high hope, changing the headman to become an example for the other mayors, if he subjugates the obstacles, works with impartiality no doubt he will be another icon in the city.

In my recent visit of the city before he took the office, in every way the city was appalling, one of the biggest disgusting was the garbage and dirty filled streets, bad infrastructure, you have to squeeze yourself onside as vehicles passing. Food markets would not tempt many of us shopping from it, bearing in mind every morning they have to pay tax, one per cent of that tax could improve cleaning. In processing to help or someone saw might help I made and circulated a film among Burawians in Britain showing as badly needed for a cleaner environment in the city.

It was a relief for me and others when he reiterated on his interview, main priorities are making rubbish dumps and footpaths to separate mingled people with vehicles. We wish him well by saying these, may Almighty Allah easy tasks ahead of him, people need encouragements and training to take their rubbish into the designated areas, those caught not being cooperative should be fined accordingly. I am sorry to hear that you have lost some of you friends but it wasn't bad loosing them in that way. The income of the must be budgeted wisely and understand that IT IS FOR THE NEEDIES NOT FOR THE GREEDIES.

Someone reading in this may have the assumption that I am same tribe as him, let me make this clear and emphasize it, I neither knew the Mayor prior to his office nor from same clan as him, but the credit should be given where it's due. His achievements will exalt him or he will follow the same road as his formers and become one of the fallen villains.

It called on the government to explain his detention by a dozen police who burst into the paper's offices late at night with an arrest warrant as he and his staff were preparing the next day's edition of the paper and took him to the city's main police station.

"This arrest, the latest in a long campaign of legal harassment against Yusuf, shows that vigilance is required even though no major infringement of press freedom has occurred recently in Somaliland," the worldwide press freedom organisation said.

The city's police chief said he was arrested because he had several times refused to obey a summons for questioning by the prosecutor-general. He said the arrest was legal and that he would be brought before a court. The paper's staff were prevented from visiting him and could not contact the prosecutor-general, who was not in his office.

It was the 15th police action against Yusuf since he became editor more than a decade ago. He was arrested in the street in Hargeisa for similar reasons in November 2003 and released on bail a few hours later.

Independent sources in the Somali capital of Mogadishu said he has been picked up because the paper reported on 30 August that Somalia and the regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) were annoyed at Somaliland's refusal to take part in a regional reconciliation conference.

This arrest follows the reporting of the inconsequential remarks on Monday of those egregious warlords, Messrs Hussein Aideed and Abdillahi Yusuf. It seems odd that given the government's profusion of media outlets they were unable to put their side of the case in a rational manner either in the press or in the radio. It is an old fashioned, but still entirely wrong policy to shoot the messanger while ignoring the message. If warlords such as these unnerve the government then perhaps it does not deserve to be there.

Those who organised the arrest of Yusuf are obviously significantly under employed. They might find that it would be in the national interest if they turned their attentions to prosecuting corruption and routing out those who grow fat on ill-gotten gains extorted from a country in difficult times. Harrying journalists for reporting the news will hardly help to achieve either of these goals.

The only possible consequence of this action will be to damage the international reputation of Somaliland. The present government cannot expect Somaliland to join the community of nations as a recognised state if they persist in actions like this. No nation will recognise as legitimate a government that arrests journalists for publishing information that "was not good for the government". The current administration would do well to remember that the press and the public are not there for the good of the government. The press exists to subject the actions of those in power to scrutiny and from that scrutiny the electorate are able to make an informed decision in elections. Those who perpetrated this ill thought out crime against democracy and freedom of speech might find it worthwhile to look at our neighbours to the south to see what the consequences of stupidity like this are.

We call for the unconditional release of Yusuf. We appeal to Somaliland to wake up to what it is doing. When journalists are arrested for reporting the truth and questioning the government then freedom itself is endangered. Our national survival lies in large part in international recognition and goodwill. It will not be easy to seek and find this goodwill when our credibility as a viable democratic state lies in tatters as the government frog march off to prison any journalist who dares to report what is actually happening.

During the rule of the late and unlamented Siad Barre those who had the bad luck to be detained by Barre then had the ultimate misfortune of having to endure an audience with the "great" man where it would be explained that they had been detained for their own good. This government does not even pretend to make such a preposterous claim, and indeed its present actions can be good for no one. Not Yusuf, not the government and above all not Somaliland.

by Mohamed Ibraahim (roble1972@yahoo.co.uk)

Silanyo is finally vindicated!

You fooled many people, the weeklies. I always knew you were ignorant. You are a vulgar who excelled at cutting down the lives of innocent civilians. Can you still face that innocent boy you disowned when he was smiling and innocent being? See, a low life like you can't control his carnal desire. This is something you have in common with Bashir Goth, another profligate.

Back to real business. The warlords in Kenya and Cisman Kalluun have both praised Riyaale's anti-Somaliland attitude. They unequivocally stated that the main obstacle to restoration of erstwhile Somali state is Silanyo, a man who constantly refuses to betray his people. Riyaale wants somaliweyn and Silanyo wants Somaliland. Somaliland is more precious than Riyaale's stipends. How about that Somaliland Radio!

Mohamed Ali, mgali@sympatico.ca, Ottawa, Canada

With up to a million Somalis and Somalilanders "needing immediate humanitarian assistance" because of the countries' crippling drought, UN officials working in the Horn of Africa country today appealed to international donors to "drastically increase their funding." The UN's humanitarian agency OCHA has received less than US$ 35 million so far of the US$ 119 million it needs to deal with the mounting demands for relief from Somalis suffering from the drought.

The current crisis in Somalia and Somaliland is widely considered to be "the worst drought there in 30 years." The drought affects most of Somalia but is worst in the north and northeast, where livestock are dying at enormous rates - including 80 percent of camels - and the rangelands have become badly degraded by the lack of rain. Also the whole of Somaliland is affected, in particular at the Somali border.

Some areas in Somalia's north and in Somaliland "have not decent rainfall for four years," the UN today reports. The self-declared Somaliland and Somalia's autonomous region of Puntland have both declared an emergency in their territories. The border are between Somaliland and Puntland is the most heavily affected area, but both areas are politically quiet, which allows humanitarian aid workers to enter.

The UN's humanitarian coordinator in Somalia, Max Gaylard, said in a statement issued today that Somalis in the north are in "desperate need of help," with many shepherds already abandoning their livelihoods because of the conditions. Gaylard's statement includes the situation in Somaliland, referred to as north-western Somalia by the UN.

But also Somalia's south is strongly affected by the drought. OCHA's humanitarian affairs officer Olla Hassan said the croplands and agricultural districts in Somalia's central and southern regions are now noting the effects of the drought. Cereal production had slumped, further damaging the country's fragile economy, she added.

In southern and central Somalia, which is under the control of different war lords, aid work is made difficult by the unstable political situation. In the Juba Valley in southern Somalia, freelance militias had set up roadblocks, restricting access and increasing the cost of food transport there, the UN said. There had also been violent clashes between sub-clans in west Belet Weyne in central Somalia.

Ms Hassan said Somalia's security situation makes aid distribution more difficult, but the key problem remained the lack of funds. In November last year, OCHA appealed for US$ 110 million for all of Somalia's needs, a total later increased to US$ 119 million. Yet less than 30 percent of that amount had been donated so far. "There is capacity on the ground to provide assistance but there are just no resources," she said.

The sources added that the British foreign secretary confirmed this in unofficial letter recently sent to the Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin. The minister is known to have said that if there were no positive results from the Somali faction leaders' talks in Mbagathi the British government would consider the recognition of Somaliland.

The Somaliland government had said in the past it was ready to hold talks with a new government created for southern Somalia, but made it conditional that both parties enter into talks as two independent states. However, the president of Somaliland in a statement released at the end of July, tightened the conditions for talks saying the president of Somalia must be a democratically elected one. This stand has been seen by some governments as a new tougher stand [passage omitted].

Meanwhile, the Israeli government has sponsored a young Somaliland boy in Addis Ababa who has been suffering from a heart ailment. The Israeli embassy in Addis Ababa took the responsibility of having the boy treated in a hospital in Israel free of charge.

The father of the boy who contacted Haatuf from Israel said the operation was successful and the boy was treated compassionately in Israel. He said he had paid for his own ticket but the boy was sponsored by the Israeli government.

Meanwhile, diplomatic sources in Addis Ababa say the new Israeli ambassador in Ethiopia is highly interested in establishing relations with Somaliland but had not got feedback from the Somaliland government.

Pesident Rayale said he received Mire's resignation letter from his deputy during his recent tour of Borama. The president clarified that he had not discussed with the minister two issues that he had raised in his resignation letter.

The minister's deputy, Dahir Haji Mahmud Osman, was instructed to carry on the duties of the departing minister pending the appointment of a new minister.

. Garas who is the Chairman of the Somaliland Society for Independent Journalists and Writers (SSJW) was attacked at midnight on Friday 20th August 2004 on his way home by a group of people. Three men were arrested for the crime.

. Garas, an indispensable journalist for Haatuf Media Network, writes a popular weekly article called "Radio Ma Qaloocshe" for Haatuf newspaper.

No motive for the crime has yet been established. It is not known whether the crime was related to his profession or was politically motivated. All we know is that the injury that he sustained in his head needed nine stitches and that he suffered a fractured bone in the head and a broken leg.

When asked about the incident, Garas's colleagues in Haatuf called it "a cowardly act that deserves to be condemned, not only by our newspaper, but by the whole community whom he served so well."

Official sources told Awdalnews Network that Adan was uncontested as the other two candidates withdrew their candidancy to pave the way for Adan's election. The Speaker position became vacant following the death of the late Speaker Sh. Ibrahim Sh. Yusuf Sh. Mattar last month.

Adan was sworn in as a House member only yesterday when the House accepted the resignation of Mohammed Deria Farah, a man from Adan's constituency. The session was attended by 77 members and 75 of them voted for Adan. The remaining two were the session Chairman and Adan's himself who didn't vote.

The other candidates for the position Haji Abdi Hussein Yusuf, Abdi Waraabe, a highly influential and the eldest member of the House, and Muhumad Aw Ahmed Haji Adan, had withdrawn their candidacy before the voting process started. Adan will be sworn in for the new position tomorrow.

The government spokesman, Ali Muhammad Warran A'de, who is the presidential spokesman, spoke about the adverse manner in which the conference could affect Somaliland and urged members of the public to hold protests against plots against Somaliland which are being hatched at the Mbagathi conference.

The Kulmiye Party said it fully supported the statement made by President Rayale which has now seen the dangers which were highlighted by Kulmiye Party in the past. The Kulmiye Party had in the past spoken about the effects which the Mbagathi conference would or could bring on Somaliland and said people should be prepared to counter it. However, government officials had in the past dismissed the fears saying the conference would have no effects on Somaliland.

In 2001, the former French Somaliland, Djibouti, hosted the 13th peace conference for Somalia, and with the support of the UN, produced a Somalia Transitional Charter, and a Transitional Parliament, which selected a Somalia Transitional President, who then appointed a Somalia Transitional Government (TNG). Somaliland was never a party to this or the preceding 12 conferences set up outside Somalia to export peace to Somalia.

This TNG did not bring peace to Somalia, and, after another 20 month Somalia Peace Conference, this time in Kenya, IGAD (the local East African Organization consisting of Djibouti, Sudan, Eritrea, Uganda, Kenya and Ethiopia) and the UN, are about to announce another Transitional Government. There will be (again) a Somalia Transitional Parliament, which will select a Somalia Transitional President, who will then appoint a Somalia Transitional Government. This time, though, the word "Federal" has been added to the name. But what does this mean to Somaliland, which, understandably, as before, has not been a party to this "last chance" international conference for Somalia?

It's clear to Somalilanders that the IGAD and the international community have not even learnt the lessons of the last 2001 Somalia conference. After accepting at the beginning of this 14th conference that it is Somalia (and not Somaliland) which needed peace and a central government, the conference organizers and the international community were blackmailed by the Somalian warlords into dragging Somaliland into their quagmire. All the main conferees at the beginning of this Conference were Somalian faction leaders (mostly warlords) who then proceeded to sign, on 27 October 2002, a Cessation of Hostilities Agreement, and then approved, on 15 September 2003, another draft Transitional Charter. The Charter aims to re-create the defunct Somali "Democratic" Republic and was endorsed on 29 January 2004 at the so called Safari Park (Hotel) Declaration and from then onwards the desire to form a Government for Somalia by hook or crook meant that the international organizers made a u-turn and started claiming that as few individuals who were born in Somaliland were inveigled to attend the conference, Somaliland is included in this initiative.

The stage is now set for the formation of another Transitional Government, which will be hastily endorsed by IGAD, the UN, the Arab League etc. It should be noted, however, that:

1. There is no "federation" of states in Somalia. There was a union of two independent states of Somalia and Somaliland in 1960, and no one has even addressed that union and its demise in this conference. Where are these federating states and how did they agree to form a federation? The Charter was signed exclusively by Somalian faction leaders.

2. It is unbelievable that the international community which has often gone on record as admiring the peace and the democratic governance that exists in Somaliland now maintains that a few self appointed individuals born in Somaliland who joined the conference at its last stages signify the presence of Somaliland when its elected President and Parliament, as well as its political parties and traditional leaders have all made it clear repeatedly that Somaliland will not attend this conference in the same way that it has not attended the previous 13 Somalian conferences.

3. Somaliland has always wished peace for Somalia, and has declared repeatedly that after Somalia forms its own government, the two states can then discuss issues of mutual concern. This goodwill has, however, been eroded by the Somalian insistence on wanting to rule and subjugate Somaliland, and the unfortunate support this attitude has been given by the international community's policy towards Somaliland. Why would Somalilanders want to talk to individuals who cannot even establish peace in their own country, but are always united on one issue - their unwavering hatred of Somaliland?

4. How could anyone expect that Somaliland will have anything to do with this conference? Even the benighted union of Somaliland and Somalia was based on a share of one third of the total 99 parliamentary seats for Somaliland. Why would anyone in their right mind think that Somalilanders would even remotely consider a share of 50 or so seats in this new 275 member Somalia Transitional Parliament?

Finally, Somalilanders have worked hard to establish peace in their land, which they achieved with very little support from outside and often in the face of clear hostility towards them by certain countries in the region and beyond. Somaliland is warning, however, that the support the international community gives to this Mark 2 Somalia Transitional Government may well bring chaos and war to Somaliland and the other parts of the Horn which are currently peaceful. This warning was also given in December 2002 by the reputable International think tank, the International Crisis Group (ICG) which said that any Somalian government's desire to try to claim to rule Somaliland ".. would create a dangerously volatile situation, in which the polemic on both sides could preclude a negotiated settlement to the dispute. The formation of a government at Eldoret, without having first clarified Somaliland's status, would thus fail to bring a comprehensive peace; it would instead displace the Somali conflict from south to north, opening a new and potentially bitter phase in the civil war." (Salvaging Somalia's Chance for Peace, ICG, 9 December 2002 )

SOMALILAND FORUM, 25 August 2004

NOTES TO EDITORS:

1. The Somaliland was an independent African state, albeit, for a brief period, in 1960, and had its own Constitution, legislature, executive and judiciary.

2. In pursuit of the dream of "Greater Somali State", the Somaliland was one of the very few sovereign states, which gave up its sovereignty to unite with another state, Somalia - a state that became independent later than Somaliland. There was, therefore, a union of TWO states and NOT a union of Somali clans. The hope was that the many Somalis who lived in French Somaliland (now Djibouti), Ethiopia and Kenya - all, by the way, members of IGAD - will join the union.

3. When the two states of Somaliland and Somalia united, Somaliland soon discovered that it was offered the short straw by its Somalian neighbor. Later, after a long period of dictatorship, suppression and near genocide, the Somaliland people re-asserted their independence in 1991. Since then, Somaliland has re-built its peace and democracy. A referendum on the Somaliland Constitution was held in 2000, local elections were held in 2002 and presidential elections in 2003.

4. Since 1991, the international community held 14 peace conferences for Somalia. The 13th was held at Arta (Djibouti) in 2000 and produced a Transitional Parliament and Transitional Government. This government never managed to gain control of the Mogadishu, the capital city, let alone the rest of Somalia. Yet the UN, OAU and the Arab League accepted it.

5. The 14th Somalian Conference started in Nairobi (initially at Eldoret and lately at Mbagathi) in October 2002. IGAD has announced that Transitional Federal Government will be appointed on 15 September 2004. For more information about IGAD, see www.igad.org

6. The ICG has produced a number of reports on Somalia and Somaliland. These are all available at their website www.crisisweb.org

7. References to Somalia and Somalians relate to the territory and people of the former Italian Trusteeship Territory of Somalia, which became independent on 1 July 1960. Somaliland and Somalilanders relate to the Republic and people of Somaliland. Somalis, as an ethnic group live in the five countries of the Horn (including Kenya).

The Somaliland Forum is a non-partisan independent think-tank that brings together Somaliland citizens in the Diaspora, who supports the sovereign, democratic and independent Somaliland. The Forum helps Somaliland Communities and friends around the globe to work together and contribute to the socio-economic and political development of Somaliland. For more information about Somaliland Forum, please visit: www.somalilandforum.com or contact chair@somalilandforum.com

Hygiene education is a comprehensive process directed towards developing behavior change and provoking community action for the prevention of ill-health and the promotion of positive hygiene practices. Hygiene education employs a variety of methods for interacting and communicating with people, so as to provide the required knowledge and skills that are translated into actions that support health-sustaining habits/norms and by changing or modifying negative (harmful) behavior and practices. It aims to bring heightened awareness of the public, so each member of the community minds his/her own health and also that of others.

Hygiene education enhances:

1. Environmental sanitation as preventing measures against communicable diseases/ oro-faecal disease out breaks in the community.
2. Development of health-sustaining habits (lifestyles) through individual and collective action.
3. Empowers people to take responsibilities and activities that are conductive to better health and well-being.

Choose processed for Safety

While many foods, such as fruits and vegetables, are best in their natural state, others simply are not safe unless they have been processed. For example, always buy pasteurized as opposed to raw milk and, if you have the choice, select fresh or frozen poultry treated with ionizing radiation. When shopping, keep in mind that food processing was invented to improve safety as well as to prolong shelf-life. Certain foods eaten raw, such as lettuce, need thorough washing.

Haji Abdikarim Hussein's speech showed why he is respected and admired by so many Somalilanders. Not only did it display firm grasp of Somaliland's history, but also how that history is related to the moment. Haji Abdikarim Hussein indeed seized that moment and through his wit and wisdom ennobled all of us.

The new chairman, Suleiman Mahamud Adan, clearly has his work cut out for him. Sheikh Ibrahim Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Madar, Suldan Mahammad Suldan Farah (the Prince of Peace who passed away earlier this year) and their colleagues have set a high bar for judging his performance. But he also brings a higher level of formal education than many of his colleagues who are more traditionally oriented. The challenge for him, as it is for Somalilanders in general, is to be able to maintain a healthy balance between traditional ways and the demands of the modern age. We congratulate him and wish him the best of luck.

As retribution, Siyad Barre's son-in-law, Colonel Morgan (now a warlord in Somalia), who was then the governor of the region, ordered the air force to bomb Hargeisa and Burao (the air force was manned by south African mercenaries). This was followed by heavy artillery fire directed indiscriminately at civilians and buildings in both Hargeisa and Burao. According to Africa watch over 50,000 civilians, women, men and children were killed and over 500.000 fled to desolate Ethiopian camps. This was an unparalleled human tragedy. Others were killed as they fled from the cities to the countryside. Over one million uncharted mines were laid by the army too. On Aug 15,1988 SNM forces pulled out of the cities.

It was sixteen years ago this month when the SNM forces moved out of Hargeisa and Burao. After fourteen years of independence, Somaliland is still unrecognized and to paraphrase our late President Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, "The U.N wants to keep Somaliland in a closet like a bad skeleton". If Somaliland is kept in the closet and Somalia's warlords are rewarded for their crimes against humanity, can history repeat itself once more?

It is quite obvious that the same individuals who played a crucial role in the policy formulation and policy implementation during Siyad Barre's government, are now active members of the Mbagathi conference. They include Morgan, Gani, Abdillahi Ado and Abdiqasim Salad Hasan. These warlords are still active and the world seems to reward them for their role in the genocide of the Somaliland community during Siyad Barre's regime.

Moreover, Djibouti, the country that orchestrated the Mengistu-Barre accord that eventually led to genocide and aerial bombardment of the people of Somaliland is now busy resuscitating the killing machine that was Somalia. Given the fact that most of the main actors in Embagthi as well as some of the key regional (Djibouti) and international (Italy) players are the same as in 1988, it is not far fetched to think that those who committed genocide against the people of Somaliland in the past, may want to do the same again. Somalilanders should be prepared for such a possibility.

Some say that the Government of Somaliland is already in stupor or perhaps coma. They predict the country will collapse anytime. I am an optimist. I believe that a wake-up call or a nudge will suffice. I could be wrong. But time is of essence. We do not have the luxury to drag our feet or to avoid sending necessary alarms for fear of exposing our dirty linen to public. Democracy can not practiced in the dark or with hushed rumors. It draws inspiration and strength in frank debate and open dialogue.

Considerable evidence exists that the Government of Somaliland is asleep. For instance, the Government insists that the outcome of the reconciliation conference in Mbagathi, Kenya, has no consequences for Somaliland. Like the ostrich, it buries its head in the sand and it sinks back into its habitual slumber.

Worse, the Government takes offense with anyone who states that the outcome of Mbagathi conference has grave consequences for Somaliland. When the Center for Creative Solutions hosted public debate on the issue, it took the unprecedented and clumsy action of withdrawing its registration. Yet, in its brief moments wakefulness, as shown by the statements of Ali Waran-`Ade, an advisor to the President, the Government declares what it prohibited us to discuss.

The Government's resistance to discussions on Mbagathi gave rise to speculations that the it secretly entered into a deal compromising the independence of Somaliland. The speculation has been encouraged by the presence of persons in its highest echelons of power who (with the exception of the Foreign Minister) are said to have a shady past or inept record. I do not believe that such a deal exists, but the public must remain vigilant.

Another illustration is that the forces of Col. Abdullahi Yusuf occupy a part of Somaliland while the Government has done little about it for over eight months. It promised to secure the borders but did not do so. In attempts to proof its alertness, it amassed forces close to the occupying forces but then sank back into its habitual slumber.

Another proof is that the government has no clear policy on how to deal with a government that may emerge from Mbagathi. It speaks in ill-formed and contradictory voices of someone babbling in dream state. There is no evidence of a clear policy, a strategy, or in a coherent voice. The President says one thing; his other representatives say another. Which view must be rejected as the babble of someone asleep?

Still another evidence is shown by the absence of government strategy, action, or even sustained call for help regarding the population of Sool, Sanaag, and Togdheer starving and dying from the most devastating drought in decades. Given its obvious negligence, by what conjurer's tricks can the government convince its own people that it cares or fulfils its function?

The rapid deterioration of the economy in the rest of the country is another evidence. Unemployment worsened in recent months as the cost of construction and imports exceeded the capacity of people to sustain either. The value of the dollar declines at the same time as the cost of imported goods soars. Many families today have less to eat and they do not know whence their next meal will come. Somalilanders visiting from the Diaspora are also baffled by the reduced value of foreign currency as they are by the cost of entry charges at the Hargeysa Airport where the dollar is exchanged at half the market rate.

Few outside the inner circle of government understand who takes the difference in this unfair rate of exchange or real causes of the current economic crisis in the land. Some says only the Minister of Finance and his cohorts know why. Some accuse him as fomenter of this crisis, adding that the honorable minister has more black magic brewing for the country. We will see what lies in store for us after we all bolt out of nightmares.

The Port of Berbera is close to total shutdown because of poor management, some say incorrigible mismanagement. Because of its infuriating inefficiency and exorbitant costs, many businesses have abandoned its use. Even then, government does not stir, giving the impression that it actually has gone into stupor or coma.

Meanwhile, the environment is deteriorating at a pace that we may find no trees in Somaliland in less than ten years. For instance, a recent study on charcoal in rural environs of Hargeysa has shown that the city alone used 516,990 sacks of charcoal for the last six months of 2003. To produce this quantity of charcoal, about 323,118 trees had to be cut, of which 161,559 were live trees. The destruction of forest and woodland in the semi-desert of Somaliland proceeds at a pace far greater than it can regenerate itself. The sleeping government has no policy on this silent disaster in the making, as it has no strategy on the most obvious problems in the country.

There is also the problem of parliamentary elections. The government recently stirred from slumber after repeated and desperate calls of the National Election Commission. Over a year has been lost in sleep or stupor. I would not be surprised if the elections are postponed or botched up on March 2005.

Still another evidence is that a minister issues decrees without legislators evaluating, debating, and controlling such misuse of power. He also freely meddles with the work and meeting schedules of local counselors who, unlike him, were elected by the people. He even hit them with a decree to show the absurd extremes of his power abuse.

The question is not only why the government is asleep but rather why the people who entrusted power to it have joined it in slumber. In essence, people who lived with prolonged oppression have minimal expectation of their government, limited understanding of their rights, constricted view of their inherent power. They understand freedom as the absence of imprisonment, torture, and killing, as they have suffered under the reign Siyaad the Terrible. They do not realize that tyranny comes in successive stages. Each step tolerated and each right given up only encourages the deepening of tyranny.

The parliament too is in a profound and comfortable slumber. If it kept its part in the checks and balances of government, we would not be in the disarray and babble of today. One wonders if the legislators have a pulse at all. Worse than the sleeping government, the may be in stupor or coma. The trouble is that when the guard is asleep, the thieves and crooks are on the loose.

Conscious Somalilanders in the country or abroad are also reluctant to criticize the government in public because they know the perils threatening the peace and nascent democracy of Somaliland. As a result, they have become hostages to peace and prisoners to the dream of free Somaliland. Being hostage to peace is no doubt better than being hostage to war. However, there comes a point when silence is dishonest, when standing on the sidelines erodes whatever one wishes to protect. Power needs to hear the truth in order to keeping it honest - especially so when, caught in deep asleep, it is unresponsive to constructive advice and debate.

The good news is that we have a new and welcome addition in the parliament: The new Chairman of the Guurti, Saleebaan Mohamoud Aadan is known to be an independent man who knows well the perils Somaliland faces both at home and abroad. He is also committed to the independence of Somaliland.

Much rests on his leadership, although it is unfair to expect one man alone to correct the cumulative ills of years. We should give him whatever assistance he needs. We will see whether he becomes a man of the people, East and West, or simply a member of the sleeping club.

In short, we can no longer sleepwalk in history any more than we can advance the cause of Somaliland in prolonged sleep. Hello, are you there? Please wake up!

This is 22nd National Congress of the Youth League, where it is celebrating 60 years of its existence. This makes the African National Congress (ANC) Youth League the oldest youth movement on the African continent.

The national congress is the highest decision-making body of the League, which has the power to make policies and decide on programmes of the ANC Youth League and elect the National Executive Committee.

The two Somaliland youth joined 4.000 delegates who critically examined a number of policy issues, which are of direct concern to young people. This congress took place under the theme "Seizing the opportunities of democracy to confront the future."

The National Congress provided an opportunity to the Somaliland youth to exchange experiences and, to renew the bonds of solidarity between Somaliland and South African youth.

"This was a golden opportunity for us to be part of the exciting youth developments in South Africa and to draw lessons for Somaliland's growing democracy. I was particularly touched by South African President Thabo Mbeki's speech and his vision and plan for Africa's renewal", said Fatima Ahmed.

In this article we analyze the problems associated with conflict resolution and conflict mediation.

The Scope of the Problem

The research findings from a variety of sources on protracted ethnic and internal conflict provide a grim composite portrait of the scope, nature and consequences of armed conflict in the "new world disorder".

In 1991, the total number of major armed conflicts where battle related deaths exceeded 1,000 people was 35. If the 1,000-deaths threshold for defining a major conflict is set aside, the number of internal conflicts rises to between 72 and 150. The data also shows that these types of conflicts are no longer largely restricted to the South and that their number will likely rise to about 42, with new outbreaks in the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and the South. The great paradox of the current era is that while the international community has developed extensive mechanisms for preventing or mitigating inter-state wars, internal conflicts have become the predominant global security issue.

In the early 1960s, the United Nations proclaimed that there were no more refugees in Europe; in effect that the massive displacements caused by the Second World War and the consolidation of Soviet control over Eastern Europe had been absorbed.

As of the beginning of this year, the UN's High Commissioner for Refugees reports that there are over 1 million refugees in Europe produced by the war in the former Yugoslavia alone, (this is considered a very conservative estimate by some) and the number of people seeking asylum in Europe has risen from 70,000 in 1983 to 750,000 last year. However, the European figures represent a fraction of the 18 million refugees worldwide and the 15 million internally displaced. Over the next ten years some researchers have estimated that this figure could more than triple. The relationship between internal conflict and refugee flows is evident in the list of major sources of refugees - Afghanistan more than 6 million, Palestinians 2.6 million, Mozambique 1.5 million, Ethiopia/Eritrea about half a million, Somalia close to a million, etcetera.

These huge movements of people are not surprising when the research shows us that civilian populations make up the vast majority of the victims of these wars; more than 80 per cent of the casualties in most cases, and that women, children and the elderly are the principal victims.

Many of the current internal conflicts are state formation conflicts in which self-determination and ethnicity play important roles. But it is rare to find a conflict that does not involve an extremely complex matrix of causes including race and ethnicity, identity, ideology, governance and authority or competition for resources.

Research also shows that although most internal conflicts gestate over years and pass through phases from formation, through escalation, maturation, to transformation, intervention by international agencies often only occurs once the conflict has become pathological and in the case of the UN Security Council, once the conflict has escalated to the point that it has become a threat to international peace and security.

Increasingly lethal small arms are readily available worldwide. Arms control agreements have focused on weapons of mass destruction and sophisticated weapons systems, but most of the casualties of the current dirty "little" wars are coming from small arms, land mines and mortars. In Cambodia alone, there are believed to be 7 million land mines, or one for every inhabitant. An estimated 700 amputations a month are currently being performed on Cambodian land mine victims. Some conflicts capture world attention while they are still in the formative stage. We were warned that Yugoslavia would disintegrate and that historical and ethnic grievances could very well lead to war. The same was true of Somalia. We bow now that there is potential for a much wider war in the Balkans, that the conditions for much greater sectarian strife in India are rife, that the periphery of the former Soviet Union - stretching from the Baltics through the Ukraine and the Caucasus into Central Asia - is highly volatile, that the collapse of the Mobutu regime in Zaire or events in Rwanda, Burundi or Uganda could precipitate Africa's next major regional crisis.

The data on the evolution of previous conflicts has shown us that while we have often been made aware of the dangers, the international community has been slow to close the gap between conflict formation and mediation, partly because there are few regional frameworks or mechanisms for conflict prevention.

Taking all these factors into account, it becomes apparent that developing competence to mediate internal conflicts before they become violent needs strengthening. It is also clear that the United Nations and regional organizations do not now have the mandates, resources and, in some cases, the political will or the credibility, to carry out these types of tasks on their own.

It's now well-known that Puntland has time and again rejected all peace overtures. Therefore, Somaliland has no other alternative other than to defend itself by other means, including force, and evict the aggressors from its territory.

Time has proved that the present administration have initially got the strategy right by refraining from all-out assault despite enormous provocations by A/lahi yusuf's militia, and pursued a more peaceful solution, while at the same time making it clear that it will not shy away from exercising force if the diplomatic channels don't bear fruits, as well as making this threat credible by amassing troops in the region.

This strategy has paid off in denying A/Lahi Yusuf the moral high ground as well as circumventing him from his political wish of inciting Somalilandin levelling Laascaanood to the ground and then rejoicing in setting the people of Sool against their government, not to mention the irrevocable dent that this would have resulted on S/land's world image and its endeavor for international recognition. It also helped the citizens of Sool in seeing A/Laahi Yusuf in his true colors while at the same time vindicating the peace-loving nature of the Somaliland people.

To cap it off and not to leave out any credits due to this strategy in the slightest, it also helped in luring a few high ranking officials of Sool origin from the Puntland side into S/land's, most famously their education minister who was also A/Lahi yusuf's envoy in Sool.

As far as any one is aware of, that's about as far and as much that this carrot ONLY policy has accomplished!

Thus, the bottom line is this strategy has been exhausted and failed to achieve its primary goal of evicting A/lahi Yusuf's militia from Sool, and what is needed now is the second phase to be put into action! Pursuing it further, could have serious implications on S/land's search for international recognition, and equally, if not more importantly, its internal security. Let me illustrate here the seriousness of the matter.

Politically; our search for international recognition can't really be taken seriously while one fifth of the country and the capital city of one of the largest provinces of the country's six provinces are under the control of foreign troops. We also can't seriously justify our failure in securing our borders by insisting that we are still trying for a diplomatic way out. Simply, it will not wash down with the outside world. It's also illogical and stupid to play the trivial game by pretending that they are a handful of insurgents, whom we will deal with at a time of our own choosing, while the world knows that they even collect tax revenues in Las Anod, and then use it in the financing of their aggression against Somaliland. What an ultimate indignation to Somaliland!!

Internal Security: As the threat from the makeshift so-called Somali government which is to be inaugurated in Kenya in the coming weeks grows and gets more real, the need and the urgency for Somalilandto secure its borders NOW is un-calculable in value and is un-capture able in print.

This time round, most of the notorious and influential faction leaders in Mogadishu, and its surroundings are present in Kenya and are at least paying lip service for establishing a new government. This group includes the "bloodsucker" A/lahi Yusuf, whom I don't need to remind you here of his life ambition in seeing Somalilandturn into ashes at any cost. In fact, he's the leading contender of either the presidential or the prime ministerial position.

Regardless of whether this artificial Gov. stands the heat when its tested in the ghettos of Mogadishu, goes down the drain as its predecessors or not, one thing is certain; it will have the blessing of the international community and will be showered with plenty of hard cash.mainly from the Arab countries..and Yes.you guessed it right, A/lahi Yusuf as its prime minister or president will certainly use it to a devastating effect, to achieve his life-time ambition.Wouldn't you have done the same too? He will use it wisely and ruthlessly to equip his militia to the teeth..will win over the neutrals with the trappings of money, and will buy off many who happened to be on the side of Somalilandtoday, as Somalilandhappened to be their highest bidder at least for now!!!

As a one time supporter of the advocates of the softy-softy approach, I am beginning to side with the growing ultra-nationalist Somalilanders, who believe the current strategy to be outdated, past its shelf date, and quite simply na It's therefore, baffling and uncomprehensible why the Somalilandauthorities don't realize that as the victim state here, it has the inherent right of self defence in international law, to defend the country's territorial integrity and political independence. Is it not high time that it gives orders to the military command already present in Sool for a swift assault to smoke-out the militia from OUR LAND and hold its guerrilla-minded leadership to the consequences of their misjudged insurgency? It's also befitting here, to mention that from a military point of view that the timing of an assault at this present time could never have been so favorable as Puntland is at its lowest ebb for many years; its president and vice-president -Mohamed Hashi-are at loggerheads, poles apart in their political views, the parliament and its administration are at a lost in the midst of the events taking place in Kenya, the anti-Putlandism sentiment is at its highest in Sool and as a result of all these predicaments, its military command are in disarray and confusion!

In short, It's high time that the Somaliland government wakes up to its responsibilities and start defending the country that it has been elected to DEFEND, if not, the consequences are not even worth contemplating!

Today (22nd August, 2004) marked the swearing ceremony of the future parliamentarians of the soon to be declared Somali Republic.The parliament will then vote on the draft constitution of the FederalSomalia. The coronation of the future president is the final step in accordance with the necities of diplomatic and legal protocols.

The territorial boundaries and the jurisdictional reach of this new entity will Be the first legal challenge to clear. Part of the old Somali state was not a party to the Embagathi process and any government formed there, like its predecessors, will never have any legitimacy in Somaliland whatsoever. The deployment of foreign troops in southern Somalia will be a sure recipe for a new round of violence and that will severe negative impact throughout the region. The arms embargo of the United Nations Security Council has failed to stem the tide of gun running. Without any verification or compliance mechanisms in place, the resolution is violated everyday and the parties to the conflict are preparing for a new face-off.

However, the unanswered proverbial question on everybody's mind is this: Will Embagathi deliver the much anticipated all inclusive FEDERAL SOMALI REPUBLIC? Regardless of which faction is on the publicity campaign trail, the foregone conclusion among the majority of the distinguished delegates convened at Embagathi are resigned to the fact that this is another failed undertaking! Regardless of which faction is on the public relations offensive, the signs are ominous all over the place.

For the past few weeks, the convention and the lobbies of the major hotels housing the delegates, has been taken over by the proxies of the presidential candidates. The open trade on the vote's side-tracked the whole event. Suddenly, the atmosphere at the conference has been transformed into a commodities and stock exchange.

With no shortage of the mighty American dollar, the attention is focused at the moment on the candidate with the most cash. The emissaries of any potential presidential hopeful of the future Federal Republic are canvassing the convention floor soliciting for votes- especially among the uncommitted and the undecided delegates.

These two groups command a premium price at the exchange floor. Reliable sources at the conference put the price tag for a single guaranteed vote in the range of US$7,500.00 to US$12,500.00. Even at the median price of US$10,000.00, the successful candidate should dispense at least US$2,000.000.00! Compared to the cost of political campaigns elsewhere in the civilised world, this is not even a drop in the bucket. But this is a fortune in our part of world. The question is how long will it take and through what means will such a president recoup his expenses?

The common denominator among the past and present Somali peace and reconciliation conferences are a sure surfeit of failure. as long as the discredited groups dominate the proceedings as well as the agenda of every conference, the probability of concluding a peacefully negotiated settlement is a zillion light years away.

To guarantee at least a token of success, the following groups should be barred and excluded from any future peace conference:

(1) the left over of the post independence politicians and their coattails. This group is on a full combat mode to redeem the failures of their past. To escape the indictment of history and the wrath of future generations, they are out in force to rewrite the chronicles of the failed state.

(2) the remnants of the military administration-civilians or army officers who have been accused of or who have actually committed gross human rights violations or crimes against humanity during and after the demise of the repressive regime of Siad Barreh.

(3) the new breed of warlords that filled the vacuum created by the collapse of the military government. The outrage of the international community brought the likes of Slobodan Milosevic, Radovan Kradzic, and Radko Mladic to justice to face and account for their criminal behaviour during the collapse of the former Yugoslav quilt. The failed Somali state produced human beings, who are by comparison, more evil than Milosevic and company. Unfortunately those who are supposed to be expurgated from the human race are negotiating at the peace conference trying to undo the disaster they have created.

(4) a new merchant class whose business interests have flourished under an atmosphere of chaos and anarchy. The interest of this group is not compatible with that of a functioning nation state.

It is about time that the underwriters of this convention (IGAD) and the international community as whole, should seriously reassess their commitment to this endless project. The expectations and the objectives of the conference are not only unrealistic, but are at times conflicting and diametrically opposed.

Out of genuine concern for the suffering of the masses in southern (walaweyn) Somalia, the United Nations Organisations have facilitated every conceivable opportunity to end the quagmire. To this day, none of these efforts have translated into any tangible results. Now is the time for southern Somalis have to take ownership of their conflict and come up with a creative solution of their own. IN CRISIS MANAGEMENT, THE FUNDAMENTAL THEORY OF CONFLICT RESOLUTION IS AXIOMATIC TO THE IDENTIFICATION OF THE ROOT CAUSE OF THE PROBLEM. ANY OTHER APPROACH TO TACKLE THE ISSUE WILL BE SHORT LIVED AND RATHER COUNTER PRODUCTIVE AT BEST. LIKE ANY OTHER SOCIETY, SOMALIS HAVE DEVELOPED THEIR OWN MECHANISMS OF CONFLICT MANAGEMENT UNIQUELY ADAPTED TO THEIR CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT. THIS SYSTEM IS CALLED "PASTORAL DEMOCRACY" AND IT IS COMPLETELY COMPATIBLE AND COMPLIMENTARY WITH MODERN DAY DEMOCRACY. THIS PROCESS EMPOWERS THE DISENFRANCHISED MASSES OF SOURHERN (WALAWEYN) SOMALIA. THIS IS AN OVERLOOKED ASPECT OF THE CRISIS THAT NEEDS TO BE EXPLOITED.

THE PROCESS FLAWS

I. The role of international community

In the case of the failed Somali state, the international community seems to put the emphasis only on the symptoms of a very complicated disease. The best mechanism is to explore all venues till all options and alternatives are extensively exhausted. The effort so far has been to find a substitute government for the collapsed regime. The traditional way of conflict management has produced a functional democratic state in neighbouring Somaliland. Had the international community explored that process, the crisis in southern Somalia would have come to a different conclusion. Without the grass roots participation of the people in determining their future, any government imposed from above will have no chance of success at all.

II. THE WARLORDS GAME

The warring factions of southern Somalia have staked the chances of a lasting peace in their country on the following two unrealistic absurd conditions: (1) THAT THE UNITY AND THE TERRITORIAL INTEGRITY OF THE FAILED SOMALI STATE ARE SACROSANCT;(2) WITHOUT THE PRESENCE OF SOMALILAND AT THE NEGOTIATING TABLE, THEY ARE NOT READY TO MAKE PEACE THEMSELVES.

The defunct Somali state had no constitutional legitimacy that guarantees it any sanctity at all. The unity card has been discarded, discredited and eventually consigned to the dustbin of history a long time ago.

As long as these conferences are manipulated and dominated by a gang of war criminals that have human blood on their hands, Somaliland will never negotiate or participate any such venue. The conflict in Southern (walaweyn) Somalia is a matter of no concern to Somaliland or its citizens. The people of Somaliland have spoken through their government and through the leadership of their political parties. Those have managed their affairs peacefully should not be dragged into the chaos of Southern Somalia.

As a country aspiring to gain international recognition for its hard won independence and its stunning record in building and maintaining peace and stability tough the principles of democracy, freedom of expression and the ballot box, it is unbecoming and rather insulting to Somaliland citizens to be affronted, provoked and ridiculed for exercising their civic and legitimate rights of freedom of speech.

The Somaliland government should know that accusing a journalist of spreading damaging material against the government is an archaic and contemptible way that carries with it the hallmarks of the dictatorial and parochial style of brutal military regimes.

It is unacceptable to detain a journalist whenever his line of duty crosses with that of the government.

We, therefore, demand the immediate and unconditional release of Hassan Said Yusuf, editor-in-chief of Jamhuuriya , who was arrested at his office in Hargeisa on August 31, 2004.

Hassan Said Yusuf, who was arrested by a Regional Court chairman judge Abdirahman Jama Hayan, but later taken to Hargeisa District Court, told the presiding judge, that members of the police who brought him to court from IFTIN police station, stopped him in the middle of the dry-bed river and threatened him saying, "We can cut your throat and leave you here."

There is a very strong reaction against the arrest of Chief-Editor Hassan Said Yusuf, from opposition political parties, Journalists and lawyers associations and many civic society organizations.

Somaliland Journalists Association (SOLJA) in a press Release condemned the arrest and described it as an act against the basic rights of the individual.

SOLJA said, "The aim of the arrest of Hassan Said while working is suppression of the press and is aimed to frighten. The individuals right for speech and expression are protected by the constitution, the International Declaration of Human Rights and other International laws. SOLJA envisages this arrest as anti-Democracy and a violation of the individual right".

SOLJA in a press Release on the arrest emphasised that the news could have denied or an answer given, but should not have been arrested. This is an act of suppression on Journalists.

SOLJA said, "The journalist is a watchdog. It is his duty and obligation to clarify and inform the people on anything that are related to their destiny. The press is the 4th power".

"No press is the enemy of its people, but it is a pointer to shortcomings either in government or the people as it is the bridge that links the two. Somaliland Journalists does not deserve their rights to be always violated. We urge the judiciary to observe their neutrality, as described by the constitution and the laws. The judiciary should refrain from violating the law and act illegally against the people and the press while serving the interest of others", SOLJA stated in its press release.

SOLJA and SOLLA demanded the immediate and unconditional release of Chief Editor Hassan Said Yusuf.

A Somaliland Lawyer Association (SOLLA) in its press Release condemned the arrest and described it as a violation of the basic rights of the individual and also violates the International Human Rights Declaration signed by Somaliland 3 years ago.

The Executive Committee of the Opposition KULMIYE party in a press Release condemned the arrest and described it as an intentional oppression of the free press. "It is illegal to arrest the Editor from his office, in the middle of the night. We urge the president to release him soon."

The Press Release emphasised how the people of Somaliland inside the country and in the Diaspora are doing their best to get recognition for Somaliland's Sovereignty. It referred to achievement in the last 14 years and how stability, good governance, discipline, Democracy, elections are means of our case for trying to get recognition.

"After the presidential election, it has become the usual trend to take steps towards dictatorship and the destruction of democracy, instead of selling our achievements to the International Community," KULMIYE said in its press Release.

The Release also referred to the arrest of 156 youth on May 18/04 and their sentence by the national security committee, stopping civil society debates on Mbagathi and how people should be ready to defend against outcome, denying political parties from addressing people at Kheiria squares, forbidding demonstrations and using force to stop them.

KULMIYE, added saying, "The government have began suppressing the free press, which is the torch of democracy and symbol of the freedom of Somaliland. The arrest is illegal and suppression. It is against democracy. The Editor was arrested for what he published about Mbagathi and the reaction inside Somaliland. The way he was arrested was terrifying."

KULMIYE urged the president for his immediate release, reminding that Somaliland is passing tough a delicate period, which needs the preservation of unity", it wrote, "The arrest is a ploy by the government, to put gap between people and parties and a means of denying disseminating information to the people on the conference." KULMIYE concluded its release with a reminder that the people are bound for the existence of Somaliland as a sovereign state, but will not be patient, if breaking law becomes the habit of the government.

Shadow Foreign Minister of Justice and Welfare party (UCID) Ambassador Abdirahman Mohamed Abdillahi (Irro) who was speaking at a reception for the 2 young footballers, who recently returned from a training with Real Madrid in a Spain, and to 6 girls to whom the party gave a scholarship to Hargeisa University condemned the arrest which he described as an act of terrorism.

Ambassador Irro, called on the government to release the Chief Editor soon. He said, "We are sorry for what happened as the constitution guarantees the freedom of the Media. Parties had been recently forbidden to address the people from public squares. Such acts reminded us of Siad Barre's era." Somaliland Civic Forum for Peace condemned the arrest and urged the government to release Hassan Said Yusuf immediately.

Abdi Sahardid of COSONGO told the press described the arrest as a violation against the basic rights of the individual especially a journalist working for the society.

Abdirahman Yusuf Artan of SAMOTALIS [A Local Humanitarian organization] stated there was reason for the arrest.

Ms. Samsam Abdi Aden of CCS said, "We have fought against such action 20 years ago, that's being arrested for what one writes or publishes. The threat by police against him is a violation of the rights of the individual. The judge should have raised the threat, instead of concentrating on the accused. Civic societies won't accept arrest of citizens, who did not commit any crime."

Suleiman Ismail Bullale, of National Human Rights Network said, "We call on the President for the immediate release of the Chief Editor. We also urge him to abolish the security committees." He added that violation of Human Rights had been on the increase for the last 6 months and as such warned that if such practice continues, it will be doubtful that fair elections will be held next year.

Ahmed Weiso, of HAVOYOCO described the arrest as a suppression of the press. He said, "The arrest reminds me of my detention in a police station in Hargeisa in 1981, when my head was continuously submerged under water. We call for the immediate release of the Editor."

The Editor was arrested for a news dispatched by Ahmed Arale a freelancer at Mbagathi and published under the title, "IGAD'S WORRIED FEELINGS AND THE REACTIONS OF SOMALIA'S FACTIONS ON THE STRONG POSITION OF Somaliland'S OPPOSSITION PARTIES".

Jamhuuriya , questions when the Prosecutor General Hussein Abdi Kalib was given the responsibility of censorship and the balance of news in the press.

It called on the government to explain his detention by a dozen police officers who burst into the paper's offices late at night with an arrest warrant as he and his staff were preparing the next day's edition of the paper and took him to the city's main police station.

"This arrest, the latest in a long campaign of legal harassment against Yusuf, shows that vigilance is required even though no major infringement of press freedom has occurred recently in Somaliland," the worldwide press freedom organization said.

The city's police chief said he was arrested because he had several times refused to obey a summons for questioning by the prosecutor-general. He said the arrest was legal and that he would be brought before a court. The paper's staff were prevented from visiting him and could not contact the prosecutor-general, who was not in his office.

It was the 15th police action against Yusuf since he became editor more than a decade ago. He was arrested in the street in Hargeisa for similar reasons in November 2003 and released on bail a few hours later.

Independent sources in the Somali capital of Mogadishu said he has been picked up because the paper reported on 30 August that Somalia and the regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) were annoyed at Somaliland's refusal to take part in a regional reconciliation conference.

It called on the government to explain his detention by a dozen police who burst into the paper's offices late at night with an arrest warrant as he and his staff were preparing the next day's edition of the paper and took him to the city's main police station.

"This arrest, the latest in a long campaign of legal harassment against Yusuf, shows that vigilance is required even though no major infringement of press freedom has occurred recently in Somaliland," the worldwide press freedom organisation said.

The city's police chief said he was arrested because he had several times refused to obey a summons for questioning by the prosecutor-general. He said the arrest was legal and that he would be brought before a court. The paper's staff were prevented from visiting him and could not contact the prosecutor- general, who was not in his office.

It was the 15th police action against Yusuf since he became editor more than a decade ago. He was arrested in the street in Hargeisa for similar reasons in November 2003 and released on bail a few hours later. Independent sources in the Somali capital of Mogadishu said he has been picked up because the paper reported on 30 August that Somalia and the regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) were annoyed at Somaliland's refusal to take part in a regional reconciliation conference.

Somaliland, which is in northwestern Somalia, declared itself independent in 1991 but has never won international recognition.

For further information: Emily Jacquard, Communication, Reporters Without Borders Canada, Reporters sans Frontieres - Paris, France - 03 September, 2004/Source: allafrica.com

It called on the government to explain his detention by a dozen police who burst into the paper's offices late at night with an arrest warrant as he and his staff were preparing the next day's edition of the paper and took him to the city's main police station.

"This arrest, the latest in a long campaign of legal harassment against Yusuf, shows that vigilance is required even though no major infringement of press freedom has occurred recently in Somaliland," the worldwide press freedom organisation said.

The city's police chief said he was arrested because he had several times refused to obey a summons for questioning by the prosecutor-general. He said the arrest was legal and that he would be brought before a court. The paper's staff were prevented from visiting him and could not contact the prosecutor-general, who was not in his office.

It was the 15th police action against Yusuf since he became editor more than a decade ago. He was arrested in the street in Hargeisa for similar reasons in November 2003 and released on bail a few hours later.

Independent sources in the Somali capital of Mogadishu said he has been picked up because the paper reported on 30 August that Somalia and the regional Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) were annoyed at Somaliland's refusal to take part in a regional reconciliation conference.

Somaliland, which is in northwestern Somalia, declared itself independent in 1991 but has never won international recognition.

Yusuf was arrested August 31 at his office in Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa, by police officers armed with a warrant, according to local press freedom organizations. His arrest stemmed from a news article published in Jamhuuriya on August 30 about the Somaliland government's stance on peace talks in Kenya between neighboring Somalia's Transitional National Government and warring Somali factions. Somaliland has refused invitations to participate in the talks.

The article suggested that Somaliland's main opposition party, KULMIYE, took a harder stance against participating in the peace talks than Somaliland's government, according to local sources.

It is unclear whether Yusuf has been formally charged. His arrest has been condemned by local press freedom organizations, including the Somali Journalists Network (SOJON) and the Press Freedom Violation Monitors.

Yusuf and other journalists working for Jamhuuriya have been targeted by Somaliland authorities before. In October 2003, police detained Yusuf for nine hours in Hargeisa, and accused him of publishing information that was "not good for the government." In February 2004, police arrested two reporters working for Jamhuuriya at the Somaliland Supreme Court while they were covering the trial of a prominent traditional elder accused of destabilizing Somaliland. The two journalists were held for four hours before being released without charge, according to local journalists' organizations.

"Arresting a journalist over a news story is unacceptable," said Ann Cooper, executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists. "We call on Somaliland authorities to ensure Hassan Said Yusuf's immediate, unconditional release, and to ensure that journalists in Somaliland are free to report on matters of public concern without fear of government reprisal."

At Mbagathi, outside Nairobi, Somali clan leaders continue their peace negotiations aimed at re-establishing a federal but unified Somalia. Peace talks are hosted by Kenya, regional states grouped in the IGAD block and the international society. This 14th Somalia Peace Conference groups leaders from all of Somalia's clans - also referred to as war lords - thus claiming to be representative for all of Somalia. An equal strategy was followed at the failed 13th Somalia Peace Conference in Arta, Djibouti.

For many Somalis, it is a controversial fact that the war lords responsible of the country's disintegration are to represent them in these peace talks. Even more controversial, however, is the participation in Arta and in Mbagathi of the so-called "Northern Dir clan", a term said to have been invented by Djibouti's President Ismael Omar Guelleh.

The "Northern Dir clan" officially represents the people of north-western Somalia; the same territory that has been administered as Somaliland since 1991. The Somaliland population, however, understands itself as belonging to the Isaak, Issa and Gadabursi clans. These clans - or sub-clans, depending on definitions - are part of or related to - again a question of definition - Somalia's large Dir clan.

The invention of the "Northern Dir clan" has been made to "weaken Somaliland," claims an editorial in the independent daily 'Somaliland Times'. This "fabricated" new Dir confederacy, the daily's editor says, is "a conduit through which fake delegates could be introduced in the Mbagathi conference as representatives of Somaliland."

Farah Ali Jama, a representative of the Somalilander Diaspora, told afrol News that the introduction of the "non-existent Northern Dir clan" at the Mbagathi talks also will become "a serious obstacle to peace in the region." According to Jama and other Somalilander observers, this development will jeopardise future talks between Somalia and Somaliland as the upcoming Somali government will claim to represent Somaliland as well.

- There is nothing like the'Northern Dir' and 'Southern Dir' clans, emphasises Jama. "There is only one real Dir Clan who inhabit large chunks of territories in both Somalia and Ethiopia," he adds, explaining that Somaliland's Isaak and Issa are clans on their own.

Also (southern) Somalis agree on the existence of an Isaak clan - not sub-clan - although many hold that the Isaak "the predominant clan" of the "Northern Dir clan" (as quoted from the Somali advocacy group Shasna). afrol News was however unable to find evidence of any widespread use of the term "Northern Dir clan", and no signs of its use being older than a few years.

There is however documentation of IGAD country representatives admitting the term was created to embrace Somaliland representatives to the Somali peace talks despite the unwillingness of Somaliland's government to participate.

Ambassador Bethuel Kiplagat, Kenya's special envoy to Somalia who heads the peace talks, has made it clear that IGAD will pressure for a united Somalia. IGAD does not recognise Somaliland. "Hence, you could say they are for territorial integrity and the unity of Somalia. It is implied that Somaliland is included in Somalia," Kiplagat last year told the'East African Standard'.

Somaliland authorities had been invited to the Mbagathi peace talks, Kiplagat further emphasised. They were however invited on the same basis as Somalia's war lords. The Somaliland government rejected the invitation, saying it had "no mandate to compromise Somaliland's sovereign status" following a pro-independence referendum. Consequently, the Djiboutian scheme to invite the "Northern Dir clan" on behalf of Somaliland was endorsed by IGAD.

ACCUSED OF: Disseminating false information which will weaken the unity and confidence of the people to the Somaliland government.

EVENTS:

August 30: Jammhuriya newspaper headline "The IGAD and Somali warlords are concerned about hard stance of Somaliland opposition party on the results of the Mbaghati"

Hussein Aideed- "The hard stance of Ahmed Silaanyo is a burning concern to everyone who cares about the unity of Somalia"

Abdilahi Yussuf - "The Somaliland position on Somalia unity depends on Silaanyo"

August 31: 11:30pm Jammhuriya's (1 of the 2 major newspapers) office was surrounded by Criminal Investigation Department (CID) operatives and served a warrant of arrest to Jammhuriya editor Hassan Said.

September 1 : Said was brought to Ahmed Daagaax Police station. On the same day he was taken to court for trial.

On the way to court it was reported that the CID operatives accosting Said stopped the car in a dry riverbed in Hargeisa and alledgely threatened to kill him if he doesn't take his hands off government affairs.

Reports about the events at the court-house were quite disturbing, both the District and Regional Courts alledgedly ruled for his release. However, events at the court-house took a different turn when the District court changed judges, the new judge reportedly reversed the ruling and set September 6 as the new trial date.

Leaders of Somaliland Human Rights Network (SomalilandHR-Net), Samotalis and Civic Forum for Peace released a statement demanding for his immediate release and appeal to the government to respect freedom of the press.

"We fought for freedom for 20 years, thousands of Somalilanders have died fighting and now the old ways of the dictatorship is back, arresting people for no valid reason in the middle of the night and threatening to kill if they continue to speak out. This is unacceptable!" Zamzam Abdi, a leader of SomalilandHR-Net said.

Zamzam narrated how Said pleaded to his fellow journalists, human rights defenders, friends and relatives who vigilantly came to his aid and followed him in jail and in court not to let him go with the CID operatives because they threatened to kill him. "Hassan was clearly fearful of his life as he narrated the events, you should've seen his eyes when he said "I thought they will do it."

Hassan Said remains in jail.

Taken from their homes at dawn, arrested and accused of treason when they tried to rehabilitate the distraught Hargeisa Group Hospital they were arrested, tried, sentenced and transported from Hargeisa to Labatan Jiro village where the prison is located in Bay Region in Baidowa town in the South.

"In solitary, in your darkest hours, you think the world has abandoned you. But you also learn that human beings are a lot more resourceful than you think. You concentrate on living with the ants, the cockroaches on the wall, so that your mind does not dwell on your own problems."Mohamed Baroud Ali, the number 1 accused from the group said in an interview with CIIR. "When you are alone in a dark room, you try your level best to put reason to the situation you're in. However you look at it, there's none. So you'll find a way to keep your mind busy and keep your sanity. My head became like a tape recorder, I played scenes of life from my childhood over and over. In the end, you try to sleep and play it again when you wake up" Dr. Adan Yusuf Abokor who was then the Director of the Hargeisa Group Hospital narrated. They created a wall code that served as their means of communication. They knocked until their hands turned callous. They had to let each other know that they are still alive.

Dr. Adan's cell was beside Mohamed Baroud Ali's. A wide reader himself, he read 800-page book Anna Karenina using the wall code to share Leo Tolstoy's (author of the book) words with his friend.

"We communicated, we would knock and the others would pass it to the next cell and the next and the next. We even tell jokes and made each other laugh. We had to keep sane." Dr. Adan added.

They were members UFFO (Somali word which means the wind before the rain), a group composed of young professionals, doctors, teachers and engineers to raise funds for the improvement of the only public hospital in this northwest of Somalia. They were accused and punished, it took away 8 years of their lives.

Their arrest triggered massive protests in Hargeisa when secondary school students passed secret notes and organized Dhagax Tuur (stone throwing), they marched the streets towards the court house to witness the trial. They were met with guns, some died the others were arrested and jailed.

So that their sacrifices will not be forgotten, Dr. Jama Musse Jama, one of the young student protesters during that time chronicled the group's experience in a book entitled A Note on my Teacher's Group.

The youth of today commemorates February 20, (the day of the students uprising against the arrest of UFFO members) as the National Youth Day.

"The drought affected areas are now in a desperate situation, with inadequate pasture for remaining livestock and the consequent destitution of many families," Gaylard, who recently visited the areas, said in a statement.

"It is imperative that agencies redouble their efforts to address the acute suffering of those in need, that donors provide the means for this to happen and that concerned authorities fully support this emergency response," he added. "Our fears that the recent rains have not been sufficient have now been confirmed," Gaylard added.

Preliminary assessments by the Food Security Analysis Unit (FSAU) of the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) and USAID-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET), show that up to a million people are in need of urgent humanitarian assistance throughout Somalia, including more than 600,000 who are directly affected by the current drought.

The drought has spread to parts of Bari, Nugal, Mudug and Galgaduud regions in addition to the existing drought-struck areas of Togdheer, Sool, and Sanaag.

According to the assessments, the crisis was an environmental disaster that had been triggered by a number of years of drought conditions and the consequent destruction of pastoral livelihoods.

Authorities in both the self-declaredSomaliland, northwest Somalia and the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, have declared an emergency in the northern territories and have requested international assistance.

In addition to the crisis in the north, poor rainfall has affected the agricultural areas of the lower Juba Valley, northern Gedo, and parts of Hiran and Bakool regions in the south, where crop production was less than 20 percent of normal, according to the statement issued by Gaylard's office.

Gaylard stressed that although the immediate humanitarian needs required an urgent expansion of emergency operations, "it is also important for us to start developing an understanding of how communities will manage to rebuild their lives, given that many families will be unable to return to the pastoral livelihood due to extreme rates of livestock loss."

"The prospect of thousands of destitute pastoralists without the means to transit to other means of supporting themselves is a real challenge to the local authorities and the international community," he added.

So what's the problem?

For one, they are still earning less than their male counterparts. In a Boston Globe article titled, Gap shrinking, but women still working for less/Study cites gains; disparity lingers, 3/4/04, staff writer, Diane E. Lewis refers to a new study presented at the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston the previous day. She states, "The pay gap between young men and women is smaller than it's ever been, but women still face an uphill climb in the workplace, (according to a new study presented yesterday)"

So, while the gap is smaller, it's still a gap and the women are on the wrong side. However, there are other challenges besides wages. For example:

Many professional women on the way up still feel the need to prove themselves. Not just to colleagues (male or female) but to themselves. These are the women you see who are totally driven. Success at any cost. The career comes before anything else. All too often the cost is one's personal life.

A vast majority of women are still attempting to do it all - have a successful career, be a fabulous parent and spouse, run a household and still have time for other interests. How exactly do you this? Give up sleep entirely? Find some women who are really "doing it all". I've met a few. They're incredibly stressed and questioning what exactly are they doing with their lives. They either feel they're neglecting their children. Or they've decided to remain childless in order to focus on their careers. This could be why we're starting to see more and more professional women telecommuting, working flex time or even getting off the job track for a few years to be stay-at-home moms. They want to do one thing well and for many that means choosing to be with their children.

Women CEO's are still in the minority, which means fewer mentors for the younger women on the way up. And, of course, many who've made it to the top are all too often labeled tough, hard, difficult, cold. In other words, possessing the same skills as their successful male counterparts. Those traits that are desirable in men are still seen as negative in women. Come on. If Martha Stewart were a man, would she be going to prison? I doubt it.

Maybe once we stop setting up our own obstacles (the need to do it all, the need to do it better, etc) and using challenges as learning experiences, we can rewrite the definition. Challenge is a positive when it helps them grow.

The British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw has recently announced that his government supports talks between Somaliland and the government which will be created in Mbagathi [venue of Somali peace talks in Kenya], this is according to reliable diplomatic sources in Addis Ababa.

The sources added that the British foreign secretary confirmed this in unofficial letter recently sent to the Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin. The minister is known to have said that if there were no positive results from the Somali faction leaders' talks in Mbagathi the British government would consider the recognition of Somaliland.

The Somaliland government had said in the past it was ready to hold talks with a new government created for southern Somalia, but made it conditional that both parties enter into talks as two independent states. However, the president of Somaliland in a statement released at the end of July, tightened the conditions for talks saying the president of Somalia must be a democratically elected one. This stand has been seen by some governments as a new tougher stand [passage omitted].

Both officials represent Gabiley constituency

Awdalnews Network Staff Reporter

EDNA: We are not distancing our self from peace and security being realized in the part of this world where we live, but Somaliland is a different country from Somalia. We exactly, welcome any peace and stability that is achieved in Somalia, but Somaliland is a peaceful country, is a fully sovereign and independent country that obtained its independence from Great Britain in 1960. It has been maintaining Democratic elections and economy development for the last 14 years.

BBC: For the last fourteen years you have not received any international recognition for Somaliland as a country. So don't you think that you should give a chance of bringing peace to your region of Horn of Africa by involving yourself in the talks in Nairobi?

EDNA: For the last Fourteen years there has not been political recognition of Somaliland, but the entire world, the African Union, the European Union IGAD have recognized the achievement of Somaliland and have often congratulated us for maintaining peace and stability in a very troubled Horn of Africa. If peace is to be maintained for Somalis in Somalia, it has to be broke by the people of Somalia themselves.

BBC. You have clan leaders from Somaliland who are involved in Nairobi negotiations and they say this is the time to give easy option of involvement in the peace talks for Somalia a chance. Why do you over look that?

EDNA: We are not over looking that at all. There are people who have been attending all the 14 peace conferences for Somalia. This has been a regular on going reconciliation process that has cost the world a lot of money. There are people who are attending on their own absolute personal self-interest. Every country has mercenaries; every country has insurgents - just look at Guantanamo Bay, how many British or American or Canadian or Australian citizens you may have there who have gone against the interest of their own countries. They are not necessarily representing their country of origin, to which they belong. The few people who are attending those conferences are therefore their own interest.

BBC. If a unified clan based government emerges from the talks in Nairobi and is recognized internationally. Where does this leave Somaliland?

EDNA: Let them prove it. [..] That will be a time when we will have reached a high level of Development and Democracy and will work with some neighbourly relation, but let them prove that work. There is no reason why we would destroy everything that we have been working for the past 14 years. Let them become peaceful, we will have good relations like we have with all our neighbouring countries.

Ahmed Ali Garas, who is in intensive care, at EDNA Maternity Hospital and is allowed very few visitors told the Republican, "I was exhausted and near my home, when I saw dark figures coming out of a shrubs near by. One of the men told me to stop, while another lighted a torch on my eyes and a third fired one shot into the air."

After a long pause he added saying, "I thought they were ordinary thieves. I did not worry because I had no money in my pocket, when an iron bar hit me on my left leg, which is broken (pointing to his left leg).

"I cried with the pain. Other blows followed this on my head. I become unconscious. I felt other blows on my hips and other parts of my body. They left me unconscious."

"They could have killed me if they wanted. I have no enemies as far as I know, but the beating might be related to my work," he said in answer to why he was beaten.

Hussein Farah Commander of IFTIN POLICE Station whom The Republican interviewed in his office said, "So far we have arrested 3 brothers in connection with the case. They are under investigational present, we are not sure if others are involved, but we will continue our investigation."

The paper he works for, HAATUF, in its news report gave the reason for the beating to be political, but did not give any further explanation for that.

Ahmed Ali Garas is famous for his weekly widely read column ` RADIO MA KALOSHE' RADIO THAT REPORTS DIRECT OR TRUTHFULLY ` which do not please many people, especially politicians.

Journalists in this country enjoy a freedom rarely seen in the third world, with no harassment from government or the public, with the exception of detaining journalists, for few hours at times.

The new elected chairman of the House of Elders Suleiman Mohamoud Aden in his acceptance speech, after he was elected by 75 votes (He and Chairman not voting- in an 82 member House) said, "I thank competitors who had the insight and resigned, in order to preserve the unity of this nation.In their courage they have overcome and cured all problems and misunderstandings, that an elongated campaign might have brought."

Speaking about the Late Sheikh Ibrahim - the first chairman who died last month in a London hospital - he said, "I met Sheikh Ibrahim for the first time in early 1990. He was valiant and a leader in prosperity and adversity. He died at a very critical moment in the history of this country. We are here and live and it is part of our obligations, to do what he would have done."

The election of the new chairman was done in the Somaliland traditional way and with open ballot. All the other candidates competing for the vacant post announced their withdrawal, by addressing the house on Tuesday morning before the election.

Hagi Abdi Hussein (Abdi Warabe) the eldest member of the house and one of the candidates in his withdrawal speech said, "I was requested by some of my colleagues to compete. I see that competition and parties are good signs of government. No one asked me to withdraw. I did that for the good of the country. I will be here to serve Somaliland. I thank my supporters and advice all members of the house to support anyone elected, as I will do."

.Muhumed Aw Ahmed, who joined the elders in 1988 at Adarosh, (Where the elders committee now the House of Elders was founded) said in his withdrawal speech, "I am doing this to preserve the tradition and prestige of the house. I also withdraw for the unity the country needs to face its enemies."

Two other candidates Mohamed Gahnug and Abdirahman Sheikh Yusuf (Brother of the late chairman and the man who took his chair as member) also announced their withdrawal.

The new chairman who used to be known as Suleiman Ga'l (The infidel) was named by the House as Suleiman Nur ( Suleiman the Light ).

Members of the House of Elders and many from its sister house, that of the Representatives, who came to witness the vote congratulated the new chairman. Outside the parliament building many people who were waiting the result applauded him.

The election seems to have closed the campaign for the vacant post, which was not carried in the western democratic way through public speeches or the media, but through meetings and negotiations in the traditional Somaliland way, in which it solves all problems and reaches decisions on major issues.

Suleiman Mohamoud Aden began his speech saying, "That the candidates who resigned have saved the country from division, specially, Hagi Abdikarim Hussein (Abdi-Warabe) and Muhumad Aw Ahmed, who had strong backing".

Speaking about the House of Elders, he said, "This is a traditional council with all its responsibilities, such as the preservation of tradition and equal justice. It is one of the 2 Houses of parliament and as such it is political. Politics is not something to be scared of. The House of Elders has many important functions to do, and decisions to reach. We represent the people. We have to respect each other and cooperate. I hope that the House will not be negatively criticized. There has to be a division of work and we, on our part, will do the administrative work."

On the sovereignty of Somaliland he said, "The people have reclaimed their independence in 1991 and strengthened their position in 1993, 1997 and in the constitutional Referendum. The state councils cannot alter this decision and any change should be made by the people only".

Quoting the president he said, "We will have any negotiation with Somalia, until they have a government, that is elected by the people."

Suleiman Mohamoud Aden in his speech described the Mbagathii conference as one organized by UN organizations and IGAD countries, which can't be reconciled as a reconciliation conference. He said, "We inform them that the sovereignty of Somaliland is not negotiable as this is the decision of the people, but other issues can be raised and discussed. The constitutional and the resolutions of Mbagathi do not concern us nor will Somaliland be bound by them, but we wish them everything good."

He added, that Mbagathi have shocked people, but as the people have decided their destiny in 1991 he said, "We have nothing to fear for our sovereignty. The international community should know that we support peace but that we will defend our sovereignty with our blood and everything we have."

On the extension of the administration to the east he said, "We wanted to do that since 1991, but we did not do that so far. I won't blame any government for this failure. Every one is to be blamed for that. The government is responsible to do that. We have to cooperate and give hand to the government to extend the administration and reach the eastern border".

Speaking about the development in the country, the newly elected chairman of the House of Elders compared the west and eastern regions, stating that tremendous development has been reached, with students graduating from colleges in the west and some districts in the east, not having even primary schools. He said, "It is our responsibility to urge the government help these districts."

Suleiman described foreign policy as a priority and that all should cooperate and unite to get recognition from the international community. He said, "We should not absent ourselves from international conferences, nor leave responsibility to the government only."

The chairman stressed the necessity of consultation saying, "Politics is based on consultations within the state councils or the political parties. We cannot implement, what is reached without consultations. People should be consulted on major issues. I believe that nothing will go wrong, if things are done that way."

In response to Sifir's BBC interview on Monday, Suleiman said, "He and those who attend reconciliation conference for Somalia, know nothing about where Somaliland stands today. If Sifir had even the support of the community, he would have been someone recognized here. He and the other individuals of Somaliland are in trouble where they are, but Somaliland is not in trouble."

Speaking about the drought, Suleiman called on the UN, INGO's, local NGO's to extend their support to the people hit by the drought, to extend emergency humanitarian support to the drought affected people, specially in the eastern regions and the House of Elders to prepare a plan for collecting contributions.

The Minister thanked UNDP for its support and assistance to judiciary related projects and the Faculty of Law. He said, "We hope that UNDP will continue to provide its assistance."

Maxwell Geylard of UNDP thanked Somaliland for its good cooperation with UNDP and other agencies.

In another development, chairman of Hargiesa University Abdi Haybe Mohamed and the Director General of the Ministry of Education Abdirahman Mohamed Mal in a joint press conference announced that 500 students would be enrolled this year.

Elaborating chairman of Hargeisa University said, "The University has dropped to take entrance exam from students who completed their secondary schools. We will take 400 students from those who complete their secondary school this year, while the remaining 100 will be from 2001-02-03 students".

The chairman added that the exam was dropped by the request of the Ministry of Education, which the university complied with. He said, "This is to give the students an opportunity for a good and promising future."

Mal told the press conference that the ministry of Education will jointly work with the university, during the registration, which began on Thursday.

Hassan Mohamed Jama (Heis) Director of Development and International Relations of Hargeisa University said, "The doors of the university is open to students."

"I congratulate you on the way you have filled the vacant post of the chairman of the House of Elders. All the candidates were members of the governing party of UDUB. I told the cabinet earlier, that it was up to the 82 members to vote for the candidate of their choice and that the government will support the winning candidate," the President said, according to a Press Release from the presidency.

Sheikh Ahmed Nuh Furre, first Deputy Chairman briefed the president on how members of the House of Elders, elected the new chairman unanimously.

Suleiman Mohamoud Aden thanked the candidates who resigned, in front of the president and said, "You did what was best."

Hagi Abdikarim Hussein (Abdi Warabe) one of the candidates said, "Elections are a sign of good government, but the people are not ripe for such elections. We resigned to avoid confrontation among the supporters of the candidate."

Isak said, "I and my clan fully support the sovereignty of Somaliland as a separate state, although we have not got from Somaliland, the support we had expected to get."

Isak did not say what sort of support he expected from Somaliland.

The policy behind the South and North Dir, and ethnic group that never existed in Somaliland and for the first time emerged in Djibouti at the ARTA reconciliation conference and strengthened at Mbegathi, is a political conspiracy to deny the Dir Clan, what is rightfully theirs and at the same time aimed to undermine Somaliland by allowing charlatans of Somaliland origin in the planned government, for the former colony of Somalia.

One has just to look back to the last 50 years or half a century to see the impact of what the fourth years, in every decade, to realize this year had on the people of Somaliland.

It was in 1954 when Great Britain whose protectorate Somaliland was, parted with the territory known as reserved area -a Somaliland territory to Ethiopia. It was a dark year for the people, who strongly protested against this act by its protectorate. The lack of response by the enraged the people - who rarely thought that they were ruled by a foreign power, the struggle for independence began in that year, due to injustice by Great Britain. The result was that Somaliland becomes the first territory to be independent.

A decade later, in 1964, a war was fought with Ethiopia, a war that was limited mostly to Somaliland territory, with its nationals fighting. Due to the people of Somaliland, who defended their country valiantly, the 1964 parliamentary election was held.

It was in 1974, which is 10 years later that the long drought hit parts of Somaliland territory known as northern regions, at that time. The socialist dictatorial regime of Somalia, instead of helping those affected by the drought in their districts or rehabilitating them, in fertile areas in the northern regions, transported them by air, to a territory in South Somalia, where the climate and mode of life was alien to them. It was later discovered that other communities were replacing them. The discovery and the new climate played a role in the return of the majority to their districts. This, together with many other injustices led to the rise of the people against, the ruling socialist regime.

Ten years later, in 1984 the mountain war was fought by SNM. It was a success and failure, but an experience used in the years that followed, which led to the liberation of the country and the reclamation of independence in May 1991.

In 1994, ten years after, the first main attack on Siad's army a civil war was fought, between forces that aspired to defend Somaliland as a sovereign and separate state and those who wanted the formation of a federal state. To years later, it was agreed that its sovereignty as a separate state be preserved.

The year 2004, brought to the lime light the real colours of the unholy alliance of all those who in one way or the other, have been plotting against Somaliland's existence as a sovereign state.

The unveiling of this unholy alliance and the propaganda of trying to convert a molehill to a mountain caused some doubt in the minds of the people.

People began to understand, who the real backers of this manoeuvres are and the desire to defend their freedom and Somaliland's national interest are in increasing, with a speed many outsiders and some insiders may doubt. Time will once more prove, that the 2004 plot against Somaliland will fail and that the result will be, at last attaining what the people have been longing for. Nothing less than recognition.

Unfortunately, the lack of political astuteness, courage, and pragmatism by the leaders of the three successive administrations of Somaliland have clogged the issue and unnecessarily turned the question of Sanaag-Bari and Sool province even more thornier and threatening than it deserves to be.

Moreover, the lack of vision, ineptitude, and sheer negligence of these administrations particularly the current Riyaale administration have even scattered the ongoing negotiations, at the time, between the members of Guurti of Somaliland and the Traditional leaders of the region. Also, their actions as well as their failure to seize upon the many other opportunities that presented itself in resolving this lingering problem once and for all is questionable and unacceptable. Here are some of the opportunities they have lost that could have long resolved the problem of Sanaag-Bari and Sool province:

1.) The SNM freedom fighters had a legitimate Right to secure the unity of our people and territorial integrity of our nation after it defeated and expelled the fascist regime of Dictator Siyaad Bare from Somaliland, but they sadly failed to act or seize on this golden opportunity.

2.) When we extended a nationwide amnesty to the enemy combatants and supporters of the toppled regime at the Burao Conference in 1991 particularly to the inhabitants of Sanaag-Bari area and Sool region, and later declared the restoration of the independence of Somaliland on 18 May 1991; the administration of the late Abdirahman Tuur failed to act or seize upon this important opportunity to secure the unity of our people and territorial integrity of our nation. This was truly a golden opportunity that would have secured the territorial integrity of Somaliland without any tussle!

3.) When Puntland provincial administration of Somalia was formed in 1998, the administration of the late M.I. Egaal failed to nib it in the bud and destroy it at its infancy, but they too failed to act or seize upon this opportunity.

4.) The late M.I. Egaal administration had a legitimate Right to secure the unity of the people and territorial integrity of the country before and after the National Referendum, but they failed to act or seize upon this opportunity.

5.) When Puntland provincial administration of Somalia announced the creation of the so called Ayn province and later the so called Highland province in its evil bid to loot more Somaliland territories, the Riyaale administration had a legitimate Right to secure the unity of the people and to vigorously defend the territorial integrity of the country, but they failed to act or seize upon this opportunity!

6.) The Riyaale administration had a legitimate Right and the support of the citizenry to secure the unity of the people and territorial integrity of the country before and after the local elections, but they failed to act or seize upon this opportunity.

7.) The Riyaale administration had a legitimate Right to secure the unity of the people and territorial integrity of the country before and after the presidential elections, but they failed to act or seize upon this opportunity.

8.) When the current president of Somaliland was attacked by the Puntland terrorist militia at Laas Anood in their bid to assassinate him, it was a gigantic opportunity for Somaliland to immediately retaliate and to pacify the region once and for all, but the government failed to act or seize upon this opportunity.

9.) The Riyaale administration had a legitimate Right to defend, and secure the unity of the people and the territorial integrity of the country when Laas Anood was recently occupied by the rag-tag Puntland terrorist militia, but they failed to follow through with their saber rattling or seize upon this opportunity.

As a result of all these missteps, it is clear that the successive Somaliland administrations has miserably failed to act or seize upon the many opportunities that presented itself, and that has to this day rendered the unity of our people and territorial integrity of our country hanging in the balance for no reason. Whether our government is genuine about the defence of its people and nation or whether it will this time act promptly to seize upon the next opportunity that presents itself remains to be seen.

Whatever the case, it is known to all that the situation in this region has been manufactured by a few, been deliberately neglected, was further complicated, and has been covertly and overtly turned by some into a threat to the cause and territorial integrity of Somaliland. For this reason, we cannot allow this problem to linger any more therefore it should be resolved NOW! The situation of this region can not go on for ever therefore the people and government of Somaliland are incumbent to defend their nation and to bring this problem to an end sooner rather than later.

Overall, we have one more opportunity to secure the unity of our people and territorial integrity of Somaliland, that is, we should be at our international border with Somalia soon after a Transitional National Government of Somalia is declared at Mbagathi, Nairobi. It is also essential that we put this problem behind us before the upcoming parliamentary election in March 2005.

Victory and Liberty to Somaliland,

Congratulations to Chairman Saleebaan for both becoming a member of the the House of Guurti and the new chairman of the House. It is indeed one of his major political accomplishments during his career. Chairman Seleebaan stunned his rivals and nemesis by the sudden change of his political fortune; and the dramatic manner he came back from London and campaigned fiercely in one week to win the Chairmanship by solid majority. The Chairman has shown his resilience, popularity with the people, and the political skills, which overwhelmed his rivals and allowed him to win uncontested. It was indeed clear from the moment he declared his candidacy that his rivals were no match for his political experience and qualification.

The Chairman held many political positions during his career; he was deputy Minister for Siad Barre's government, Minister of Interior in the late President Abdirahman Ahmed Ali's (Tuur) administration, and held cabinet position in the late President Egal's administration as well. He was one of the founders and the chairman of the political party ASAD. He run and lost the Presidential nomination against late Egal in 1997. The Chairman held a cabinet position in every Somaliland administration except Dahir Rayale's, and the political operatives in Somaliland had been spreading rumors that it was a matter of time before Chairman Saleebaan accepts a cabinet position in Rayale's administration. Clearly the Chairman deserves all the credit for being patient enough to wait for the right opportunity. It is an open secret that President Dahir Rayale supported him to win the chairmanship uncontested against well known senior members of the Guurti.

Leadership Style: According to the people who have known the Chairman and have worked with him; The Chairman strongly believes in building strong institutions, strengthening the law and order, securing the borders of Somaliland, and is extremely patriotic man. He also believes in being more proactive and will make the House of Guurti stronger, more respected (some might say more politicized) and will provide leadership in all matters of national interest, as opposed to the traditional leaders who are more reactive, methodical and would prefer to yield to politicians to define the agenda in matters of national interest. One of the immediate challenges facing Chairman Saleebaan is to convince the members of the House of Guurti to depart from their comfortable position and become more proactive and aggressive to bring the changes that he believes are necessary to help the Somaliland people. In the past, the Chairman was allegedly known to have the tendency to be impatient and have strong tribal inclinations, but this new challenge will require him to use every ounce of patience and will force him to balance the traditional tribal interest to succeed as the Chairman of the House of Guurti. The people who have known Chairman Saleebaan believe this is a challenge that he will meet quickly to show his leadership qualities. They are also convinced that he will propose and push through a very strong agenda that he believes will help the people of Somaliland.

Ultimately the Chairman wants to be the President of Somaliland, he already had one unsuccessful run as a candidate against late President Egal, he is extremely motivated to build a successful career as Chairman of the House of Guurti with a list of successful accomplishments, which he believes will put him one step closer to his ambition and he is determined to become a successful Chairman. The traditional leaders, including the late Chairman have one thing in common; lack of ambition and motivation beyond the position of Chairman of the House of Guurti. It is in the best interest of Somaliland to have a strong House of Guurti. In a nutshell, under the leadership of Chairman Saleeban, the House of Guurti will become strong institution that aggressively advocates and proposes legislations, regulations, and policies that will help the Somaliland people.

Political Impact: In the short term; including the upcoming March 2005 parliamentary elections, the Chairman's success will be very helpful to UDUB and Dahir Rayale's administration. He will particularly appeal to more voters from his constituency in the eastern regions. The Chairman had been competing with Ahmed Silanyo, leader of the main opposition party - Kulmiye, for the leadership of his constituency for a long time going as far back as the early part of Siad Barre's regime. The Chairman's new influence will give him more resources to challenge Silanyo more effectively for the support of his constituency in the eastern region. It remains to be seen whether this new influence will be enough to give him the support he needs to become the leader of his constituency. Also, there is a core group of Kulmiye supporters who have been disillusioned with Ahmed Silanyo in the aftermath of the presidential elections, and are disenchanted with the lack of strategy and leadership in the Party. These hardcore Kulmiye supporters strongly believe that Kulmiye Party needs fresh leadership to survive, and that the party is risking another embarrassing failure in the upcoming March 2005 parliamentary election without adopting a new election and party strategy. The new success of the Chairman will likely encourage them to support him.

The Chairman has got an opportunity to define himself politically in the minds of Somaliland voters beyond his constituency now that he holds a prominent national position and can show his leadership qualities to the country. He will use his influence to increase his power base and will form relationships with other groups that will help his political career. To the extend he succeeds to increase UDUB's base; that also establishes him again as a political heavy weight in UDUB party and Dahir Rayale's administration, and ultimately puts him in the fore front as one of the successors to Dahir Rayale, if not his challenger in 2007 for the nomination of UDUB's candidate in the presidential elections. Till then, the Chairman will have his hands on national affairs in Somaliland for many years to come.

Chairman Saleebaan also replaced the late Sheikh Ibrahim who was an icon in Somaliland politics, a courageous and extremely important traditional leader, who represented one of the most affluent and one of the largest constituency in the Capital city of Hargeisa and the surrounding towns, who already felt not only the lost of a great leader, but also the loss of influence and powerful leadership position, which they will not be able to get it back easily. It is reasonable to assume that a large number of these voters will blame Dahir Rayale's administration and UDUB for their misfortune and perceived political loss, and their impact in the parliamentary elections is very difficult to know at this point - however, at the moment they are not politically organized and there is no apparent political successor to Sheikh Ibrahim's constituency.

There is also a core group of UDUB supporters who are traditionally from eastern region and have been sworn enemies of the Chairman as a result of his role in the 1996 Somaliland civil war. The Chairman's new political success will make their resolve stronger and they pose the greatest political challenge to him. At the moment, they have the confidence of President Dahir Rayale and they are not feeling threatened, however, they perceive the success of the Chairman will bring them nothing but political misfortune, hence it is not their best interest to see the Chairman succeed or establish close relationship with President Dahir Rayale, and they will encourage confrontation between the Chairman and the administration. It remains to be seen if the Chairman has the political skill to neutralize their challenge and make friends with the like minded leaders from this constituency, it is unlikely that he will gain supporters in this community, but it is entirely up to him to engage them effectively and find a way to form new political alliance with them.

The Somaliland people are expecting the Chairman to use his experience, knowledge, and influence to bring new legislations, regulations, and necessary policies that will protect the public interest. The people are expecting the Chairman to diligently perform the constitutional role of the House of Guurti by checking the powers of the executive branch and judicial branch. The Somaliland people are expecting Chairman Saleebaan to aggressively fight government corruption, both in the executive and judicial branches. Not to mention regulating the telecommunication companies who forced the people to purchase 2 or 3 telephone services from different companies simply because they refuse to pass calls through each other's systems and establish common revenue sharing agreement between them, instead of forcing the people to pay for the same services twice or 3 times. Finally the people are expecting the Chairman to provide leadership to stop the use of Somalia Shillings in Togdheer and eastern regions once and for all, these are his constituency and no one is more suitable to bring closure to this ugly situation in the city where Somaliland was born. In conclusion, the people of Somaliland are expecting the Chairman will establish his legacy in Somaliland, and help the people and his country by coordinating a peaceful and political negotiation in to the Sool conflict to bring a resolution to a problem that had never received the attention it deserves from successive Somaliland administrations - The people have very high expectations of the Chairman.

The government spokesman, Ali Muhammad Warran A'de, who is the presidential spokesman, spoke about the adverse manner in which the conference could affect Somaliland and urged members of the public to hold protests against plots against Somaliland which are being hatched at the Mbagathi conference.

The Kulmiye Party said it fully supported the statement made by President Riyale which has now seen the dangers which were highlighted by Kulmiye Party in the past.

The Kulmiye Party had in the past spoken about the effects which the Mbagathi conference would or could bring on Somaliland and said people should be prepared to counter it. However, government officials had in the past dismissed the fears saying the conference would have no effects on Somaliland (passage omitted).

The positive and unexpected turn of events happened thanks to the farsightedness and exceptional wisdom of Haji Abdikarim Husayn who withdrew his candidacy in order to avoid the prospect of a divisive contest that may stain the dignity of the House of Elders. Haji Abdikarim Husayn put his decision to withdraw his candidacy in the context of his long and tireless struggle to establish peace and security in Somaliland. He said his first priority is the preservation of peace and that he does not want to upset or hurt anyone. He reminded his colleagues that they have peace and freedom in their country, and that each of them is a leader. Haji Abdikarim Husayn also touched on Somaliland's history and its past dealings with various foreign powers.

Haji Abdikarim Husayn's speech showed why he is respected and admired by so many Somalilanders. Not only did it display firm grasp of Somaliland's history, but also how that history is related to the moment. Haji Abdikarim Husayn indeed seized that moment and tough his wit and wisdom ennobled all of us.

The new chairman, Suleiman Mahmud Adan, clearly has his work cut out for him. Shaykh Ibrahim Shaykh Yusuf Shaykh Madar, Suldan Muhammad Suldan Farah (the Prince of Peace who passed away earlier this year) and their colleagues have set a high bar for judging his performance. But he also brings a higher level of formal education than many of his colleagues who are more traditionally oriented. The challenge for him, as it is for Somalilanders in general, is to be able to maintain a healthy balance between traditional ways and the demands of the modern age. We congratulate him and wish him the best of luck.

One has just to look back to the last 50 years or half a century to see the impact of what the fourth years, in every decade, to realize this year had on the people of Somaliland.

It was in 1954 when Great Britain whose protectorate Somaliland was, parted with the territory known as reserved area -a Somaliland territory to Ethiopia. It was a dark year for the people, who strongly protested against this act by its protectorate.

The lack of response by the enraged the people - who rarely thought that they were ruled by a foreign power, the struggle for independence began in that year, due to injustice by Great Britain. The result was that Somaliland becomes the first territory to be independent.

A decade later, in 1964, a war was fought with Ethiopia, a war that was limited mostly to Somaliland territory, with its nationals fighting. Due to the people of Somaliland, who defended their country valiantly, the 1964 parliamentary election was held.

It was in 1974, which is 10 years later that the long drought hit parts of Somaliland territory known as northern regions, at that time. The socialist dictatorial regime of Somalia, instead of helping those affected by the drought in their districts or rehabilitating them, in fertile areas in the northern regions, transported them by air, to a territory in South Somalia, where the climate and mode of life was alien to them. It was later discovered that other communities were replacing them. The discovery and the new climate played a role in the return of the majority to their districts. This, together with many other injustices led to the rise of the people against, the ruling socialist regime.

Ten years later, in 1984 the mountain war was fought by SNM. It was a success and failure, but an experience used in the years that followed, which led to the liberation of the country and the reclamation of independence in May 1991.

In 1994, ten years after, the first main attack on Siad's army a civil war was fought, between forces that aspired to defend Somaliland as a sovereign and separate state and those who wanted the formation of a federal state. To years later, it was agreed that its sovereignty as a separate state be preserved.

The year 2004, brought to the lime light the real colours of the unholy alliance of all those who in one way or the other, have been plotting against Somaliland's existence as a sovereign state.

The unveiling of this unholy alliance and the propaganda of trying to convert a molehill to a mountain caused some doubt in the minds of the people.

People began to understand, who the real backers of this manoeuvres are and the desire to defend their freedom and Somaliland's national interest are in increasing, with a speed many outsiders and some insiders may doubt. Time will once more prove, that the 2004 plot against Somaliland will fail and that the result will be, at last attaining what the people have been longing for. Nothing less than recognition.

Today two years ago, on February 17, 2004, the great Sultan of Puntland, Somalia, Ahmed Mohamed Hurre was gunned down by the special body guards of Col. Abdullahi Yusuf, the brutal dictator of Puntland. It is widely believed that the Sultan was assassinated because of his political views.

It is common knowledge to all the people of Puntland, most of the Somalis and the international community involved in Somali affairs that Col. Abdullahi sent the assassins who gunned down the Sultan point blank. Co. Yousuf was few kilometres away from the site of the heinous crime - the Kalabayr village.

The death of many people, of which Sultan Hurre and Col. Farah-Dheere were the most known, has simply passed as non event in Puntland. No finger was lifted to investigate simply because the killer was the boss. This is Col. Abdullahi's justice trade mark. Similar travesties in justice took place in Gaalkacyo when murderers in a jail were let go by force and in Buurtinle when Abdulllahi ordered the release of criminal who had committed murder in a mosque, of all places. This is Abdullahi justice trade mark - people are not equal and some can get away with a broad-day light assassination. Alas, Siyad Barre would be a saint in this regard.

Sultan Hurre's death is not simply going away as Col Abdullahi and his cohorts dream. It is an issue that all Sultan Hurre's acquaintances, those who did not know him but shocked by the killing, and the human rights activists will keep pressing until justice sees the light of the day and his assassins are brought before court. SPR is welcoming the court procedure against the defendant (Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed) in UK. It is a tangible success that finally the Colonel came to realize that he can not hob-nob the world with blood on his hands. London, the Sultan's hometown, has fulfilled an obligation. SPR is asking the international community that Suldan Hurre's assassination should go to the crimes against humanity court as a test case for the Horn of Africa.

We have warned the Somalis that we should not have a short memory. We should not support or accept someone who is fixed on ruling with the barrel of the gun and brutal force. That is what brought us here. Elimination of intellectuals, respected officers, religious personalities is where the down fall of Somalia had started. Sultan Hurre, a high profile Issim in Puntland and Somalia at large, and the rest of those who were killed for political reasons, deserve a support from us - we Somalis.

What brought us where we are now is silence that a dictator had translated as an approval. The record should be set straight and the criminals should face the music.

Introduction:

In recent months, a number of Somaliland trucks transporting legitimate and taxed goods to the Somali the Federal Republic of Ethiopia have been terrorized, ambushed, robbed, and burnt by the ONLF terrorists operating in the region.

As a result of this terrorism, Somaliland traders have lost hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of property, and millions of dollars worth of trade and taxes between the two neighboring states. Moreover, the operation and provocation of these ONLF terrorists in the region has undoubtedly retarded progress and development of the Somali State, disrupted the border trade between the two countries, and may eventually endanger the Somaliland -Ethiopia border security arrangements if nothing is done to reverse this dangerous development in the region.

Although the ONLF terrorists blame Somaliland for starting the enmity by unfairly deporting to Ethiopia or incarcerating a number of its guerillas or kinsmen in Hargeysa and try to justify their criminal acts of terrorism as acts of legitimate revenge, it is further from the truth, that they are actually fighting a proxy war for Djibouti and Puntland against the economic interests of both Somaliland and Ethiopia. These terrorists also receive support and training from other countries in the region particularly Eritrea.

Nevertheless, the truck burnings strategy by the ONLF terrorists has many facets in regards to the respective interests of the countries involved in this terrorism and treasonous crime. However, the main strategy of the truck burnings is to breach and inflame the peaceful coexistence between the Isaaq and Ogaaden/Darood inhabitants of the Somali State, ignite a civil war, and to create a situation of general insecurity and instability in this area so as to disrupt the Somaliland -Ethiopia border trade, to further destabilize the Berbera port, and to eventually undermine the economic independence of Somaliland. For this reason, we will briefly examine the characteristics of the stated strategy and the involvement of the different players in this colossal crime as follows:

The Djibouti's Involvement:

It is not a secret that Djibouti collaborated with and in a subservient manner served the fascist and tyrannical regime of dictator Siyaad Bare against our interests during the SNM long and bitter struggle to liberate our people and nation. It is also in cahoots with the criminal War Lords of Somalia, has hosted the failed Arta Conference, and is still working tirelessly to reconstitute the crumbled Somalia so as to resuscitate the horrible dream of Greater Somalia that has long died in order to undermine the existence of Somaliland. There is no doubt that Djibouti is Somaliland's No. 1 enemy. Therefore it will not hesitate to use or collaborate with the enemies of Somaliland regardless of who they are. Djibouti's policies, actions, and enmity against Somaliland are not a new phenomena and not surprising anymore.

But what is unknown to most Somalilanders is Djibouti's ongoing proxy war waged against the economic interests of Somaliland by the ONLF terrorists operating in the Somali the Federal Ethiopia. The ONLF terrorists infiltrated the country from Djibouti and their main mission to undermine peace and security in the country, to halt the Somaliland -Ethiopia border trade, and to damage the Somaliland -Ethiopia security agreements. This mission is also intended to further destabilize the function of the Berbera port, the only port of our country.

On the other hand, this strategy is also meant to send signal to the international community particularly the European Union that the use of Berbera port-Tog Wajaale route is not safe for shipments of humanitarian relief to the famine affected areas of Ethiopia, and that the only safest route is the Djibouti-Dire Dawa-Jig Jiga route.

The Eritrea's Involvement:

We know that Eritrea's support for Somalia/Greater Somalia is in relation with the moral support in which the fascist regime of Dictator Siyaad Bare offered to Eritrean during their independence struggle against Ethiopia. At the period, the regime of Somalia treated well the few Eritrean refugees who managed to arrive at Mogadishu. Also, the regime issued Somalia passports to these foreign refugees, and even paid the air fares for some to various Middle East destinations particularly to Saudi Arabia.

Consequently, Somalia was using the Eritrean refugees issue in retaliation of Ethiopia's support of the SSDF guerillas and SNM freedom fighters. Therefore, Eritrea's support of the ONLF is in relation to this strategy is confined to its enmity with Ethiopia. Eritrea seems to be putting into practice the saying, "The enemy of your enemy is your friend." Above all, Eritrea maintains a secret training camp for the ONLF terrorists. And after training these terrorists are allowed to travel to Djibouti for further indoctrination, and finally transported to infiltrate our country tough Somaliland -Djibouti border in order to carry acts of terrorism against our economic interests.

The Puntland's Involvement:

Puntland's involvement in the Djibouti proxy war comprises of two factors: 1.) The ONLF are the kin of the Harti tribes. That is why the ONLF guerillas showed their solidarity with Puntland militia by sending many of its terrorists to back "Beast-Man" Warlord Abdullahi Yusuf when Somaliland deployed troops to the region, and 2.) For many years, Puntland provincial administration had been scheming to divert the Ogaaden/Darood trading route from Hargeysa-Berbera port to the Gaal Kaayo-Bosaso port, and it seems that they have finally succeeded in this endeavor.

In fact, a much less Ogaaden/Darood business comes to Hargeysa nowadays. And that is why Somaliland traders desperately travel further into the dangerous hinterland of the Somali State to places such as Fiiq and elsewhere in such of consumers, only to be ambushed later by the ONLF terrorists, robbed, and their trucks burnt. This is evidence that Puntland has succeeded to divert trade from Hargeysa-Berbera port. Also, with the help of Riyaale administration's ulterior motives to maintain high taxes, Puntland managed to lure Somaliland traders to its Bosaso port and cashing in our precious dollars needed for our country.

Conclusion:

The strategy behind the truck burnings by the ONLF Terrorists is actually part of a sinister plot by Djibouti to destroy the economic independence of Somaliland. Above all, it is a clear proxy war by Djibouti against the economic interests of both Somaliland and Ethiopia. This strategy is a threat to our peace and security, has already inflamed the peaceful coexistence of the Isaaq and Ogaaden/Darood inhabitants of the Somali Ethiopia, and if the culprits are not stopped; the enemy might have his wish to ignite unnecessary civil war, undermine our general economy, and may further destabilize the Berbera port. The ONLF Terrorists are fighting a proxy war for Djibouti and Puntland, and this has to be stopped sooner rather than later.

Recommendations:

1. Reduce Berbera port taxes and maintain permanent low taxation levels below the rates of Bosaso port in order to lure back Somaliland traders, to benefit the country, and to generate employment for our citizenry.

2. Appoint by merit new Port Authority team to manage the Berbera port.

3. Send a high level delegation to Ethiopia to deal with the provocation and threat of the ONLF Terrorists in the Somali Ethiopia.

4. Demand financial compensation from Ethiopia for the victims of the truck burnings, looted properties, and for the loss of business as the result of the ONLF terrorism.

5. Strengthen level of cooperation and the border security arrangements between Somaliland and Ethiopia.

6. Lift the harsh restrictions imposed on Awdal province and Awdalians traders with the pretext of dealing in contraband goods, and facilitate a free border trade between Somaliland and Djibouti in order to create jobs for our unemployed citizenry.

7. Extend the administration to Sanaag-Bari and Sool province immediately to curb the menace of Puntland and other enemies.

8. Warn Djibouti against its interference in Somaliland internal affairs, and temporarily halt all contacts and dealings with the Djibouti government.

News about the resignation sent shivers among government ministers accompanying Rayale on a 2-days visit to Borama.

The Gabilay-born Osman Hassan Mire told reporters on Friday that he resigned after the President declined to address a number of issues he had raised with him.

Rayale's visit to Borama began Thursday morning. He was scheduled to make a stopover in Gabilay, Friday, on his way back to Hargeisa.

The president's departure from Borama was postponed 24 hours, in order to give the government enough time to calm any tension that the resignation of the aviation minister may have caused in Gabilay.

According to reliable sources, the resigning minister, despite being from Gabilay, was left out of the team of ministers who went along with the president to Borama. Osman Hassan later decided to catch up with the President, in Borama, to consult with him on his planned visit to Gabilay. Osman Hassan reportedly asked the president whether he was going to make any official announcements during the Gabilay stop-over. The minister wanted to know whether the president was ready to fulfill a pledge he had made during a previous visit to upgrade Gabilay's status from a district to a region.

According to sources close to the resigning minister, Rayale seemed uncomfortable with Osman Hassan's questions. The President allegedly at one point bitterly reminded Osman Hassan that he lost Gabilay to Kulmiye opposition party during last year's presidential elections. Concerned that Osman Hassan's resignation might trigger protests during the president's visit to Gabilay, Interior Minister, Ismael Adan Osman; Finance Minister Awil Dualeh, and Police Chief Mohamed Ege all descended on Gabilay, Friday, with the aim of calming any potential trouble.

Gabilay inhabitants are expected to politely receive the president when he arrives in the town this morning, but there may be some backlash in the long-term.

The Classroom Environment

The Blackboard or Chalkboard:

Keep your chalkboard neat and tidy. It is not uncommon to find all kinds of disorganized scribbles on chalkboards. Quite often these include the scribbling of pupils. You must always start your lessons with a clean chalkboard. Plan the use of your chalkboard during the preparation of each lesson and use it only as indicated in your plan. After your lesson, leave the board clean for the use of the next teacher.

Classroom layout:

The way pupils' desks or tables are arranged depends on the age of the pupils and the tasks you want them to do during a given lesson. In the lower primary classes it is common to arrange the desks so that pupils face each other in a group, while at the same time they are able to see the teacher easily. In the upper primary classes desks are usually arranged in rows. But desks can and should be rearranged to suit group work whenever this is found to be necessary.

It is best to plan your classroom layout during lesson preparation according to the requirements of the activities that lie ahead. On paper, draw the layout you intend to use, bearing in mind the equipment and furniture available. In many schools the scarcity of furniture, not to mention other equipment, is a limiting factor. You may use your class list to assign pupils to particular groups and positions. Record the names on your plan. This will help you to locate any particular pupil with ease when the need arises. Ensure that all pupils have sufficient space for movement about the classroom. Do not place desks against the walls. Pupils should be able to leave and return to their desks without crawling under them or jumping over them. Allow enough space for the various learning areas, the "center of interest" and the library corner.

The position of the teacher's table or desk is very important. It should be positioned in such away that all pupils could see the teacher at the desk clearly. It should also be placed so that the teacher can get to it and away from it quite easily, and can attend to chalkboard tasks without difficulty. From his or her desk the teacher should be able to observe the whole class-every pupil should be within eye-view.

If you are sharing the use of a class with other teachers, don't let your classroom layout be a hindrance to them. Rearrange the furniture to its original position before the next teacher comes in, unless your arrangement suits him also. Prior consultation is necessary in this case.

In the ongoing "War against Terrorism" small and stable Djibouti has become an important player. Here, large US, French and NATO troops are strategically stationed, mostly engaged in intelligence work. The small desert state thus has become increasingly visible in international media.

Djibouti's visibility as an important military base is only set to increase by the ongoing shooting of a new and costly French film production. "Les Chevaliers du Ciel", which already has been called a French quality version of the Hollywood financial success "Top Gun", focuses its shooting on locations in France - including the Champs Elys,es military parade - Britain and Djibouti.

Shooting of the film were noted by the heavy presence of film cameras during the traditional military parade and airshow along Paris most famous boulevard on the French national day, 14 July. The camera and actors' teams are moving to Djibouti and the Farnborough airshow in Britain before shooting is expected to end during December this year.

According to the producers, the filming is strongly supported by the French airforce and Ministry of Defence, which has gone out of its way to assure the best possible conditions for the crew, including opening up its military bases in Djibouti. As the movie will mirror a hero action like image of the French airforce, authorities count on a propaganda effect and on increased recruitment for its armed forces. The giant production is set to become the most expensive in the French cinema's history so far, with a budget of euro 20 million. Actors BenoOt Magimel, Clovis Cornillac and Alice Taglioni feature on the star list. Prestigious film director G,rard Pirs - known from "Taxi", "Riders" and "Double Z,ro" - heads the production, which he calls "the most ambitious aviation film ever made in France."

Originally, the story is based on a comic created for the journal 'Pilote' in 1959 by the authors Jean-Michel Charlier y Albert Uderzo - the latter also being the text writer of the famous Asterix series. The well-told story in the late 1960s became a popular TV series, which again was reproduced in a new version twenty years later. This year, the version of text writer Gilles MalenOon of the adventures of Tanguy and Laverdure for the first time are going to the cinema in a production that is expected to be shown world-wide. Tanguy and Laverdure, two French military pilots this time stationed in Djibouti, are to save the world from terrorism in a production that is said to imitate the action genre as produced by the Hollywood industry.

According to information released by Unifrance, the international promotion agency of French cinema productions, one expects that the new prestigious movie will be released on France's national day next year, 14 July 2005 - at least for the French cinema audience.

There is little doubt that Djibouti's dictator, Ismail Omar Gelle, will recognize such a government given the crucial role Djibouti has played in keeping the Mbagathi talks alive. Djibouti did not stop there, but it embarked on extensive efforts to persuade IGAD to allow Somaliland -born mercenaries to participate in the Mbagathi conference as representatives of Somaliland. Once Djibouti succeeded in convincing IGAD, then it began recruiting individuals of Somaliland origin and facilitated their departure to Nairobi.

Djibouti's conduct stands in stark contrast with President Dahir Rayale's description of that country's leaders, in the aftermath of his last year's visit to Djibouti, as Somaliland's truly reliable friends. President Rayale may have been using diplomatic sweet-talk to nudge Djibouti into Somaliland's side. But there is also the possibility that Gelle, a man very well-schooled in the art of deception, had succeeded in tricking Somaliland's president into thinking that Djibouti is Somaliland's best friend. If the latter scenario were true, then it would not be the first time that Gelle had fooled a Somaliland president. Towards the end of 1999, just a few months before the Arta conference got underway, President Gelle assured the then Somaliland President, Egal, that the Djiboutian initiative was meant to restore peace to ex-Italian Somalia. Egal, then, not only endorsed Gelle's plan for Somalia, but also pleaded with both Somalis and the international community to lend it their support. Egal, however, very quickly realized that he was duped by Gelle and admitted it in public. But there are hardly any signs that President Rayale has seriously considered the possibility that he might have been double-crossed by Gelle.

Djibouti's activities vis-a-vis Somaliland, particularly at the Mbagathi conference, warrant a reassessment of the President's attitude and policies toward that country. One option, is for Somaliland to align itself with the Djiboutian opposition who are seeking democratic change. Allowing Djiboutian opposition groups to establish a presence in Somaliland would significantly strengthen the confidence and determination of Djiboutians struggling for the realization of justice and freedom in their country. It would also give Somaliland a strong hand in dealing with Gelle's anti-Somaliland schemes.

A general formulation of the mission of a university in Burao-Somaliland today would certainly contain the prime responsibility to provide men and women adequately trained to contribute to the development of the nation and of the community surrounding it. It would state that the University should also contribute to the enhancement of the knowledge about the resources of the country, to protecting the environment and to bringing about long-term and sustainable human-centered development policies. It should contribute to widen the world knowledge in particular in the socio-economic, cultural and political spheres by which the country or community is best positioned or need to do so. It should contribute to the respect for human rights and promote social justice, equity and democratic values, as well as the rights of women, children, minorities and disadvantaged groups. It should contribute for peace, stability and harmony in the community, country, region and world-widely.

The special situation of Somaliland government makes the role of the university as a developmental engine more important then is the case elsewhere, particularly in the least development countries. In spite of the poor development of the scientific and technological environment and the serious constraints, universities in Somaliland are often the only institution in the country, or among the very few institutions, with the human resources, the skills, the logistics, the organization and the networks that determine quality training of human resources and the conduction of advanced research. Universities are also singularly endowed in their capacity to offer outreach programmes to small and medium size enterprises, to services, to community organizations and to society at large -- covering a wide range of areas including literacy and adult education, health and vaccination programmes, in-service training for professionals, civic education, etc.

As a result each and every university in Somaliland is called upon to adjust its mandate to the specific needs of the country and to achieve a pragmatic balance between this and the classic university model. For example, are today expected to cater for the majority of excluded and neglected under the previous regime. The challenge is to make room and expand access particularly to those who until recently could only attend educational institutions designed to provide second-class education. Simultaneously they are expected to retain their excellence and relevance.

These orientations take account of the evolution of thinking in the field and of current "best practice" in assistance - in doing so they offer some agreed interim guidance for all concerned with assistance and with policy dialogues to advance these goals. It is expected that this shared framework will be further strengthened and refined by experience.

Introduction

1. It has become increasingly apparent that there is a vital connection between open, democratic and accountable systems of governance and respect for human rights, and the ability to achieve sustained economic and social development. Although these links are neither simple nor uniform, varying greatly from case to case and with respect to both time and place, it is believed that sustainable development requires a positive interaction between economic and political progress. This connection is so fundamental that participatory development and good governance must be central concerns in the allocation and design of development assistance.

2. The themes of these "orientations" are centered on human beings as both the ends and means of a society's development and of its political life. These values are of vital interest to our publics and lawmakers and they are now fully accepted as integral to sustainable development within a society and for effective development co-operation internationally. The interest is particularly in supporting the trend towards democratization in Somaliland, reflecting the basic aspirations of its people.

3. At the same time that these objectives are accepted as vital and urgent. Achieving them is a long, complex and uneven process in any society and that no society can achieve perfection. Clearly as well, while there are certain universal standards that cannot be compromised, the evolving needs and special conditions of each country will heavily influence the pattern of progress, and must be borne in mind in every attempt to help advance that progress.

4. The agendas for good governance, participatory development, human rights and democratization are clearly interlinked. They include elements which are basic values in their own right, such as human rights and the principles of participation, and others such as accountability, transparency and high standards of public sector management, which are also means to developmental ends. Some of the objectives, such as the rule of law, must be viewed as both ends in themselves and means to, viable development

5. Specifically, the overall agenda includes the following interlinkages: the legitimacy of government which depends on the existence of participatory processes and the consent of those who are governed; the accountability of the political and official elements of government for their actions, depending on the availability of information, freedom of the media, transparency of decision making and the existence of mechanisms to call individuals and institutions to account for their conduct; accountability also exists at the political level tough representative government and the political process; the competence of government to formulate appropriate policies, make timely decisions, implement them effectively, deliver services; respect for human rights and the rule of law, to guarantee individual and group rights and security, provide a viable framework for economic and social activity and allow and encourage individuals to participate.

6. A key cross-cutting concern in these issues is countering the systematic under-representation of the female half of the population in all the processes and institutions concerned. Improving the situation of women (and thus the respect of these basic values and the maximization of their developmental benefits) requires strategies that take gender differences fully into account. Participatory methodologies of project design and implementation can be an effective strategy for expanding opportunities for women because their needs, abilities and concerns are addressed from the beginning.

7. Similarly, the involvement of local communities is essential to effective management of the environment and natural resources. The integration of environmental concerns with economic and social goals - fundamental to sustainable development -- depends on access to information and the transparency as well as accountability of public sector activities.

8. The "areas for action" toughout the paper identify a sample of close to one hundred measures, from the wide-ranging to the highly-specific, most of which have already been shown to be effective in promoting tangible improvements. They extend from targeted measures to strengthen legal or accounting expertise to broad-based action to reduce excessive military expenditure, to multifaceted action in support of human rights, effective participation and strengthened civil society. The examples provided are far from exhaustive.

9. The general approach reflected here embodies a number of basic guidelines:

As recalled by the 1993 Vienna Declaration on Human Rights, the human being is the central subject of development.

The developing countries themselves are ultimately responsible for their own development. The effectiveness of their policies and institutions is central to their development successes and failures and the eventual attainment of self-reliance.

External co-operation efforts in participatory development and good governance should help strengthen those promising trends which emerge in individual countries.

A deepened and strengthened policy dialogue with development partners is the most important vehicle for advancing these concerns at the policy level.

Operationally, the key emphasis in assistance will be on capacity-building, i.e. helping a society to develop and harness its own expertise and mechanisms to ensure continued observance and evolution of these goals.

Education, in all forms and at all levels, and with particular emphasis on women's equal access, is the main underpinning of a functioning civil society and thus of strengthened participation, improved governance and respect for human rights and democracy.

The recent oil price spike, which shot up in the past few weeks to a new historic high of $45 a barrel, and at the fastest pace in more than twenty years, is believed to be a structural phenomenon, which is set to have a long-lasting impact on the world economy. This recent price shock has been brought about by combinations of normal economic fundamentals; a shortage of supply and a limited capacity by the world's leading suppliers, faced by a rapid increase of demand, driven mostly by the phenomenonal economic growth of China and India. Coupled with the geopolitical factors ranging from the effects of September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States to the recent Al-Qaida attacks in Saudi Arabia, which has always been considered the world's central banker to the oil market. Not to mention the situation in Iraq, and the ever-deteriorating domestic troubles of Venezuela and Nigeria.

Coming back to the theme of this article; the doomsday predictions and the uncertainties surrounding the long- term sustainability of the flow of oil from the OPEC countries has had a positive impact on Africa, and in particular in East Africa, including Somaliland. This is because high oil prices increase the economic viability of new oil exploration and production at high-cost and high-risk sites. Thus, East-Africa is becoming an increasingly interesting site for oil exploration and production, which should lead to strongly enhanced investments. As already reported, new evidence suggests possible oil reserves in East Africa, stretching from `Madagascar to the tip of Somaliland. This has prompted several major oil exploration companies to begin drilling in Tanzania, and at least tee other companies, including the oil giant Royal Dutch Shell, are searching off the coast of Tanzania. Other companies from the United States, Britain, Australia, Malaysia, and Denmark are also exploring offshore in Kenya, Madagascar and Mozambique.

As disclosed in the budget of 2004-5, Somaliland has earned $500,000 from companies surveying Somaliland's coast for oil explorations, some Somaliland independent observers have even put this figure close to a $1 million! Its also understood that the present administration of Somaliland has entered negotiations with South African, Malaysian and a Canadian oil exploring companies, but is understandably, guarding these negotiations from the media, in fear of Somalilandenemies gate-crashing the party, by accusing these companies of breaking international law by entering negotiations with an un-recognised country, and hence, fuelling Somaliland's secession from the rest of Somalia, A charge that could have serious economic ramifications on these companies.

However, For Somaliland's untapped resources to bear fruit sooner than later, with or without recognition, it needs to lure more aggressively the international oil investors to the potential gains from Somaliland's oil reserves.

The renewed search for oil has heightened hopes in East of Africa, as it could potentially soon join the ranks of Africa's major oil producers and reap enormous financial rewards. BUT critics of oil exploration in East Africa say Sudan, along with Nigeria and Angola, are examples of how promised billions of dollars in oil revenue have failed to alleviate poverty and have only deepened government corruption and internal conflicts. Therefore, it's a must that a good governance, accountability, transparency, and well-functioning legislative chambers and institutions with sound economic development programs are put in place, if Somaliland and its likes in East Africa, are to learn from the mishaps of their west African counterparts. If not, petrol dollars could have mixed blessings for East of Africa!

St. Paul, August 19, 2004 (The Pioneer Press)

Last month, the Bush administration missed its congressional deadline to produce a report on U.S. policy in Somalia. This failure is disappointing, baffling - and dangerous.

I applaud the administration's East African Counter-Terrorism Initiative, which recognizes that there are real threats in Somalia. We know that al-Qaida has used Somalia as a safe haven and training ground. We know that some of the more troubling actors on the international scene are sometimes the only ones involved in providing basic services to people in parts of Somalia - such that parents there can send children to an extremist school or to no school at all. But the East African Counter-Terrorism Initiative only focuses on the states around Somalia, not on Somalia itself. Shouldn't the United States get in the game, work toward order and stability, and compete for these hearts and minds? Shouldn't we have a policy toward Somalia?

I raised this issue at a hearing I chaired in early 2002, and confirmed my fear that we have no real strategy. I have asked about it since at hearings and in meetings. There have been no real answers.

For two years in a row, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has approved legislation containing a provision that I authored calling for a Somalia strategy, but no such strategy has been shared with us. I worked with congressional appropriators to ensure that they called for a report - due July 23 - on our strategy in Somalia when they passed last year's foreign operations appropriations bill. My concern is not simply about the administration missing the deadline. It is about the fact that the United States has been failing to address this issue for years, even after the horrifying wake-up call of Sept. 11.

This is all the more disappointing as the failure to produce a viable strategy for U.S. policy in Somalia comes just as the 9/11 Commission's report has underscored the importance of doing just that. The 9/11 Commission report documents al-Qaida's history in Somalia and goes on to explicitly identify Somalia as one of a handful of places where experts believe terrorists are most likely to find sanctuary and base their operations. The commission's recommendation is clear:

"The U.S. govt. must identify and prioritize actual or potential terrorist sanctuaries. For each, it should have a realistic strategy to keep possible terrorists insecure and on the run, using all elements of national power."

Somalia is perhaps the world's most apt example of a failed state. Our strategy toward Somalia cannot be limited to batting down immediate threats - it should also be about preventing more threats from emerging by helping to bring lasting stability to this highly unstable place. That entails building solid relationships, gaining access to solid information and giving Somali parents and youth a reason to feel some hope for their future. We should develop policies today with the aim of ensuring that our children will not face threats from the Horn of Africa in the years to come. We must, as the 9/11 Commission advised, prevent the continued growth of terrorism. I am told that perhaps a Somalia report will be produced and delivered to Congress over the next few months. I hope so. We cannot continue to bury our heads in the sand; we cannot continue to operate without any real foreign policy when it comes to this strategically located country that is home to millions of Muslims coping with insecurity and deprivation every day.

It is not easy to develop a strategy for engaging Somalis and working to create a future in which Somalia is not a source of chaos or an attractive haven for terrorists.

It is not easy, but it is necessary.

Russ Feingold, D-Wis., is ranking member of the Senate's Africa Subcommittee.

As people both at home and abroad know, the series of public debates called CAAWA CAQLI KEEN (Come Up With Solution Tonight) had been banned tough a decree issued on July 18, 2004 by the Ministry of Interior in contravention to the Constitution. The goals of this series were: 1) to reactivate or consolidate the collaboration of the government and the public necessary for building Somaliland, 2) to prepare preventive measures warding off potential dangers coming out of a government frantically cobbled up in Mbagathi, Kenya; 3) to solve other problems of Somaliland tough collective debate and deliberation; and 4) to advance tough exercise in freedom of expression and therefore to teach the public the democratic principles contained in the Constitution.

Unfortunately, the executive branch of the government found unexplained threats in these public debates. As a result, it issued a decree and used armed force in ways characteristic of dictatorships or governments who have some shady aspects to hide from the public. I was one of the people who had organized this series of public debates. Using reason and with respect, the organizers (I and representatives of other civil society organizations) tried solve the problems the government found in the public debates. For this reason, we temporarily suspended the series until we solved problems with the government, although we knew for sure that the debates would be most useful for the government and people of Somaliland.

In quest for solution, I met with President Dahir Rayale Kahin on the evening of July 21, 2004. Our discussions that evening proceeded well since both of us were interested to find amicable solution. At the end of an exchange marked by mutual respect and regard, the President suggested a way of solving the problem he described as misunderstanding. He promised to organize a meeting on the morning of July 24, 2004 between tee representative of civil society (led by myself) and the Minister of Planning, the Minister of Interior, and the Attorney General. We thought the suggestion quite reasonable and therefore we methodically prepared for that meeting.

To our surprise, we learned on the morning that the meeting was to take that the President had requested postponement of the meeting. We were of course puzzled by postponement but we patiently waited. Respecting the President and considering the interest of the country, we continued the suspension of CAAWA CAQLI KEEN until the misunderstanding was cleared up.

However, we found no response from the government. Worse, while we patiently waited, the government took an action as shocking as it was unprecedented. On July 28, 2004, the Ministry of Planning sent me a letter announcing that it dismissed the legal registration of the Center for Creative Solution, the organization I founded and directed. The letter also indicated that copies of that letter were sent to the President, to the relevant office of the EU and the UN, and to other organizations.

This letter revealed the ignorance of its writer (and whoever ordered him to write it) about basic international principles governing civil society organizations. Instead of getting angry because it target my center, I was actually embarrassed by the ignorance of officials. For one thing, they do not know the difference between registration and license with their distinct meaning and the different rules governing them. I was also embarrassed for a government seeking international recognition (by implication accepts international principles), yet resorts to arbitrary and rustic (village) rules and then disseminates its misinformed actions to the very international community from which it seeks recognition.

When I investigated the causes of this problem exacerbation, I learned that tee ministers, in particular two of them, used disinformation to sow seeds of discord in their pursuit of personal power and to avoid accountability. Every president reaches decisions based on the information provided to him by those closest to him. But the president and the country are in peril when only a core group feed him the information they want to the exclusion of other sources. Such manipulation of information by a few has historically brought down many dictators, of which Siyad and Saddam are the latest illustrations.

The two ministers mentioned above believe that they have an exclusive contract on access to the President, that they are superior to all ministers and other high officials in the government. I was amused to learn from reliable sources that the two of them had disputed in a meeting as to which of them was Prime Minister - a rank they usurped and role never delegated constitutionally. Nonetheless, these two ministers are deeply insecure because, never elected by the people, they can be readily dismissed with only one short remark - "get lost" - uttered by the President whenever he wishes.

The campaign of disinformation they carried out against me also reveals their insecurity because they know, as demonstrated on the evening meeting of July 21, 2004, the President and I can reach amicable solutions to problems. In fact, they were angry that this meeting ever took place because presumably I bypassed their exclusive contract of controlling communication with the President or I undermined their usurped role as Prime Ministers.

Since we suspended CAAWA CAQLI KEEN, my civil society colleagues have been engaged with these ministers in the search for solution. Because their patient and persistent work produced no solution, it became clear to me that the two ministers do not value or respect dialogue or reason to solve problems. The only available checks on ministers out of control are the President or the appropriate parliamentary institutions. Such checks seem to be inoperative at the present time.

To justify their unconstitutional actions, the two ministers hinted that they had obtained secret information about Bulhan showing his seditious and subversive work against Somaliland. My civil society colleagues asked the ministers to reveal such secret information they claim to have and to try me in court. The ministers complied with neither request. In reality, I am not one who is threatened by such cheap tactics. If secret information exists about anyone, it is not about me but about them. If someone deserves a just court, it is not me but it is them. My record is well known.

I returned to Somaliland in 1995. I returned to mediate the internecine conflicts that broke out then. I returned in haste in the search for peace because I could not bear the news that the very victims of Mohamed Siyad Barre's regime had unleashed upon themselves violence after victory against tyranny.

For ten years, I worked relentlessly for this country. I was as an activist for peace and reconciliation; the initiator of the first mobile telephone which reduced per minute rates from $2.50 to $1.30 and ($0.80 on weekends); the promoter of eating fish and its health benefits in Hargeisa; the doctor treating trauma victims and other mental health patients; the initiator of a computer and office management training for unemployed youth; the mediator of political parties ensuring that the referendum of 2001, the local election of 2002, and the presidential election of 2003 take place orderly and peacefully; and the promoter of public awareness against potential perils facing the country I willingly chose to serve. I undertook this work out of conscience, not for expectation of government job, salary, or any other material benefit.

My contributions to peace and justice in Somaliland prior to these ten years are also widely known. I was one of the intellectuals living abroad who spared no energy or resource in publicizing in the United States about the tyranny of Mohamed Siyad Barre and the injustices heaped on the people of Somaliland.

In short, I am not the man to be accused of subverting Somaliland in Mbagathi or by other means. Instead, people should pay close attention to the men who today invent lies and rumors they expect will personally benefit them or will cover up their hidden agenda. For the ten years I toiled in this country, I learned the difficulties of adapting to conditions in Somaliland after a long period of absence during which people have been victims of tyranny, war, and mass murders - people who as a result lost their human decency, honesty, and amity. I also learned that, in order to be effective in such a community of victims, one must descend down into the caves of pain, anger, jealousy, disinformation, or squabbles that are residues of war etched in the psyche of victims, individually and collectively.

Though I had the chance never to return to these caves of torment, I willingly descended into them. (I was a tenured professor at Boston University and a co-owner of a consulting firm with revenues of about $16 million per year). Having also the option to get out of them, joining among the most fortunate of those living abroad, I decided to remain in these caves and be wounded in them, determined as a result to bear all suffering with my people. The decision to remain in those caves has not changed.

The decision to stick with my mission to serve began effectively in 1995 when those who today arbitrarily wield ministerial powers have been roaming abroad, engaged in activities I prefer not to describe here, although they shall come to the open if conditions require so in the future.

I believe that human problems can be solved and prevented if collaboration exists between the government, intellectuals, and the public. Today, I am of the opinion that, for many reasons, the collaboration that existed between the government, intellectuals, and the public is eroding and that, in a short period, this can have adverse consequences for the government and people of Somaliland. The men who today arbitrarily wield ministerial powers are using not reason but unreason, not truth but disinformation. I want to inform them that each time they point a finger at me, tee fingers are pointed at them, bearing witness against them.

The lessons learned by the people of Somaliland should never be forgotten. Tyranny does not come in a single swoop. It advances in steps, first in small ways, then in rapid succession until it becomes an avalanche of abuses stunning, crushing, and dehumanizing people. Fear of unjust authority too does not invade a people all at once. One person is first targeted, then another, then several persons, then a clan or a region until fear and abuse victimize the rest of citizens who erstwhile entertained the illusion of being safe and different.

Matters have reached a point when silence is dishonest. The people of Somaliland have paid the ultimate price for freedom. They have also rebuilt their homes, lives, and society with remarkable initiative and determination. The illusion that tolerance and endurance will protect the gains so far made no longer presents useful service. There comes a time when the perils of myths exceed their benefits and they need to be cracked, or else they become the path to tyranny and injustice. Hiding dirty linens cannot continue in good conscience even if one persists on enduring their sight.

Somaliland is today at a crossroad. It either will advance its bold democratic initiative, or it will sink again into the quagmire of tyranny. The behavior of ministers out of control and the lack of appropriate checks on them are symptomatic of slide toward tyranny. The decree issued yesterday (August 19, 2004) by the Minister of State for Interior Affairs is another. This decree prohibits local counselors democratically elected to hold meetings outside of their regular schedule. This decree is contrary to the Constitution as are the earlier decrees prohibiting civil society organizations and political parties from holding public meetings.

Some believe that Somaliland has gone beyond salvation. I am more optimistic because I believe that people still have a chance to retreat from the path of disaster and despair to which certain officials are pushing society. I have an obligation as a citizen to speak my conscience at home and abroad, to contribute by all peaceful means so that the nascent democracy is not nipped in the bud, and to inform all those concerned that the time has come to recommit to justice in Somaliland.

Withdrawal of a center's registration is a minor inconvenience when democracy and justice is at stake. I hope I am not sending warning signals in the wilderness or in a wasteland of human values.

This document is the English version of a press release presented by Dr. Bulhan on August 18, 2004 in Hargeysa. Dr. Bulhan translated from the Somali version and adds here a few additional remarks.

This exceptional density of educational centres has been made possible by bold government policies and the financial support of many Somaliland er exiles.

Seven years ago, the Amoud High School in Borama, west of Somaliland's capital Hargeisa, was turned into the country's first university.

Sixty students were admitted to the Amoud University in the summer of 1997 and most of them graduated four years later. These first Somaliland graduates already play an important part in the country's administration, in addition to the many well educated returned exiles that were educated abroad.

This summer, Somaliland authorities were able to open the country's fourth university, the Burao University. Meanwhile, the Hargeisa University is graduating its first-ever students.

Berbera University - located in Somaliland's second city and important port - is next in line to host its fist graduation ceremonies.

For the town of Burao, the establishment of a university is especially important. The administrative centre of the Togdheer province in central Somaliland is located where the periphery of the country starts and has for years been in need of reconstruction after warfare in the early 1990s.

The Burao University nevertheless takes up the heritance from a technical institute that was constructed with German state aid but left in ruins by earlier hostilities.

Consequently, the town's new university plans to specialise on engineering and technical studies. Somalilanders hope to catch the interest of German authorities in securing funds for the Burao University as a manner of continuity.

Funds so far have, however, not come from abroad. Somalilanders clearly take pride in their successes in building their nation without significant foreign aid.

The people of Somaliland have shown to the international community and the wider world that they do not require UN aid or IMF loans in order to rebuild their country from scratch," a fundraising document of the important Diaspora organisation Somaliland Forum proudly notes.

The Somaliland Diaspora has plaid an important part in financing the country's four universities and in raising funds to reconstruct Burao. Former graduates of the old Technical Institute of Burao have been among the many contributing with private assets.

While Somaliland has made great efforts in building a national educational grid in record time, there are concerns over the sustainability of the new investments. The Hargeisa government, as it is not recognised as by the international community, has very limited revenues and trade links are instable.

Voices in the country thus urge the four universities to cooperate in delivering educational services to Somalilanders instead of competing. Noah Arre recently told the Somaliland er independent media Awdal News that "considering our limited resources," Somaliland's universities needed to specialise in "different fields of studies" instead of competing.

Already, the Amoud University is specialising in medicine, education, business administration, agriculture and environment studies. Hargeisa University seems to head off to a specialisation in political and humanistic studies, while Berbera University has greater competence in geo-sciences and ecology. Burao is set to go for technology and engineering.

The attack on our society has many fronts, and particularly the destruction of our once proud, serene and unadulterated culture found its momentum today in everywhere in our communities. We are in identity crisis for the first time ever today in our own villages and homes, as the nation that was once vibrant and proud has been brought to its knees by its own people and by others who have seized the opportunity to finish the business that they have been longing for centuries. Our own Somali language has been diluted so much to the point that our heritage and cultural values are in the risk of becoming extinct.

This is not an accident that we just woke up to it, but it has been the interest of many Arab countries to force the issue of Arabism into the Somali people by way of adulterating and raping our language, so much so it got to the point that it could be replaced with Arabic language today.

Any available warlord in Somalia is running for an office and many for the presidency chair these days, or so it seems at least. A new breed of non-nationalists, unpatriotic, uneducated, mostly criminals, who committed crimes against their own people, are running for the highest office in government, presidency. They are fighting over on how many seats each one gets for his tribe, clan, or maybe "GILIB".

When I think about it, which is very often, I usually picture a horrifying scene where a group of hungry, gargoyled humans attacking a weak but attractive and beautiful lady, the nation, and each one is grapping and pulling as many pieces of bones and flesh, internal organs and all, head or tail, while others are charging to have the whole torso (presidency) for themselves, for their clan, of course. Nowhere in that long shopping list that each warlord has could you see or read anything to do with rebuilding a nation, a Somali Nation. Each one thinks it is someone else's responsibility, the rest of the world, for that matter, to deal with the question of rebuilding the nation.

The extent to which such a complex issue could be logically explained and understood seems beyond one's mental capacity, but building a nation and maintaining its success requires the spirit of nationalism of its people. Nationalism is not something you pick and choose but rather something one is born to be and is expected of, as an individual, to have a sense of national consciousness. According to some definitions, a nation is a distinct group of people, usually demarcated by common language, religion or culture. It is an identification with and devotion to the interest's of one's nation.

After decades of separation, East Germany united with West Germany, a testimonial to the argument that once born a German you are always a German. Once born Somali, one remains Somali whether one is in Ethiopia, DJibouti, Kenya or in Somalia. Many different and distinct groups consider themselves as one nation called Indonesia; more than 50 States called themselves the United States of America; Great Britain is another example; China is trying to stay as one China; there are even talks going on that may, one day, bring South Korea and N. Korea closer in order for them to have open borders again and reunite families that have been separated for decades; and as much as ethnic or clan cleansing Rwanda had had few years back, people are willing to forgive, decided to forego hatred and anger in their society, agreed to rebuild their lives and their nation again together and joined hands with their neighbors who have slaughtered their love ones just the other day. No matter what have happened, they belong to one nation, one nationality, Rwandans.

Apartheid in South Africa wouldn't have been defeated without a nationalist movement, nor Somalia would have gained its independence without the spirit of nationalists who sacrificed their lives and material to secure our independence. The non-nationalists of today will try to make you believe otherwise, but ask them what they have accomplished since the collapse of our state, other than the destruction of our unity and the nation we loved.

What we need today, more than ever, is a nationalist movement that could build bridges of breten; leaders who could help bring us back together in order for us to have an ownership of our problems without resorting to violence. Nationalists like Martin Luther King jr., Mahatma Gandi, Nelson Mandela, to mention a few, have all succeeded to bringing their people together and presented their cause without violence. They did this in the face of power to be working against them.

The bravery of Ahmed Guray to face the powerhouse of Ethiopian force comes to mind, a plan by Ethiopia to occupy the coast of Zeila (Ahmed Gurey's birth place), where Ahmed Guray defeated the Ethiopian forces in 15th century, and helped Moslems reclaim their land and property in Ethiopia. That was nationalist war and a dream of Greater Somalia of its kind. The Sayyid Mohamed's uprising was another kind of nationalist war and resistance to occupation.

The struggle of the Somali Youth League (SYL) against the Italian power was a nationalist war and a dream of creating Greater Somalia. They gained a power of educational systems, administrational development, economical structure as well as political parties to help them prepared to lead their nation to freedom and independence.

It was during this period when the SYL strengthened its leadership of creating nationalist sentiments and foundation building, and decided to take risks on the face of power against them. They succeeded to have control of their future, even if that meant going to jail for their cause. And going to jail they did for protesting against a system they didn't trust.

Their struggle paid off when they were allowed to participate in the discussions proposed by the Italian authorities (AFIS) where they gained experiences in handling social problems such as conflicts of tribal land issues. These political movements gave rise to the elections of 1956 where the first prime minister of the government, Abdullahi Iise, came from the SYL leadership. His term of office (1956-1960) was believed to be the most stable period that the nation ever had. It was during this period when women's right to take part in the political system gained a wide support and the practice of clanism in the government was less common in momentum.

Historians wrote that their nationalistic sentiment was succinctly stated in their vision of Greater Somalia, and rightfully and responsibly so. Waves of nationalistic fervor spread across regions and valleys in the country and produced nationalistic parties like the SNC and USP an later in the north, and later NFD in Ogaden region, which greatly fuelled the nationalistic movement towards united Somalia on their free will to join hands and declare independence, a birth right for all mankind.

A vision lead by loyalty and devotion to one's own nation or ethnic group; idea that the good of the group can best be served by independence for its people. It was that vision that successfully brought the south and the north together and gave us the best president Somalia ever elected, President Adam Abdullah Osman. What a great service he provided us, so much so that he enjoyed respect and admiration of his people way after he left the presidency office. Tell me another African leader, as to late, who has done that. None of today's warlords could ever wear his shoes or command such respect in their communities.

Contrast that to today's society in our country that failed to agree to live together peacefully. It is because we don't have nationalist leaders who believe the power within. What we have are notorious, power driven tribal warlords, and the rest of us are following the blind. Warlords in our society of today are here not to rebuild a nation but only to exercise the one thing they know how, and that is power.

Power, as defined by social science scholars, is an instrument of rule, while rule, as it is known, owes its existence to the instinct of domination. In the words of Voltaire, "A man feels himself more of a man when he is imposing himself and making others the instruments of his will, which gives him incomparable pleasure." To the extent that this definition is true, the Somalia situation stretches the limits of this known phenomenon to where one whole tribe wants to impose itself to make the rest the instruments of their will, ignoring that fact that others don't want to be dominated either.

There are those who make the claim that dreaming about Greater Somalia was a sinful attempt that should have never been committed, because it had been, as they claim, a consequentially damaging political decision that, at the end, resulted the death of many Somalis in Hargeisa and elsewhere.

Or was it? I don't get it. Somali tribes, though to lesser degree, were killing each other before the independence of 1960 and are still fighting even after Siyad Barre has been dead more than a decade. It is the nature of tribal culture where killing is common practice without consequences but the predictable destruction of human lives.

Was it the operating policy of a government, the ever existed tribal segregation among the Somali people, including government officials, the lack of knowledge of the Somalis to understand how a system of government should work in order to advance its agendas of promoting the welfare of its people, or was it the unification of the northern and southern Somalia in 1960 that resulted the collapse of the government, as some Somalilanders claim these days? It is true that there were unmet expectations, shortcomings and miscalculations, disappointments and missed opportunities, and above all greed and tribalism that resulted the collapse of the union, but isn't it a self serving prophecy to blame our selfinflected wounds wholly on the attempt of dreaming about the possibility of unified Somalis, especially when they were in great need of help, both moral and material support, from the union.

If the creation of the union was responsible for our situation of today, or at least for that argument to have any merit, have we succeeded building a better system of government since the collapse of the union? Show me one, other than those tribal enclaves calling themselves governments, and I will be willing to listen.

Non-nationalists will make you believe that the dream of Greater Somalia was something of an after-thought matter, an idea that found its way into the minds of some and then forced into union after the independence. To the contrary, there were nationalists in every region of the union and nationalism was the impetus of the unification.

The idea of creating Greater Somalia existed well before the independence and the unification of the north and the south. Nationalist sentiments were flourishing in every city of the country, including the north, way before the union, and it is absurd to read the claims some Somalilanders are making these days. Some sound as if the idea of uniting Somalis everywhere was something of a southern issue. To the contrary, it was a Somali issue and all nationalist in every region participated and fought for it.

However if the claim that unitary failed us does continue and regional segregation and breakaways persist, then confederation or consociation will not help us either. And even in our present the union, the only option left, besides dismemberment of the nation, is giving federation a chance. Then and only then, could we be able to move forward and solve our problems peacefully. No need for empty rhetoric, unsubstantial muscle flexing or bad mouthing other Somalis who are in the same predicament as everyone else. Time the Somalis look for genuine nationalists who care and could lead this nation.

Clearly, this so called 4.5 formula that the Somalis have been trying to sell to the mediators during these multiple conferences that have already failed, is the major obstacle that contributed to the failing outcomes of these conferences. No tribe trusts the rest, and each tribe would want to do away with the rest and formulate their own government. This could create an act of violence when the tribe in power tries to compel the other tribes, as the power holders would wish to see it happen.

From Siyad Barre's era to the present warlords, such practice of power to force the others into submission has increased violence and a wide spread hatred in our society. Somalis in every region would rather have dominance from within, instead of someone else (another tribe) dominates them. This may not make sense, but that is why Somalis in different regions of the union don't trust the institutionalisation and legitimisation of such symbolically assembled government that is based on a formula of clan dominance, a recipe for instability and violence.

If the essence of power is the effectiveness of command, even if it leads to death and destruction of innocent human lives, then there is no greater power than that which grows out of the barrel of the gun. Each region of our union has its own accounts of the sufferings it has been subjected to under the power Siyad Barre, and no one is willing to go the same road again, at least I hope so.

What we see today, in the absence of viable and responsible government, are interest groups organising individuals who make claims for them, groups who, even when variance in principle, negotiate with each other in order to accommodate each other and adapt to the ever shifting power balance. An interest group seeks to influence specific policies of government, which always means to achieve control over government as a whole.

These groups concentrate on winning public office under any and all circumstances. Interest groups in our culture are mainly a sector of the society that is businessmen, ex-government officials and politicians, who do not necessarily represent the rest of the society. The object has been to appropriate stolen public resources to one's kin or once ethnos who are considered more reliable upon to sustain one's power in the country.

Clearly the public interests are not protected in this scenario and as such the system alienates considerably groups of the society who have not shared in the general affluence of the society. One of the first causalities of this system is the basic infrastructure of the society like education, health, environment, and community rebuilding. Many parts of the country experienced decline of these important social welfare, especially the rural areas where life has been very difficult to maintain, particularly building schools, health clinics or dealing with the daily grip of diseases like tuberculosis and malaria and stroke.

In such system, where decisions are made by the affluent sector of the society, it is particularly important that the rest of the society has no means of expressing themselves. As a result, political cynicism and feeling of political alienation have been on the upswing in many regions lately. We have witnessed the recent civil disobedience in Buroa few weeks ago. Distrust of government and related feelings of helplessness and inability to help one's own family and community is increasing.

Whether one wants to operate a business or looking for job, one has to travel to the capital to fetch for something in the same container where everyone else is sifting tough, which is probably an empty container anyway. All other towns and villages have been swallowed and have been deserted due to this migration of all NEGOs and government jobs to the capital of the region. One can easily observe that in Hargeisa today as it has been in Mogadishu in the past. Consequently, people are leaving their families behind in search of jobs or moving their businesses to the capital where the money is. Families are torn apart, women and children and the unable bodies are left behind, which, at end of the day, destroys the family unity as well as community rebuilding.

The belief that a few big interests run the government is a common public sentiment. The belief that the government wastes money, that the people running the system do not know what they are doing are all firmly held public opinion. And this wouldn't have made a damn difference even if the ruling party has been replaced with another one. It has, however, a lot to do with the practice and the belief of clan loyalty in our culture. The problems of yesterday, lack of trust in government in general, though somewhat obscure, still remain well and alive. This keeps everyone on his/her toes, suspiciously wondering about what next.

However, the narrow-minded, non-nationalists of today will try to make you believe that the unity and the nationalistic consciousness that brought the first independent Somali nation home, was wrong and should have never be attempted. Remind them that unitary was not even one of the major factors that contributed to our demise. Let them, if they could, try something else like tribalism and regional conflicts.

Nonetheless, however, it is far from being as simple as some non-nationalists make it sound. Today's non-nationalists are trying to find faults in the principles of sovereignty that resided in the dream of Greater Somalia and the creation of inclusive nation that protects its own people, as all successful countries did. It has been written that virtually every nation regards itself as being chosen, like Israel, for a particular destiny and as having a unique responsibility to contribute to the development of mankind. The feeling of belonging to a group united by common racial, linguistic, and historical ties, and usually identified with a particular territory.

Unfortunately, today's non-nationalists are trying to exercise authority that does not emanate expressly from a nation but from small regions and segregated sectors of clan enclaves that failed to protect its own people and burdened the rest of world with everlasting cycle of violence resulted an exodus of refugees seeking help, even when that means risking their lives in the face of humiliation and mistreatments as if God created them to be deservingly just that. The practical capabilities of the nation today in any general fashion fall short of those of yesteryears during the struggle for independence.

To make a case against a criminal dictator like Mohamed Siyad Barre, or against the thousands of warlords in every clan who ordered or had a hand in the death of thousands, if not millions, of innocent Somalis, is understandable, but to say that the nationalistic sentiment and the courage to dream about Somali unity in the 60s was the cause of our present situation is ludicrous, and it is a lame excuse for clan dominance.

The argument that the birth of the Somali republic in 1960 was unnecessary and a sinful act, as some are trying to make us believe, is nothing more than an absurd claim sugarcoated with a clandestine attempt to belittle the struggle that the founders of this nation had to endure, and it is by way of promoting the emerging clan dominance of today's Somali society.

Well, do the Somalis have leaders who could take the ownership of our problems and salvage the ruins of our country without IGAD interference, as the nationalists of yesterday did? I believe they do, but obviously are not looking for them.

Today's non-nationalists in Somalia will make it believable that some entities of warlords like SNM, SDA, USC, SSDF, SDM, SPM, to mention but a few, should be treated as the liberators, the freedom fighters and the founders of our nation. Far from it, to the contrary, all that these factions contributed to our sufferings was the reinforcement of the segmentation of Somalia into clan and subclan lineages, and exploitation of interclan rivalries, which itself failed to produce long term political stability in the country.

It must be all clear to the non-nationalists by now that, given the diverse nature of our society in its inherent beliefs of the unwritten rules of clan association much more than we believe in Islamic laws, only a transformation towards more centralised government, in principle at least, could produce a political order based on democratic consent. This may help rearrangements of the associations among groups or different parties across tribal and/or non-clannish lines by, at minimum, opening the doors for the emergence of peaceful political coalition of dominance, one way or the other.

Whether that would give rise to the emergence of ideological groups of the left, right and center would be a function of time and space nonetheless. It is, however, an alternative to the present warlord besiege that our society seemingly accepted to endure. However, without much of movements that could transcend our potential human capacity into kinetic energy of consciousness, and in the absence of vehemence, irritation, insolence by some social groups, who are willing to force a change towards social systems of higher order, we will remain outsiders to our own cause.

There is a dire need for the creation of politically conscientious nationalists that could initiate a start up of a political power with intense patriotic emotions, a veracious, truculent vernacular of some sort that would be new to and impossible to be controlled by today's warlords. That, in my view, would give rise to a new beginning of a new breed of nationalists, who are convinced that they could, against the force of warlords, clanism and non-nationalistic movements of the present day in our country, still reclaim this nation and restore dignity in our society.

The attack on our society has many fronts, and particularly the destruction of our once proud, serene and unadulterated culture found its momentum today in everywhere in our communities. We are in identity crisis for the first time ever today in our own villages and homes, as the nation that was once vibrant and proud has been brought to its knees by its own people and by others who have seized the opportunity to finish the business that they have been longing for centuries.

Our own Somali language has been diluted so much to the point that our heritage and cultural values are in the risk of becoming extinct. This is not an accident that we just woke up to it, but it has been the interest of many Arab countries to force the issue of Arabism into the Somali people by way of adulterating and raping our language, so much so it got to the point that it could be replaced with Arabic language today.

The so-called Somali-Peace negotiation in Kenya has become, in fact, a hotbed of pseudo critical thinking, with a variety of misconceptions and flaws emerging. But while its intellectual value is low, its political value is high for many, especially for those who are engaging vested interests in the destruction of our nation. Some are there not because they want to help the Somalis to put their pieces together, but, in fact, to bury some of these pieces of this badly fractured nation. One of the integral pieces of our history and heritage that is under attack is our language, the Somali language. This is not a fluke neither a new thinking.

Many Arab nations have always engaged attempts to change Somalia into an Arabic speaking nation. The issue is never about converting the Somalis to become Moslems, because Somalis accept