That Freedom Shall not Perish
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Source: Jamhuuriya Online, The Republic (Weekly English News) 01/08/2004 -
A New Deputy Mayor of Hargeisa.
All 17 Council members present unanimously elected Ur-Adde, who will replace on Abdihakim Mohamoud. He will be the third person to be elected for the post.
The first 2 deputy Mayors were removed from their posts-by the council after they were accused of abuse of power, embezzlement and mismanagement of land.
Tributes to a Great Leader: Sheikh Ibrahim Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Madar
Thousands were standing along the road form the Airport to Sheikh Madar's tom, to pay their last respect as a procession of hundreds of cars passed along the road.
President Dahir Rayale Kahin, Vice President Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, leaders of both House of Parliament, traditional and religious leaders, members of the 3 state councils, chairman and many senior members of the 3 parties and hundreds of citizens prayed at the tomb.
Sheikh Ibrahim was buried with the honour that he deserved. As all mortals, he died and was buried, but his memory will remain in the minds of the people of Somaliland, for a very long time.
Sheikh Ibrahim Sheikh Yusuf Sheikh Madar, chairman of the House of Elders since 1993, and chairman of the elders since 1988, when he was elected at Adorosh had shared the good and the bad, the sweet and the bitter in peace and war, at times of plenty and adversity, in politics and public life said a lot of tribute to the great son of Somaliland and the pillar of peace. Here some of the tributes.
President Dahir Rayale Kahin said; "Shekhi iIbrahim was a strong pillar, whom the nation lost. We are all mortals and we pray that God may repay for all the good he did for this nation."
Vice President Ahmed Yusuf Yasin, said; "He was out spoken and a man with great resolution. In 1993, while in Djibouti to get support for the Borama Conference, he flew alone to Borama and announced that the conference will open tomorrow. Delegation from the east and west began travelling to Borama. Each delegate through that they were the only absentees. Sheikh Ibrahim was one of the main pillars of Somaliland."
Chairman of the House of Representatives Ahmed Mohamed Aden (Qaybe) said; "Sheikh Ibrahim was the patron of both houses of parliament. He was the solver of internal conflicts. His death has left a gap, but we hope to cross that. We were together in the House of Parliament, when we heard the death of the late president Egal. He was the force that helped us overcome that obstacle."
Chairman of the opposition KULMIYE party .Ahmed Mohamed Silanyo, said, "He was an important personality, that will take a prominent place, in the history of Somaliland. He was an advocate for the people's cause and not a puppet, before the struggle. He joined SNM at the frontline in 1988 and became leader of SNM elders. He remained, a leader of elders, until he passed away. He played a major role in peace and development. He was patient and showed great perseverance.
Chairman of the opposition Justice and Welfare party (UCID) said; "He was a man of the great resolution. He was the leading the elders, who saved SNM from crumbling and revived its struggle. He will be remembered for what he contributed to the struggle."
Hagi Abdi Hussein (Abdi-Warabe) one of the closest friends and colleagues of Sheikh Ibrahim said, "He was a great leader. We will remember him for his contribution to the peace in this country. He was the torchbearer of the freedom of this country. He was the first man to organize the people, when they were forced to flee, from the barbarity of the late regime. He continued the struggle he began, when we elected him at Adarosh until his death".
.John Drysdale, a British citizen who is a good friend of Somaliland speaking about Sheikh Ibrahim said; "He was a great man and a real Somaliland, who always worked for the peace of his country."
The Secretary General of UDUB (Governments party) .Mohamed Ismail Bullale said, "Death have not left, those who were a barrier against humillation. He was not only patient but consolation to all."
.Musa Bihi Abdi a senior SNM veteran said; "May God rest his soul in peace. He was a great personality and had many traits, which are never seen in one person. He was decent, sober, quite and courageous. At Adorosh, when enemy planes attacked us, Sheikh Ibrahim and 2 other men had the courage to stay, when all run for cover."
President of Djibouti Parliament .Idiris Arnaoud Ali in his condolence message said; "Sheikh Ibrahim was an important personality who played a great role in Somaliland's peace reconciliation. May God rest his soul in peace."
Jirde will join the ruling party UDUB in the forthcoming parliamentary election
.Jirde ho is studying Conflict Resolution in the United Kingdom told Hadhwanag Website, that Somaliland's conflict resolution is unique and tht it is being scientifically studied.
The Deputy Chair an who announced that he will return August stated that he has good contact with Chairman of the House of Representatives and that his joining the president's delegation in London, was pre-planned.
Speaking about the electoral law, he said the main article, that was put a side ws the article of the division of House of Representative seats in the region. The forthcoming election might be based on the 1960 election or the local and the presidential elections held. All other elections after that will be on census of population.
In answer to parliamentary elections in Sool and Eastern Sanag he said; "This is to be decided by the National Electoral commission."
.Jirde reiterated that the Imbigati conference does not differ form that of ARTA. It is trying to establish a government for Somalia (Ex-Italian colony). If interested groups in the region or abroad try to form a government for the former Somalia Democratic Republic, it will mean war. We oppose giving failed state as a gift to anyone. If this is done, we will find in defence of Somaliland and will do everything towards this.
He conluded saying, "It is advisable not to wait, but take appropriate measures to stop the appearance of another Abdikasim"
Somalilanders Demonstration
The demonstration were protesting were protesting against the plan of the conference, which is trying to include Somaliland, which is not attending the conference and had repeatedly informed the international community that it has nothing to do with the conference and that will not be bound by its results.
The demonstrators were shouting `Death to Somaliland Enemies `Long live Somaliland' IGAD states are creating New Confrontation in the Horn'.
SNM veterans who addressed the demonstrators reminded them of the armed struggle for reclamation of sovereignty. And urged them to unite, for the defence of Somaliland independence and its people.
The speakers reminded the demonstrators that the people of Somaliland are nature today, that the prevailing situation in the country in different from that of 1960 and that they will not leave their destiny to be decided by anyone.
The speaker urged all Somalilander's to respect democracy and the individual right of expression, reminding them that any violation of these rights will have adverse affects on the impression of the country abroad.
Burao Intellectuals
Spokesman of BICSD, Dr. Abdikadir Hagi Muse in a signed declaration stated that the aim of the July 18 conference was to exchange views and discuss the situation of the country and the Nairobi conference. He said; "The vice president, political parties and traditional leaders were among those who were invited. It was unfortunate for the government to misinterpret our intentions, think that it was sabotage and as such stopped the conference. As we work for peace, we had no intention of taking arms."
The declaration stressed that thousands have died, thousands handicapped, thousands have become orphans, while thousands become orphans in the war for liberation.
The declaration warned the government to avoid taking any steps, similar to those who brought the SNM struggle, such as denying people the freedom of expression and assembly; threatening the people with the security forces, violation of the constitution and ruling the country by illegal decrees.
The declaration emphasised that the Nairobi conference with have negative affects on the country and that the government seems to be doing nothing and as such appealed to nationals in the country and abroad, to discuss issues that concern the people and the sovereignty of Somaliland.
The declaration described that Sool and East Saag issue to be obstacle to Somaliland's unity, sovereignty and recognition. It accused lacking a policy to solve this problem. It also urged the people to solve their internal misunderstanding peacefully and have a common stand.
The Burao intellectuals' conference for security and Development urged the people to strengthen peace and stability and tighten their belts for the development of the country.
The declaration proposed the need for a large delegation-similar to that of 2002-to be sent to Sool and East Sanag, to solve grievances and as such realize and strengthen unity and sovereignty of Somaliland.
4th National Trade fair will be held at the headquarter of Somaliland Public Works Union from August 17 - 23/2004.
.Abdillahi Dirie, Secretary General of the chamber of commerce in a press conference held on Thursday stated that the aim of the national trade fair is (a) to give opportunity to citizens who take part in farming, livestock, industry to show their production to the public. (b) To assess the developments achieved since the last trade fair, in the different sectors of local production and the growth of trade (c) To encourage and assist local productions and their marketing (d) To provide and opportunity for participants, through the international media, that will be invited, the determination of the people of Somaliland to reconstruct and develop their country.
The fair will also provide tangible proof to Somalilanders in the Diaspora, not only to partake in the development of their country, but also to convince societies they live with, that Somaliland provides good opportunity for foreign investment.
The national trade fair attracted foreigners and nationals, since they were first held in May 1999.
Participants of the fairs got free international advertisements from the international media such as CNN, AL-JAZEERA, BBC, REUTERS, AFP, MBC SABC, THE FINANCIAL TIMES, THE GUARDIAN and the Christian Science Monitor who were invited by the chamber of commerce to cover the trade fairs.
SOMALILAND ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY in Burao city?
Therefore, I say kudos to the Burcaawi for their determination to initiate a number of badly needed infrastructural projects in our beloved city such as bridges, water wells, primary schools, and secondary schools, etc. Most importantly, your worthwhile decision to designate land for an institution of higher education and for expeditiously laying down the foundation stone of the first university in Burao city is a huge accomplishment and something for us all to be proud of. Consequently, it is encouraging that your very action and accomplishment has now spread like wild fires around the country and have influenced the Berberaawi and the Cerigabaawi and possibly the Laas Caanaawi to contemplate the same achievements you have made in their respective cities. Truly, your accomplishment in this regard is shattering and to the envy of the selfish Hargeysaawi and the Boramaawi who have for so long taken advantage of the rest of Somaliland and taken for granted their status by having the only two universities of the country at their respective cities! Above all, I would like to appeal to the Burcaawi citizens to take another bold, courageous, and shattering move to again designate land for another institution of higher education and to promptly lay down the foundation stone of the first: SOMALILAND ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY in Burao city. The construction of an Islamic university in Burao city, the birthplace of Somaliland nationalism and freedom fighters would be a monumental achievement for all Somalilanders and for all Muslims in the region.
Furthermore, I think it is a bit easier to raise funds for the construction of the first Islamic University in the country since the government, private sector, and most Muslim countries would probably contribute greatly towards this great THAWAAB or HASANAAD.
Overall, the construction of an Islamic University in Somaliland would probably be the first of its kind in Africa and it is long overdue therefore it is time that the Muslim people of Somaliland to take the lead and make this idea a reality. It is also the time that the Muslim people and country of Somaliland with the TAWHEED of Allah and the prophet on their flag to remember Allah and to construct this Islamic Uninversity in the country. This project must be implemented as soon as possible if we want Allah (SWT) to be pleased with us and to earn His precious Baraaka.
Finally, let us also take advantage of the current business boom in the Eastern Regions of Somaliland and turn Burao city into the commercial hub of Somaliland and the region. And there is no doubt that if think wisely think and implement these two important ideas (Somaliland Islamic University, and making Burao a commercial hub) immediately, it would certainly bring prosperity and develop the city and region much faster to the benefit of the people and country of Somaliland. Also, this action will certainly curtail the excesses or minimize the unfair treatment or shatter the selfish domination of Hargeysa for ever.
Victory and Liberty,
Farah Ali Jama, Ottawa, Canada.
Note : Burcaawi = residents of Burco city. Likewise, Hargeysaawi, Boramaawi, Cerigabaawi, Laas Caanaawi, and Berberaawi = residents of Hargeysa, Borama, Cerigabo, Laas Canood, and Berbera cities.
NAGAAD UMBRELLA ORGANISAATION HARGEISA-SOMALILAND
YEAR OF 2003
Nagaad Address
Badacas, Koodbur, Hargeisa
C/O DAHABSHIIL HARGEISA P.O.BOX 4630 Dubai
Phone: 252 213 4692/252 2 427496/252 2 527317
Fax: 252 213 4501/4416
Email: nagaad@telesom.net/nagaad_u@hotmail.com
Wepsite:www.nagaad.org
I. BACKGROUND
Nagaad works for empowering women to realize sustainable development. It strives to address two key goals that are of concern to its members. (1) Advancing the economic, social and political status of women in Somaliland. (2) Strengthening the capacity of its members to implement effective projects that facilitate the realization of the first goal.
Women's rights are human rights and since all human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependant and inter-related, their full and equal enjoyment by women and girls is a priority and is essential for the advancement of women.
Somaliland women obviously share many problems with their male fellow citizens especially in this post-war era, but they also differ on a number of issues.
Women's specific concerns are shaped by their social roles as daughters, wives and mothers, by the economic positions and obligations which they have within the family and the community and by prevailing cultural conceptualization of gender roles.
The issue of women's rights in Somaliland is however deeply rooted in the realms of culture and religion. Gender discrimination is part and parcel of culture. Cultural beliefs in male superiority and greater ability to lead socialize, females to accept subordinate positions. From earlier age, boy, children are socialized into roles, which prepare them to exercise power in the family over women, younger children and productive resources.
Girls on the other hand, are socialized into roles, which do not prepare them for power and decision-making over other people or resources in either the public or private spheres. Women rights are one of the areas of concern of Nagaad that has been in fact difficult to implement because of the cultural barriers.
Nevertheless, Nagaad has since its establishment been campaigning to create an awareness on women's rights on issues such as their participation in the decision-making process of the country.
The participation of women in the decision-making at all levels of public and private life is important as an issue of human rights as well as for the strengthening of the democratic process of this post-war period.
Women's wish to be included in decision-making is more than a simple demand for numerical representation proportional to their presence in the society. It is a demand based on the fact that institutions governed by men are unlikely to reflect the specific interest and views of the female population, instead, they would reinforce the marginalized position of women in the society.
In this post war situation however women are the majority of the population. Meanwhile women have been preparing themselves for this event. Nagaad has been implementing the last three-year a programme on the empowerment of women in the decision-making process of the country.
Nagaad with the help of its partners namely the HBF, NOVIB and NED are working on a national political agenda for women consisting of: capacity building initiatives for political empowerment of women (negotiation, lobbying and management of electoral campaigns techniques); meeting with political parties for the investiture of women as heads of the electoral lists and to promote their access to the decision-making positions within the political parties; strategic alliance with associations involved in the promotion of the status of women (business community and pressure groups).
II. ABOUT NAGAAD UMBRELLA OGANIZTION
Nagaad umbrella organization is a non-profit making, non-sectarian and voluntary local umbrella organization embraced by 32 women organizations in 1997, in Hargeisa. Vision Statement: Nagaad umbrella organization strives for a world based on gender quality and equity, which ensures equal treatment, participation of women, and equitable access to control benefits and resources at all levels. The focus of Nagaad is to make one voice for women.
Mission Statement: Nagaad umbrella organization is a local umbrella oriented towards the development of women. Ever since it was founded in 1997, Nagaad has its objectives to empower women socially, economically and politically at all levels.
Goals: in realizing its vision and mission, Nagaad strives to address 2 key goals that are of concern to its members, other women NGOs in all the regions and districts as well as the whole women community in Somaliland: (a) Empowering and advancing of women's economical, social and political status in Somaliland. (b) To create and establish good effective communication and networking both internally and externally with other women NGOs, groups and the whole women community. (c) To enhance the knowledge and the capacity of the women NGOs through providing of capacity building for women organizations and organize them their efforts.
Structure
Nagaad has an organizational structure, which consists of the following:- (1) General Assembly (2) Board of Directors (3) Hired Staff composed of Executive Director, Program Officer, Women in Decision making Officer, Coordinator of Environment Network, Administrator/Accountant, Cashier, Driver and Subordinates staff.
III. ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN DURING 2003
Upon the establishment of Nagaad Umbrella, long and short-term objectives have been set out for the organization as well as annual operational plan that encompassing the activities that need to be carried out for achieving the organizational objectives.
In depth, Nagaad activities are directed to the provision of the capacity building for its 32 member organizations to carry out and implement effective projects for the Somaliland community.
Nagaad also advocates for the promotion of women's rights politically, economically and socially in Somaliland through public awareness raising by using publications, brochures, posters, newspaper articles, radio and TV programs, Press conferences, networking conferences, workshops, trainings and Seminars.
Nagaad umbrella is actively involved on supporting the peace building and stability of the
country. Therefore, in this year 2003 Nagaad has carried out and implemented the following activities:
A) CAPACITY BUILDING FOR THE 32 MEMBER ORGANIZATIONS OF
NAGAAD
In the year 2003, Nagaad Umbrella carried out 4 training workshops for capacity building of
the member organizations and 3 training workshops for Nagaad's staff as capacity building
include:
(1) Capacity Building for Nagaad and its 32 members:
(1) Resources Mobilization and management
(2) Gender Development and Analysis
(3) Strategic Planning
(4) Rights Based Programming
(5) Training of Trainers for the Capacity Building of the LNGOs
2. Establishing Strong Co-operation Linkages Among the Development Players in Somaliland (1) Nagaad Umbrella organized a 4 Development Dialogue Workshop for the development players in Somaliland (INGOs, UN, Government Ministries, and LNGOs/CBOs) to improve relationships, coordination and collaborations linkages.
B) HUMAN RIGHTS/WOMEN'S EMPOWERMENT
In the year 2003, Nagaad Umbrella carried out training workshops in enhancing women's skills and knowledge concerned on the women's campaigns in the participation of the decision making process of the country: (1) Political literacy and Voter Education and Election Procedures (2) Women's political participation for the eastern regions. (3) Women's political participation for the western regions (4) Human rights follow-up (5) Workshop on convention of elimination of all forms discrimination against women (CEDAW)
6. Women office workers involving politics
i. Nagaad's National Political Forum For Women In Somaliland
In the year 2003, Nagaad umbrella organization supported strengthening and running national political forum for women in Somaliland to advocate women's rights for political participation. (a) Three quarterly Meetings of the Women's Political Forum Committee. (b) Mobilization awareness campaign. (c) Conference meeting on possibilities for women to participate the next coming parliament. (d) Political campaigning and advocacy workshop.
i. Advocacy of Women's Rights
(a) Radio program throughout the year for women's rights, roles and responsibilities in the society. (b) Newspaper Articles for women's rights, roles and responsibilities in the society. (c) Violence Against Women (Identification types of violence against women in Somaliland) (d) 8th March Celebrations
C) PEACE BUILDING
During the year 2003, Nagaad has organized and implemented activities for supporting and strengthening sustainable peace in Somaliland.
i. Small arms control awareness raising by producing brochures, stickers and leaflets.
D) ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION NETWORK PROGRAM WORKSHOPS 1. Building Vibrant and Effective Environmental Organizations Workshop 2. Building and Promoting Sustainable livelihoods part 1 3. Building and Promoting Sustainable livelihoods part 2 4. Building and Promoting Sustainable livelihoods part 3 5. Environmental Research and Monitoring and evaluation.
IV. SEMINARS, WORKSHOPS, CONFERENCES PARTICIPATED BY NAGAAD. i. International/Regional.
(1) Strategic Initiative for women in of Horn of Africa (SIHA) Board of Directors Meeting held by in Khartum, Sudan (2) African Democracy Forum held in South Africa. (3) Leadership Workshop held in Ethiopia organized by Oxfam Canada. (4) Conceptual Gender Training Workshop held in Nairobi Organized by NOVIB. (5) Gender Encounter Workshop held in Sudan organized by Oxfam Canada. (6) Training of Trauma Counseler held in Merca/Somalia. (7) Programme Management and financial training held in Nairobi organized by HBF. (8) Human Rights defenders workshop held in Bosaso/Somalia sponsored by NOVIB.
ii. Inside the country
(1) Financial Management and reporting guidelines by Care int. (2) Rights based programming. (3) Youth unemployment (4) Proposal design and development (5) CPC monthly meetings (6) Fundraising workshop (PENHA)
V. OTHER ACTIVITIES CARRIED OUT BY NAGAAD
i. Advocacy for the Local Government Elections of Somaliland (1) Civic education workshop on the election process, which was held at the Regional/Districts Officers and Regional/Districts Electoral Officers. (2) Pre-election mobilization of the community for registration in the polling stations. (3) Identification and trainings for domestic observers for the presidential elections (4) Observation of the polling stations on behalf of civil society in the presidential election day of Somaliland. (5) Monitoring of the polling stations in the Presidential Election Day throughout the regions.
ii. Establishment of Sectoral Networks
Nagaad has recently established internal networks within its member organizations according to the Sectoral activities that they focused on, such as; (a) Education Network which is composed of 16 member organizations of Nagaad (those NGOs are actively involved in Informal Education Sector). (b) Food Security Network, which is composed of 5member organizations of Nagaad (those NGOs are actively involved in Agriculture Sector). (c) Environmental Conservation Network, which is composed of 16 member organizations of Nagaad (those NGOs, are actively involved in Environmental Conservation/Protection Sector). (d) Human Rights Network, which is composed of 22 member organizations of Nagaad (those NGOs, are actively involved in Human Rights Sector). (e) Income/employment Generation Network, which is composed of 24 member organizations of Nagaad (those NGOs, who actively involved in Income/employment generation Sector). (f) Health Network, which is composed of 12 member organizations of Nagaad (those
NGOs, are actively involved in Health Sector). (a) Research Network, which is composed of 2 member organizations of Nagaad (those NGOs, are actively involved in Research Sector).
VI. INTERNATIONAL PARTNERS FOR NAGAAD UMBRELLA
Nagaad implements different project, which are supported by deferent donors, such as: - (a) NOVIB Three- years project on women empowerment and capacity building (b) HBF-Three years Project on Gender Development (c) HBF- Three years Project on Environmental Conservation and Protection (d) NED-One-year political participation for women (e) Care International six months pilot project on capacity building for 25 member organization (f) ISF - Political participation for women especially Nagaad Political Forum for women. (g) UNIFEM (h) UNDP (i) ICD (k) UNICEF
VII. NETWORKING
a) Local Networking
Nagaad has networks with many local umbrella in Somaliland as the following Regions Umbrellas (Kulmis Togdher Region, Kulmiye Awdal Region, Hooyo Sanaag region, PPP Sahil Region, AAIN Awdal Region, COSONGO Galbed Region, and Deeqa Galbed Region).
b) External (Regional Network) Nagaad is a member of SIHA (Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa) composed of seven countries Eritrea, Djibouti, South Sudan, North Sudan Somalia, Ethiopia, and Somaliland
Agence France Presse, August 2, 2004
Somali delegates gather to counter money laundering, financing terrorism
The conference, sponsored by Dahabshiil, one of the largest cash transfer firms in Somalia, will "discuss the best ways to combat illegal money transaction that could help underground world -- terrorism and drug trafficking," Dahabshiil's director Abdirashid Duale told AFP.
Delegates include law enforcement agencies, businessmen and the media, he explained.
"The aim of the conference is to increase awareness of anti-money laundering compliance requirements," Duale told AFP reached by phone in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, which broke away from Somalia in 1991.
Somalia has been regarded as an haven for extremist groups since dictator Mohamed Siad Barre was toppled in 1991, thereby plunging the whole country into lawlessness and anarchy.
Shortly after terrorists attacked New York and Washington in September 2001, United States froze assets of Al-Barakat -- the largest cash transfer facility in Somalia, and its associate companies -- on a belief that it was being used to channel money to extremists.
BBC Worldwide Monitoring, August 2, 2004/SOURCE: The Republican, Hargeysa, in English 1 Aug 04
Somaliland: Government censured for not campaigning against Somali peace talks
Spokesman of BICSD, Dr Abdiqadir Hagi Muse in a signed declaration stated that the aim of the July 18 conference was to exchange views and discuss the situation of the country and the Nairobi conference. He said, "The vice president, political parties and traditional leaders were among those who were invited. It was unfortunate for the government to misinterpret our intentions, think that it was sabotage and as such stopped the conference. As we work for peace, we had no intention of taking arms."
The declaration stressed that thousands have died, thousands handicapped, thousands have become orphans, while thousands become orphans in the war for liberation. The declaration warned the government to avoid taking any steps, similar to those who brought the SNM struggle, such as denying people the freedom of expression and assembly; threatening the people with the security forces, violation of the constitution and ruling the country by illegal decrees.
The declaration emphasized that the Nairobi conference will have negative affects on the country and that the government seems to be doing nothing and as such appealed to nationals in the country and abroad, to discuss issues that concern the people and the sovereignty of Somaliland.
The declaration described that Sool and East Sanaag issue to be obstacle to Somaliland's unity, sovereignty and recognition. It accused lacking a policy to solve this problem. It also urged the people to solve their internal misunderstanding peacefully and have a common stand.
The Burco Intellectuals' Conference for Security and Development urged the people to strengthen peace and stability and tighten their belts for the development of the country. The declaration proposed the need for a large delegation similar to that of 2002 to be sent to Sool and east Sanaag to solve grievances and as such realize and strengthen unity and sovereignty of Somaliland.
BBC Worldwide Monitoring, August 2, 2004/SOURCE: Radio Hargeysa in Somali 1700 gmt 2 Aug 04
Somaliland parliamentary elections slated for 29 March 2005
The chairman stressed the need for everyone to be involved in preparations for the elections in order to ensure that it was successful just like the last two elections including the presidential one. He said this would be a demonstration of the progress in our motherland and the democratic process. The news conference was attended by representatives from the country's political parties.
Finally, the Somaliland Electoral Commission and representatives from the national political parties reached a decision that the elections will be held on 29 March 2005.
Voters will go to polling stations on this day which will be on a Tuesday to elect members of the House of Representatives. This would be a major achievement for the country.
Source: ICT Update: A current awareness bulletin for ACP agriculture, LAND AND TENURE, Issue 17 May 2004
Cadastral Sur Surveys: addressing territorial disputes in Somaliland
Abdi Hassan, a farmer in the Gabiley district of Somaliland, proudly holds out a laminated ID card to a visiting extension worker. The card is a land ownership certificate issued by the Ministry of Agriculture, and includes a headshot of Hassan, his name and a 10- digit code. `This code represents the exact location of my farm', Hassan explains. `Every farmer in the area now has one. For generations, our farm land had not been formally surveyed, so there were no officially recognized boundaries. The authorities would not issue any land title deeds. The situation has been worse since the end of the civil war. When the farmers returned there were many disputes over land, which sometimes became violent. No more - our land boundaries are now indisputable'.
This transformation has been achieved through a major UNDP-supported initiative, implemented by a local NGO, Cadastral Surveys, in collaboration with a Canadian company, NAC Geographic Products Inc. (NACGEO). Together they have helped to bring peace to this troubled region by surveying, delineating and registering land boundaries on the basis of the Natural Area Coding System.
Natural area codes (NACs) are basically a simpler, more compact form of geographical coordinates than those used by other mapping methods such as the global positioning system (GPS). NACGEO has developed a computer algorithm that shortens the long strings of longitude-latitude coordinates and replaces them with NACs, or digital addresses, that are as easy to remember as telephone numbers. A NAC consists of a string of up to ten alphanumeric characters - the longer the string, the smaller the area, and thus the greater the detail. Thus, a twocharacter NAC specifies an area of about 1000 square kilometres, six characters 1 square kilometre, and ten characters one square metre. In Somaliland, it was decided to use ten-character NACs, providing unique identifiers for every farm plot, building or even tree.
The NAC system
NACGEO has so far assigned NACs for 17 countries, of which Somaliland is the only one in the developing world. There were no existing map databases that could be converted to the NAC system - Cadastral Surveys therefore had to start the mapping process from scratch. The NAC mapping process is a rather complex undertaking. Cadastral Surveys sends a team into the field equipped with a theodolite to survey, record and map the exact locations of fixed objects such as houses or physical landmarks, and farm boundaries. Since neighbouring farmers must agree on the location of their shared boundaries before the surveying work can begin, they tend to resolve their disputes relatively quickly. Later, concrete blocks are embedded in the ground at various points to mark the agreed boundaries.
The surveyors' measurements are recorded, and copies are sent to the Cadastral Surveys head office in Gabiley. There, the raw data are examined to correct any obvious errors and are entered into ArcView, a geographic information system (GIS) software package, to create a preliminary schematic map showing the location and area of each parcel of land. This basic map, or `ground layer', is then emailed to NACGEO in Toronto, where cartographers superimpose onto it a rectangular grid of NAC coordinates. Any point on the map can now be identified with a unique NAC.
The new two-layer map is emailed back to Cadastral Surveys, where it is fed into the GIS database. Further layers can then be added to indicate other relevant details such as the location of wells and rain gauges. The finished product is a wall map of the area showing all the surveyed property boundaries and their coordinates, which is displayed in government and UN agency offices for all to see.
The surveyors then return to the field and paint the NACs onto the concrete `boundary blocks' embedded in the ground. The NACs are stored in a `master' database maintained by Cadastral Surveys, and at the Ministry of Agriculture. The Ministry uses the database to update land sale and inheritance records and, crucially, to issue laminated land registration certificates and freehold title deeds to individual farmers. The Ministry may also decide to use the database to manage the tax records for each farm.
Cadastral Surveys has so far surveyed and assigned natural area codes to 3500 farms in Somaliland. Although Cadastral Surveys has been using GIS and the NAC system for less than a year, it has already seen a massive increase in its mapping productivity as the skills of local staff have improved. In the near future a new Institute of Land, Soil and Water Surveying will be established at the University of Hargeisa, where Somalis will be able to further develop their surveying and mapping skills. The current GIS maps will also be enhanced with additional topographical data and soil and water information, which will undoubtedly be of value in the future development of the region.
The NAC system has benefited the farmers of Somaliland in many ways, not least in resolving conflicts over land and helping rebuild communities. With the boundaries clearly indicated on a map, on ID cards and in concrete in the ground, their land is now a valuable legal asset that they can use as collateral for loans and may pass on to their children.
Somaliland's NAC mapping process begins with land surveys (top) and culminates in land ownership certificates (below). Photos: Cadastral Surveys
John Drysdale (email: john_drysdale@yahoo.com) is director of Somaliland Cadastral Surveys. For further information, visit www.nacgeo.com/nacsite
John Drysdale describes how natural area codes and a geographic information system (GIS) database are enabling farmers in Somaliland to gain legal title to their land.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, July 31, 2004/Source: Radio HornAfrik, Mogadishu, in Somali 0500 gmt 31 Jul 04
EFFORTS TO NEGOTIATE BETWEEN SOMALILAND, NEW SOMALI GOVERNMENT ON - DIPLOMAT
(Barduro) The UK diplomat told HornAfrik correspondent in London that Somaliland had made progress on peace and stability - a fact recognized by Somalis in South and the international community - although there is no single government that had granted recognition to the self-declared republic.
Bell, explaining the aim of the meeting between the two Somali sides said the objective was not to discuss about secession or unity but to make everlasting peace between both sides.
Bell, who had recently returned from Nairobi said in the coming weeks the process of nominating new members of parliament at the peace talks will be concluded, adding that his government will support the new Somali government and all efforts of reconciliation in Somalia.
The UN and the regional body IGAD (Inter-Governmental Authority on Development) have previously said they do not recognize the self-proclaimed Somaliland and explained that peace talks in Nairobi is for all Somali clans.
Source: www.regulateonline.org/2003/cairo/skouby.doc
A case study on Somaliland, in the framework of the WDR project
Executive Summary
The report contains a case study of Somaliland, prepared in the framework of WDR program. The report maps the development of ICT in Somaliland and gives an analysis of potentials and barriers related to ICT development and investment.
Somaliland located in the north part of Somalia in East Africa is a small country with an area of 109,000 km2 and a population estimated to around 3 million. Fifty-five percent of the population is either nomadic or semi-nomadic, while 45% live in urban centers or rural towns. The ICT market in Somaliland is dominated by 5 telecom operators and a number of VSAT operators.
There is no telecom regulatory institution in Somaliland. There is, however, a weak political pressure for regulation; and there is a consensus among actors that it is desirable. The Somaliland telecom market can be characterized as a market with open competition, where there is no exclusive regulation and licensing procedures; only acceptance by ruling political forces is needed to enter the market.
Telecom operators in Somaliland have not agreed on rules for interconnection. Among the reasons for not interconnecting the problem of `trust' is seen as a dominant factor; the companies simply do not trust each other. The competition in the telecom market is `a negotiated competition'. All telecom operators cooperate in Somaliland Telecom Operators Association where they agree on prices and give information on this to the Ministry. Prices are uniform and adjusted according to inflation and the exchange rate to the US-dollar. The low prices for international calls may be seen as a combined result of real `competition'; low economic level/ development and no public intervention, i.e., no contribution to telecom development as in other developed countries.
As indicated in the report the economy of Somaliland is based mainly on export of livestock. ICT projects with the aim of implementing more efficient processes in the production, transport and export of livestock will have vital effects on the economy. Also the fishing industry that is under development will gain efficiency by implementing ICT solutions. Somaliland is one of the least developed countries in the world and the development of ICT, e.g., in the governmental institutions need that the international donor organizations give ICT development a high priority.
Without a substantial surplus in traditional sectors as agriculture and fishery it seems unlikely that the economy can develop to support a modern state. Further this seems to require the introduction of an ICT infrastructure and massive investment in development of education. These investments seem justified by the potentials, but Somaliland's indeterminate international status is a severe threat to realization of the potentials.
Source: Somaliland Net, Aug 01 2004
President Riyalle Appeals for Releasing of Somali Hostage
The President called on the Iraqi officials and tribal leaders to do their utmost to release his country man and other hostages.
Group calling itself the Tawhid and Jihad group said it seized Ali Ahmad Musa. In a video aired by Aljazeera, the group threatened to behead Musa within 48 hours unless the company withdrew from Iraq. It did not name the Kuwaiti company.
Thursday's warning comes a day after another Iraqi group killed two Pakistani captives who also worked for a Kuwaiti company.
Dozens of foreigners have been captured in Iraq. At least six have been executed while others have been released. Armed groups have increasingly targeted drivers and employees of foreign companies working in the country, accusing them of supporting the war.
Panafrican News Agency (PANA) Daily Newswire, July 29, 2004
SOMALILAND SUSPENDS RELIEF FLIGHTS
Sources told PANA Thursday the Somaliland authorities took the decision after ECHO refused to pay an undisclosed amount of United States dollars for its planes to land at Hargeisa airport.
Consequently, for two week the relief agency has not shuttled humanitarian aid workers, relief items and pouches to Somaliland, the sources said.
For several years, ECHO has been operating five daily flights to and from Somaliland, ferrying relief workers free of charge, mainly to and from the Kenya capital Nairobi to Hargeisa, capital of Somaliland, and others towns within Somaliland where aid agencies engage in humanitarian activities.
It also operated a twice-weekly cargo aircraft.
An official at the ECHO liaison office in Hargeisa, who requested anonymity, said the agency refused to heed the demands because the rules governing relief bodies forbids them from paying fees and taxes of such nature. "The fact is that we are not engaged in commercial activities, instead we are offering free flights to only humanitarian workers operating in Somaliland, who are helping the people," he said.
The official said the decision has left some aid workers stranded in Nairobi and field offices that are only accessible by planes.
Figures obtained from the Ministry of Planning shows 53 international aid agencies operate in Somaliland at various locations.
When contacted, the Director General of the Somaliland civil aviation department, Ahmed Mohammed Gulled, said discussions with representative of ECHO were underway to resolve the current stand-off.
Meanwhile, opposition figures in Somaliland have demanded the government to withdrew its demands and allow the resumption of the relief flights unconditionally.
In April this year, humanitarian activities were suspended for two months in Somaliland after unknown gunmen killed four aid workers within six months.
The foreign aid workers resumed work only after the government convinced the Somali Aid Co-ordination Board (SACB), a body in charge of aid workers operating in Somalia, that it would ensure
BBC Monitoring International Reports, July 26, 2004/Source: Qaran, Mogadishu, in Somali 26 Jul 04
SOMALILAND'S HARGEYSA AIRPORT HOLDING UP EU AIRCRAFT OVER UNPAID TAXES
BBC Monitoring International Reports, July 25, 2004/Source: The Somaliland Times web site, Hargeysa, in English 5 Jul 04
SOMALILAND PAPER EDITORIAL URGES EU TO RECOGNIZE SOMALILAND AS SEPARATE STATE
The European Union has been playing an important and useful role in Somalia's peacemaking process that began in Kenya in October 2002. As the major contributor of funds required for running Somalia's reconciliation conference under way at Mbagathi, Nairobi, for the last one year and eight months, the EU's help has been instrumental in keeping the talks alive.
On many occasions when bitter wrangling had put the talks in jeopardy, the EU came forward to help the IGAD (Inter-Governmental Authority on Development) mediators resolve disagreements by engaging Somali parties in dialogue with the aim of reaching consensus. And with the Kenyan hosted talks on Somalia already in the final stage, the EU is said to be seriously thinking of providing substantial support for the government to emerge from the process. EU recognition of the new government to be installed for Somalia is also most likely to happen once the talks are brought to a successful end.
If the past reconciliation conferences are any guide, the person who is selected as president of Somalia will then start claiming jurisdiction over Somaliland. Arab governments, such as Egypt, Libya and Saudi Arabia, are likely to provide money and arms to the former Italian colony of Somalia. Somaliland will most probably react by first retaking Laascaanood, then engaging in a military build-up along the border with Somalia to get ready for an inevitable showdown with Italian Somalia. Such a dreadful scenario can only be avoided if the EU and IGAD address Somaliland's security concerns by inserting safeguards in the peace process that ensure Somaliland's sovereignty.
The EU as the only major external power player in the Mbagathi talks should publicly indicate its opposition to any claims of jurisdiction by any future government in Somalia over Somaliland. The EU and IGAD countries should also bear in mind that granting an immediate diplomatic recognition to the government anticipated to emerge from Mbagathi while withholding the same from Somaliland, would destroy any possibility for negotiations between the two countries on the status of their future relations.
It will be tragic indeed, if the EU, while trying to help resolve the conflicts in Somalia, actually ended up sowing the seeds of another deadlier conflict. The current Mbagathi talks provide a chance for the EU and IGAD to take a clear stand that recognizes Somaliland and Somalia as two separate sovereign countries. By recognizing Somalia and Somaliland as two sovereign nations, the international community would have helped in solving the current conflicts in Somalia and laid the basis for a peaceful future in the region.
allafrica.com/stories/200407230882.htmlSource: Addis Tribune (Addis Ababa) July 23, 2004
At the Crossroads of Failure
The protracted and often acrimonious proceedings of the 14th Somali peace and reconciliation conference at Embagathi, Kenya, is finally winding down to its eventual fait accompli. Twenty months into the making, the stark reality facing Walaweynian Somalis is another failed attempt at peace- making - not any different than the thirteen previous conferences. The international community and the regional governments provided both the moral and material support to bring back some semblance of human civility to the chaos of Walaweynian Somalia. Unfortunately, the parties to the conflict do not have the ethical and moral integrity and/or the credibility to engage themselves in a genuine and sincere dialogue to settle their dispute at the negotiating table. The failure of all these never-ending conferences are basically the culture of the society. It is a culture that rejects any sense of responsibility for its behaviour. The irony is this: The architects who engineered the demise of the old Somalia are negotiating to resurrect a new nation from the ashes of the old one!
The Aftermath of Arta Fiasco
The undeclared agenda of the Arta peace conference of 2000 was based on a rather erroneous political gamble based on the premise that if the Hawiye, according to Salad Qassim's contention, are granted the position of life-time presidency, the rest of the Somali clans will immediately fall in line and the Somali conflict will be over within months. Of course, that was a very naive and short-sighted miscalculation by the new elder statesman of the region. Four years later, Salad Qassim has proven himself to be a character of no credibility with his own Hawiye clan.
The rest of Southern community withheld their support and collaboration with Qassim's made in Djibouti transitional national government. That is why Qassim's administration is confined to mere 1km by 1.235km area in north Mogadiscio. This boils down to the fact that the man lacks the basic credentials to run a modern nation state.
The Prelude to the 15th Peace Convention
To shore up the sagging fortunes of the Embagathi convention, Abdulrezak Haji Hussein and his sidekick offered the former of the Somali National Movement the presidency of upcoming Somali state. The objective was to create suspicion, uncertainty, and chaos in Somaliland.Once that attempt has backfired, the former Prime Minister has set his real intentions in motion. In a recent article, Abdulrezak wrote, " The Darood and the Hawiye clans should relinquish the position of the presidency and the office of the prime minister in favour of other clans." On the surface, it is a categorical admission that the root cause of the current quagmire in Southern Somalia, as well as the ultimate failure of the Somali state, has been mainly due to the irreconcilable and always antagonistic political ambitions of the said two communities. A coronation of sorts, shall we say, for some at the twilight of his political dreams and a point for political pundits and historians to ponder for years to come.
However, the flipside of the ex-prime minister's statement is a carefully well-timed prelude to a much sinister and a farreaching hidden agenda. The corollary to Abdulrezak's article is this: Tthe rivalary between our two communities has failed to accomodate each other; let us entice the Isaq group to act as bulwark between us; let us explore this option for the last time."
This article has definitely refocused the disarrayed and hapless Somali pseudo-politicians. It surely has revitalised the moribund quasi-intellectual communities with an unprecedented sense of duty and responsibility to the suffering of the Somali people. This new-found dose of latent energy is reawakening the hypernating Greater Somalia dream. The hordes of people heading for Mogadiscio these days is a direct response to this bold new intitiative from the former prime minister. The message has really struck a raw nerve.
To evade and avoid the suspicion and wrath of the regional neighpors, this new masquerade is camouflaged and billed as the beginning of a new construtive dialogue initially between Somaliland and Somalia. This process will be eventually expanded delegates from the Northern Frontier District of Kenya, the Eastern Hararghe region of Ethiopia, and Djibouti. The Arab League ( via the Egyptian government) is the financial backer of this new radical initiative. This idea has been circulating around for a while. Now, it is gaining urgency as well as momentum simultaneously and it is intended to break the cycle of missed opportunities.
The aim and the sole objective of this new dispensation is to short-circuit Somaliland's rendezvous with its manifest destiny: the destiny to chart our own course regardless of the wishfull dreams of our southern neighbours.Walaweynian Somalis will go to any extreme to blame their incompetence on the absence of Somaliland from the negotiating table. To our walaweynian neighbours to the south i shall say: the drumbeat of the sanctity of somali unity is resonating periodically across the landscape. for those of you who are still looking for the holy grail or king solomon's ring,the search is gradually winding down to empty handedness on both counts. this is what you have to reckon with:
Why did the Somali state fail in the first place? Who is responsible for this failure? Siad Barre alone is not the culprit. Those who promoted him to become the commander-in-chief of the armed forces and later encouraged him to overthrow the civilian government, are equally responsible as well. Copyright c 2004 Addis Tribune. All rights reserved. Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media (allAfrica.com).
Panafrican News Agency (PANA) Daily Newswire, July 22, 2004
SOMALILAND BANS CIVIL SOCIETY ACTIVITIES
Consequently, the government ordered hundreds of policemen on Wednesday to forcibly cancel public meetings in two towns in Somaliland.
Osman used a press conference to bar the two planned rallies and banned all future rallies, meetings and political debates by international and local NGOs related to the ongoing Somali peace talks in Nairobi.
But civil society organizations, intellectuals and leaders of opposition party in Somaliland have bitterly criticised the government action.
Somaliland President Rayyale Kahin approved the ban in an official press release issued here Wednesday.
In the recent past, several civil society organisations in Somaliland have actively discussed the on-going Somali peace talks in Nairobi and the likely effect the formation of a Somali Government could have on Somaliland.
The peace talks which has been organised by IGAD and sponsored by the international community has entered its final phase with most people expecting the formation of a central government by the end of this July.
The Authority in Somaliland has never participated in the two- year-old peace talks or accorded it the attention it deserves.
Initially, organizations dealing with civil society activities in Somaliland were mostly engaged in issues of advocacy, awareness creation on child and women rights, voters' education and anti- female genital mutilation activities (FGM), among others.
But, for the past month-and-a-half, most organizations have dedicated a big portion of their time to the ongoing peace talks expected to end this month.
The Director of the local NGO Center for Creative Solutions, Hussein Mohamed Bulhan has described the move as "autocratic, high-handed and exploitative".
"In our role as civil society organizations, we are duty bound to make sure the people of Somaliland are aware of what would happen to them if a decision against them is taken. And we want to prepare them for any eventuality that will come from the talks" Bulhan told PANA Thursday.
The officials of civil society organisations share the sentiments of Bulhan, saying recognition for Somaliland were slim going by the current indicators from the international community.
Opposition leaders described the move as "denying the citizens their basic human rights".
The Center for Creative Solutions has been holding night sessions and debates in Hargeisa dubbed Aawa Akli Ken (tonight bring a solution) to sensitise and prepare the citizens as well as solicit their views about their country.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, July 21, 2004/Source: Jamhuuriya web site, Hargeysa, in Somali 19 Jul 04
SOMALILAND OPPOSITION OFFICIAL HITS AT BBC SOMALI SERVICE CHIEF
(Warabe) The other issue that I want to comment on concerns the BBC Somali Service. Yusuf Garad (head of the Somali Service) has abandoned rules and regulations of journalism. I do not want Yusuf Garad to use British facilities and power to destroy Somaliland. If he wants to side with his cousin Abdiqasim (Salad Hasan, interim government president) while at the BBC, he has already created a different station for himself funded with British money.
We (Somaliland) have people, a government and friends. We are saying Yusuf Garad has clearly showed an inclination to use British funds to destroy our people by denying a platform to anyone with positive views on Somaliland. We have spoken to the BBC and the government (presumably British government) over the issue. We have told the people to boycott Yusuf Garad's station and to put off their radios whenever it starts airing its programmes.
We also know that Somaliland people working in the BBC were fired and fined for holding views consistent with Somaliland. We are aware of a project being implemented in Somaliland in which residents have collaborated with Yusuf Garad. We are saying this project through which Garad is soliciting lots of funds, is illegal and has to stop. He is using individuals in Somaliland as puppets. (Passage omitted)
BBC Monitoring International Reports, July 20, 2004/Source: Qaran, Mogadishu, in Somali 20 Jul 04
SOMALILAND OPPOSITION LEADER "INSISTS" ON ATTENDING BANNED PEACE TALKS MEETING
BBC Monitoring International Reports, July 18, 2004/Source: Radio Shabeelle, Mogadishu in Somali 0500 gmt 18 Jul 04
SOMALILAND OPPOSITION PARTY URGES DEMO AGAINST NAIROBI PEACE TALKS ON 24 JULY
(Isma'il) A statement issued last night by Kulmiye opposition party said that all Somaliland nationals were requested to express their opposition to the scheduled Somali peace talks in Nairobi, and to oppose any results which may come from the talks, adding that the outcome of the meeting concerns the southern part of Somalia only.
The opposition Kulmiye party statement comes after the UN envoy to Somalia, Winston Tubman, said that the third phase of Somali peace talks was for all Somali clans including those in Somaliland, adding that UN does not recognize any current administrative set up in any part of Somalia.
The secretary-general of the party, Daud Muhammad Gelleh, signed the statement on behalf of the party.
The statement further added that Kulmiye party has several times warned against Somali peace talks in Nairobi saying that the outcome of the talks was likely to affect the unity and the existence of Somaliland Republic.
The party has appealed to the international community and Somali delegates in Nairobi to understand that the peace talks in Nairobi cannot decide the future of Somaliland Republic.
Source: www.delken.cec.eu.int/en/publications/News%20Letter%20Integrated%20unescounicef%20-%20SQOSES.pdf
SQOSES Newsletter
One of the many projects through which EC supports the Somali people is the Strengthening Quality of the Somali Education System (SQOSES) Intervention. UNICEF and UNESCO are the implementing partners in this project.
An update on SQOSES project activities
Activities are gaining momentum following logistical difficulties and an increase in insecurity throughout Somalia over the last six months.
The UNESCO component of SQOSES provides the new textbooks for Grade 5 and 6 and supplementary readers to schools in Somalia. It further provides for the in service training of teachers in the use of the new textbooks, the conducting of Grade 8 examinations, and strengthening of services to the Somaliland Teacher Education College (STEC).
Distribution of Grade 5 textbooks
The Grade 5 textbooks of Somalia/Somaliland have been distributed and teachers and pupils have access to better learning resources at the Grade 5 level.
In-service teacher training
In order to ensure that the new learning materials for Grades 5 and 6 are better utilized in the teaching process, workshops for the Training of Trainers (TOT) in preparation for the teacher in service training in Grade 5 and 6 subjects were successfully conducted. The Bossaso TOT was conducted in March and in Hargeisa in April and May 2004. In addition, a series of further in-service workshops are scheduled during the school holidays (June-August 04) targeting over 3000 upper primary teachers.
Supplementary readers
A total of 6 readers were printed by UNESCO and have been freighted to Hargeisa, Garoe and Mogadishu from where they will be distributed along with the Grade 6 textbooks in July 2004 and integrated into the in-servicing workshops.
Grade 8 examinations
UNESCO provided financial support and technical assistance in the form of training workshops and capacity building for the preparation of the Grade 8 examinations in Somaliland, Puntland and Central-South Somalia to be held in June 2004.
UNESCO supported the Ministries of Education on the advertisements to campaign for a more general participation of Grade 8 leavers in the national Grade 8 examinations. The adverts would be announced through the mass media in Somaliland and Puntland. SACB members were also asked to encourage Grade 8 students in the schools they support to register for the common Somalia Certificate of Primary Education Examinations.
The Ministries of Education of Puntland and Somaliland each allocated premises for examination centres. Contractors were identified for their rehabilitation which will be supported by UNESCO.
The Somaliland Teacher Education College (STEC) UNESCO supplied library resources and laboratory equipment to the Somaliland Teacher Education College and continued to support the administration and management of the college.
The Grade 6 - 8 textbooks
The pre-press work on the Grade 6 textbooks was completed and the texts are now with the printers. Meanwhile, with DFID (UK's Department for International Development) funding, preparations are made for the finalisation of the Grade 7 and 8 textbooks in two editions.
Strengthening Quality of the Somali Education System (SQOSES) April 2004, No. 3
Textbook Provision Policy
Data gathering has concluded for a study designed to provide the basis for the evolution of a Textbook Provision Policy for Somalia. The study, conducted by International Book Development (IBD), sampled a broad range of stakeholders in education including the local education authorities, parents, booksellers, printers and publishers. The output will be a textbook provision policy for Somalia which will help in identifying roles, responsibilities and capacities of different stakeholders in the sustainable production and distribution of textbooks for teaching and learning.
A stakeholder workshop on the outcome of the study is planned for July. Key decisions on the way forward for textbook and other learning material production will follow the workshop. Revamping Education Management Information System (EMIS) During the second quarter of the year, UNICEF completed a revision of EMIS tools.
The modified tools contain information relevant at the school level and have been made so that they are easier to use. For instance, the revised tools have simpler methods of tracking pupil movement and gauging enrollment, daily attendance, retention and pass rates to higher grades. They also contain a section on teacher data which will assist in knowing the number, qualification, location and movement of teachers. The revised tools and accompanying mock-ups have been presented to all partners and authorities for their suggestions and comments and are now ready for printing.
Annual School Survey
UNICEF also conducted the annual school survey during the quarter which involved a number of phases involving training of the enumerators, support to data collection in the field, and collation and analysis of the collected data in Nairobi. Data analysis has been completed that the survey report is being prepared for distribution. This year, for the first time, information on teachers' names, qualifications, level of experience and location was collected in the Northwest and Northeast Zones. This information will form the basis of a Teacher Registration system in these areas.
The survey was completed in all operational schools in the Northeast and Northwest Zones. In the Central and Southern Zone, data collection was completed in all operational schools except in Lower Juba and Jillib, where data collection activities were hindered by insecurity. The annual survey is instrumental in allowing education agencies to gather and maintain reliable education data to ensure appropriate planning and implementation. In addition, the preparatory processes leading to the conduct of the survey provided opportunities to build the data gathering and management capacities of educational functionaries throughout Somalia.
Support to Educational Development Centres (EDCs) in Hargeisa and Bossaso
Educational Development Centres serve as resource centres for both teachers and learners and play a major role in improving the overall quality of education. During the quarter, the EDCs in the Northeast and Northwest Zones were provided with basic support items in order to improve their capacity in vital teaching-learning support functions. Items supplied to the two centres in Bossaso and Hargeisa included furniture, shelves, photocopiers, toners, drums and stationery. Toilets were also constructed for the EDC in Hargeisa. With these in place, the EDCs are now more equipped to support educational functionaries, particularly, the school mentors, who will then in turn provide support and guidance to classroom teachers. The EDCs are now also more able to serve as venues for meetings and training workshops in their respective zones.
Mentoring support to teachers
Twenty school mentors from the Northwest Zone, 12 from the Northeast and 28 from the Central and Southern Zone continued working in 212 pilot schools with 1751 teachers during the reporting period. Reports have been positive from monitoring visits by the zonal SQOSES in-service co-coordinators and UNICEF Project Officers using monitoring tools specifically developed for the pilot schools. Among the positive feedback, reporting indicate that teachers are increasingly adopting more participatory methodologies in their classrooms. These reports also indicate that textbooks distributed through the SQOSES project are being productively used in classroom interactions and that learners are adopting more process oriented approaches in solving problems. (See attached story) "It all adds up well - report from a visit to a SQOSES project" I took the opportunity of visits to Horsed and Kulmis schools in Johwar which I monitored during this month of February to take some photographs of actual classroom interactions.
I was excited to see a female pupil concretely explaining subtraction of a one-digit number from two digit numbers using the take away method. She subtracted 5 from 12 without "carrying" from the ones. The girl skillfully did the subtraction using a bundle of 10 sticks and two separate sticks to represent the number 12. First, she put away the two sticks and then untied the bundle of ten and further took away three sticks and placed these together with the two sticks. She then counted the remaining sticks in her hand and then shouted "seven stick are in my hand". The photograph captures the girl as she solves this problem.
The girl is in grade one at Horsed Primary School in Jowhar. In the other attachment, the teacher has set a task to the pupils and is walking round the class as the pupils are doing the exercise and providing guidance to pupils. Pupils are clearly learning, and the different SQOSES project activities are thus adding up well.
Panafrican News Agency (PANA) Daily Newswire July 16, 2004/ Source: Radio Shabeelle, Mogadishu in Somali 0500 gmt 18 Jul 04
REGISTRATION OF HOUSES BEGINS IN SOMALILAND CAPITAL
According to Hargeisa's mayor, Engineer Hussein Mohamud Jiir, the objective of the exercise is to introduce a master plan for the town, the first of its kind in the breakaway former region of Somalia.
Hargeisa municipal council and a local NGO will implement the project jointly funded by the Nairobi-based UN-Habitat and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Jiir explained.
Satellite pictures and a research conducted in November last year will be used to improve efficiency in the said registration process, he added.
The target of the exercise is to obtain a precise data on each household, buildings and undeveloped lands in the township with an 75,000 residents.
It will enable Hergeisa municipal officials to know the number of households with electricity, telephones and running water among others.
At the end of the registration in January 2005, each household and buildings will get official registration certificates and while roads will also be named. It is also expected to improve Hargeisa municipal's revenue collection and streamline its services to cope with increasing demand.
For the past 15 years, half major towns in Somaliland including Hargeisa never received any kind of support or a facelift from external organisations.
Their infrastructure was completely ruining during the clan-based civil war that erupted in Somalia during the late 1980s when virtually all records and documentation were either looted or destroyed.
Killings related to land disputes are increasing in the unrecognised Somaliland because some people are forced to use violence to protect their rights or getting them back.
A policeman was killed recently in Hargeisa as he mediated between two families over a disputed piece of land.
BBC Monitoring International Reports, July 15, 2004/Source: Radio Shabeelle, Mogadishu in Somali 0500 gmt 15 Jul 04
SOMALILAND THREATENS TO ATTACK PUNTLAND OVER DISPUTED REGIONS
(Ismail) Somaliland Rural Development Minister Fuad Adan Ade has told Shabeelle Radio that the period to keep silent is over and from now onwards Somaliland will attack Puntland.
He said Somaliland forces are ready to seize the disputed Sool and Sanaag regions, which the two sides, Puntland and Somaliland, are disputing over its ownership.
(Fuad Adan): No more silence, Puntland must be attacked. We spoke to them in all ways, but there is nothing else remaining except bullets.
Puntland authority has not yet responded to Somaliland's threat. Puntland is now faced with rift between its top officials.
Source: Food Security Assessment Unit, Date: 14 Jul 2004
Food Security Report
Awdal and Northwest
Northwest and Awdal Regions received sufficient Gu rains and the situation is generally normal there. June rainfall amounts were good and livestock body condition is considered normal. Significant number of Somali families newly arrived from Europe, North America, and the Gulf countries in Hargeisa, Borama, and Gabiley towns. Positive spillover effects on the local economies through increased expenditures.
Sool Plateau
Poor Gu' rains have adversely affected livestock production and reproduction rates. Field reports indicate that herders are migrating to the Hawd pastoral areas for pasture and water. Deteriorating terms of trade for pastoralists due to a combination of factors, including: excess supply of small stock to the market; rising demand for cereals due to declining animal production; and seasonal closure of ports, such as Bossaso, because of difficulties associated with high tides Abnormal influx of livestock from Garissa District of Kenya to Badhadhe is increasing pressure on local communities and depleting available resources. Pasture conditions in Badhadhe are relatively better than in Garissa.
BBC Worldwide Monitoring, July 14, 2004/SOURCE: Somali Broadcasting Corporation radio, Boosaaso, in Somali 1000 gmt 14 Jul 04
Two Somaliland ministers call for military action in disputed region
The two ministers said it was the right time to resolve the problem of the disputed region through military action.
Somaliland's state minister for resettlement, Yasin Mahmud, who spoke to the independent Somaliland newspaper, Jamhuuriya on 11 July said the time was ripe to resolve the Sool problem through direct military intervention.
The minister urged the Somaliland government to seize the opportunity for military intervention occasioned by what he described as the current political disorder that is prevailing in within the Puntland administration.
Somaliland's minister for livestock development, Fuad Adan Ade, who also spoke to Jamhuuriya newspaper today, said he could not understand why the Sool Region could not be liberated once and for all.
The minister called on the Somaliland government to take action in Sool Region.
Inhabitants of Somaliland have expressed mixed views about the statements of the two ministers. Some Somaliland citizens are against the two ministers' call for military action in Sool Region, while others are fully supporting the call.
Source: www.fews.net/resources/gcontent/pdf/1000467.pdf
Somalia: Nutrition Update
The plateau stretches across the Sool, Sanaag and Bari regions of Northern Somalia. The Sool Plateau of Sool and Sanaag regions form the largest part of the plateau with a population estimate of 69,550 (WHO population estimates, revised in June 2004 by survey team). Pastoral livelihood is practiced with shoats and camels being the dominant animal species. The plateau has experienced more than four years of a chronic drought that led to severe pasture depletion, cumulative degradation of rangeland with little potential for recovery and regeneration and water scarcity. All these culminated in massive livestock deaths including pack camels towards the end of the year 2003. This negatively affected the migration options for poor and middle pastoral groups. Overall it is estimated that the pastoralists have lost large herds of livestock, about 50% of the shoats and 60-70% camels.1 Nutrition and food security data from the area have persistently shown a poor situation in well being of the population.
A nutrition survey and an inter-agency assessment were conducted in May/June 20032 and in October 2003 respectively. This led to commencement of various interventions3 in December 2003 (January 2004, February 2004 and April 2004 Nutrition Updates, summary of interventions within Sool Plateau). During these interventions, nutritional screening of children has been undertaken using weight for height, revealing high levels of malnutrition. Since December 2003 FSAU has undertaken three rounds of sentinel sites data collection in the Sool Plateau of Sool and Sanaag regions which has revealed a gradual improvement in the under fives nutritional status from around 19% to 15% of those screened. In contrast, the nutrition status for mothers was seen to deteriorate (May 2004 Nutrition Update).
Between 29th May and 8th June 2004 a nutrition survey was conducted by FSAU, UNICEF, MOHL and SRCS to determine changes in nutritional status and establish the influencing factors since the last survey in May 2003. Using a two-stage (30x30) cluster sampling methodology, a total of 901 children aged 6-59 months and measuring 65-110 cm in height/ length were surveyed. The children came from 457 randomly selected households. A high proportion (about 32%) of the households was female headed while the rest were male headed. Preliminary results indicate a global acute malnutrition rate (W/ H <-2 Z score or oedema) of 13.7 % compared to 12.5 % recorded in May 2003 survey. Severe acute malnutrition was 3.1% compared to 1.8 % in 2003 with oedema cases having increased from 5 to 12 cases.
The under five mortality rate also increased from 1.9 deaths/10,000/day in 2003 to 2.89 deaths/10,000/day. Crude mortality rate was 0.88 deaths/10,000/day compared to 0.86 deaths/ 10,000/day in 2003. A total of 11.2% of the mothers were malnourished (MUAC <21 cm). This indicates a poor nutrition situation among mothers though not directly comparable to past sentinel sites data. The summary of the results is as detailed in the table.
The difference in the levels of global acute malnutrition in both surveys is not statistically significant although the rates remain higher than those seen in similar communities in the country. The increase in under five mortality rate to the alert level further reveals a poor situation in the plateau. The malnutrition rates by sex were statistically significant with more girls (18.1%) being malnourished than boys (p<0.05); a factor that will require further investigation. Measles and diarrhoea incidences were relatively high, 8 % and 17.8% respectively. The results indicate a strong relationship between malnutrition and malaria and diarrhoeal diseases.
Though relatively low, there was an improvement in the coverage of Vitamin A supplementation and measles vaccination.
Child feeding practices were found to be sub-optimal among children aged 6-24 months. Among children of breast feeding age, the proportion still breastfeeding reduced from 61% in the previous survey to 31%. This can be attributed to the high demand of women's time, leaving children for long hours as they engage in casual employment and search for loans to buy food. Additionally, mothers are opting not to breastfeed their children due to lack of enough foods to feed themselves too as was noted in the focus group discussions.
A high proportion (93.1%) of the children aged between 6 and 24 months were introduced to foods other than breast milk very early in life between 0-3 months. The results further indicate reduction on frequency of feeding of children. The proportion of children feeding few times per day between 1-2 times increased by more than half from about 17% in 2003 to 42%. At the same time the proportion of children feeding more than 4 times reduced, only about 7% of the children were feeding more than 4 times per day compared to 27% in 2003. About two thirds of the people were obtaining water from unprotected wells/spring. Qualitative information from focus group discussions, key informant interviews and food security information indicate that the household level coping mechanisms have been overstretched and people are resulting in extreme coping strategies; for example significantly reducing the amount of food consumed and frequency of meals.
Further analysis of the results is currently underway.
Ethiopia: Food Trucks Attacked As Drought, Insecurity Hit Somali Region
Addis Ababa: Eleven food trucks have been attacked and burnt in the Somali region of eastern Ethiopia over the past two months, officials told IRIN on Tuesday. Aid workers operating in the area said the latest incident took place 12 days ago.
"The region is walking on a knife edge," Abdul Karim, who heads the charity Hope for the Horn, told IRIN. He said drought coupled with security issues could be devastating. "There is a very severe drought," he explained, adding that four areas - Warder, Gashamo, Aware and Geladi - had been particularly hard hit. "There was sporadic rainfall, and people came from all around, but that rain had little impact because the area was overgrazed. The water was also used very quickly. There are fodder shortages and cattle dying like flies. It is a very serious situation in that area," he added.
Concern is mounting that if attacks continue, relief efforts in the region might be obstructed. Ibrahim Isma'il of the 29-member elders' council, an advisory group to the regional state government in Jijiga, told IRIN that tensions were high. The 53-year-old Ibrahim, who comes from Gashamo District, sits in the regional parliament and advises the federal affairs ministry in the capital, Addis Ababa, said the situation was deteriorating. The elders' council, representing all the clan groups and districts in the Somali National Regional State, was set up five years ago. Councillors' salaries are paid by the government.
"There is tension over pasture and access rights," Ibrahim told IRIN by phone from Jijiga, 700 km east of Addis Ababa. "It is very tense. The people from my district are facing severe drought, but in the neighbouring district there has been rain. But armed men are turning them [people from his district] back."
The truck burnings were blamed on bitter rivalry between the Isaq and Ogaden clans, he added.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has expressed concern over the situation in the Somali region. He told parliament on 9 July that he would "take whatever measures are necessary under the law" to resolve any instability that emerged there.
"There have been a whole spate of burnings of Somaliland trucks," one aid official working in the area told IRIN. [Somaliland is a self-declared republic in northern Somalia.] "It is a very serious issue here, because people are badly affected by the drought and need support."
The Somali region has also been ravaged by conflict. Its dust-bowl conditions [annual rainfall is one of the lowest in Ethiopia] have wreaked havoc on the population. Its porous 1,600-km border with war-ravaged Somalia has seen tens of thousands of refugees flood into Ethiopia to escape the decade-long fighting. About 85 percent of the region's 3.4 million people [official figure] are nomadic pastoralists whose livelihood depends entirely on their livestock, much of which was lost during a 2000 drought, in which an estimated 50,000 lives were lost.
According to the US government-funded Famine Early Warning System (FEWS), the region, one of Ethiopia's largest, is suffering from "large, long-term moisture deficits". FEWS says drought is expected to persist since the next rains are not expected until October.
Somaliland Times, Issue 129 July 12-18, 2004
President Rayale Reminds The International Community Not To Help Southern Warlords Resurrect The 1960 Union
President Rayale appealed to the international community not to lend support to what he termed as the quest by southern warlords for the resurrection of the 1960 Union between Somaliland and Somalia. Instead, Rayale proposed a two state solution according to which both Somaliland and Somalia would be recognized as two separate sovereign countries.
President Rayale's comments came in a press statement released on Tuesday. A full text of the press release is as follows:
"Of late, different segments of the Somaliland society, the political parties, the traditional leaders and the people at large, have shown concern of varying degrees, with regard to the outcome of the IGAD sponsored Somali Peace and Reconciliation Conference, currently being held at Embagathi, Nairobi.
Somaliland has been successful in establishing peace, security and political democratization. Nevertheless the international community, has all along been on parallel footing, busy holding peace and reconciliation conferences, for the Somalis, in neighboring countries, with the sole aim and intention of forming a central government for the defunct Somali Republic. All these conferences held for the warlords and their followers, had the same fate. They ended in failure.
Though invited by the international community, Somaliland has always refused to participate in those peace and reconciliation conferences, held for the warring factions in the South or Somalia.
We have always enunciated our position to the international Community: "That Somaliland has re-proclaimed its sovereignty and independence, at the Burao Grand Conference, held in 18 May 1991. Through this grand conference, Somaliland withdrew from the 1960 union with Somalia (former Italian Somalia), a union that has always been a failure.
Somaliland, noted with satisfaction, numerous pronouncements from the international community, stating the current conference being held in Kenya, is solely to reconcile the southern warring factions to be followed by the formation of a government for Somalia, that would then enter into dialogue with Somaliland.
This stand taken by the international community came through strenuous and unremitting diplomatic efforts by Somaliland's government to convince IGAD, AU, UN, EU and the United States; that Somaliland and Somalia are two separate states, with internationally recognized boundaries, inherited form their British and Italian Colonial administrations.
Somaliland's independence is based on its right to self-determination, as enshrined in the AU and the United Nations Charter. The independence of Somaliland, was subsequently endorsed by its own people, through the referendum on the constitution, in which 97 % of the voters, voted YES for independence and the new constitution. International observers from Europe, the United States, and South Africa, have termed the referendum, fair and free.
We appeal to IGAD, AU, EU and the UN and the international Community at large, to refrain from extending any support to the warring factions attending the conference, in their quest to resurrect the former defunct union, which is beyond resurrection. The Union died a natural death in May 991.
The international community is to be fore-warned, that any attempt to resurrect the former Somali Union, would only trigger a new cycle of armed confrontation and civil war, that would engulf the entire Horn of Africa region.
The government and people of Somaliland believe that the outcome and resolution of this conference should be that we are two separate states, Somaliland and Somalia, that would live in peace and in good neighborliness with each other and with the other states in the region.
IGAD member states and the international community would bear full responsibility for any outcome, different from the separate two states solution, which might lead to future strife and conflict that could hurriedly turn into uncontrollable calamities.
Finally, Somaliland would only have dialogue with Somalia, when they put in place, a president and government elected by the people of Somalia. We would not enter into any dialogue, with re-cycled warlords and the likes of the TNG president that do not enjoy the goodwill, support and mandate of their own people.
No One Held Accountable For My Brother's Death While In Prison Custody," Adel A. F. Jome
According to inmates, the prison wards refused to allow Adnan seek medical help for his condition. "He kept saying I need some air but the place was too hot," said one inmate.
Temperatures reach as high as 49 degrees centigrade in Berbera during the month of June.
Adel Abdi Farah Jome, the elder brother of the deceased is very much upset with how the authorities handled the case.
"Can you imagine that no one has been held accountable for my brother's death while in prison custody," Adnan said.
Adel is blaming inhuman prison conditions and extra-legal practices by law enforcement agencies as the cause of his brother's death.
"Adnan's human rights have been violated and our family members will not rest until the authorities held somebody accountable for my brother's imprisonment in the first place as well as the ill-treatment he received while in custody," the beveared brother vowed.
Adnan was arrested by Berbera police in early June and then sent to jail. It was not known why he was detained as no charges were brought against him.
Adel criticized the government for encouraging lawlessness by subjecting citizens to rules dating back to previous repressive governments.
Two other men arrested with Adnan have now been transferred from Berbera to Hargeisa Central Prison. They haven't been charged yet. Adel suspects that they might have been tried by an arbitrary Security Court. "The government should dismantle the Security Commissions System that summarily tries people in breach of the constitution," Adel Abdi Farah Jome added.
Obituary Of Lieutenant-Colonel Walter Brown:
Europe Intelligence Wire, July 6, 2004
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL WALTER BROWN, who has died aged 90, won an MC in the Italian campaign, and subsequently held an independent command covering a huge area of East Africa.
At the end of August 1944, after completing considerable engineering work on roads and bridges destroyed by the retreating Germans, the Eighth Army attacked the German positions. This assault carried them through the Gothic Line, and by early September it was fighting for Rimini on the Adriatic coast.
On September 21 1944, Brown, then a major commanding D Company 1st/6th Battalion the East Surrey Regiment, was ordered to capture a strategic feature near Rimini. When they reached the objective, the two leading platoons found themselves in a very exposed position. They came under heavy 88 mm and Spandau fire, and were taking casualties. The only other officer in the company was wounded, and Brown took command of these two companies and moved them under cover. He walked over to the tank commander and agreed a plan for dealing with a house from which the enemy was firing, and then led an attack which resulted in 20 of the enemy being taken prisoner and several being killed. After quickly reorganising the company, Brown completed the capture of the objective and a further 67 prisoners. He was given an immediate MC.
Walter Brind Ernest Brown was born on November 27 1913 and educated at Radley. He was commissioned into the Royal Berkshire Regiment and from 1934 to 1939 served with the 2nd Battalion in Palestine, Cyprus, Egypt and India.
Keen on sport, he represented his regiment at cricket, rugby, hockey and tennis, and won the shooting cup several times. Brown also liked giving parties. He once pawned a gold filling in his tooth to raise money for one, then was posted to Khartoum at such short notice that he could not greet his guests.
In 1939, Brown was seconded to the Sudan Defence Force. When Italy entered the war the following year, the Italian forces captured outposts on the borders of Kenya and Sudan, and in August 1940 they occupied British Somaliland.
In January 1941, the 4th and 5th Indian Divisions in the Sudan invaded Eritrea and Northern Ethiopia, where they met well-organised Italian resistance. Brown, serving with the SDF, part of 5th Indian Division, was on the receiving end of a fierce cavalry charge by native troops.
The Italians fell back, but it was the end of March before they yielded the key stronghold of Keren after bitter fighting, and May before their forces under their commander-in-chief, the Duke of Aosta, surrendered. Brown subsequently took part in the Eighth Army's campaign in the Western Desert as brigade major of 1 SDF Brigade. In 1944, he was posted to the 10th Battalion Royal Berkshires, but they had suffered such heavy losses at Anzio that they were disbanded, and he was seconded to 1/6th Battalion The East Surrey Regiment.
Brown served with this regiment in Italy and Greece as a company commander and, subsequently, second-in-command, until the end of the war. After Staff College, Camberley, and a posting as G2 to British Joint Services Mission in Washington, he served in Cyprus with the 1st Parachute Regiment, again as a company commander and later as second-in-command.
In 1951, he moved to Khartoum as AA & QMG of the Sudan Defence Force and the following year was given command of the Equatorial Corps. The Corps was some 1,600 strong and had its own Service Corps, Engineers and Signals. It covered an area of 250,000 square miles and the companies on the periphery were over 1,000 miles apart.
When Sudan became independent in 1956, Brown and his 10 officers were given six weeks' notice to hand over and leave. Southern Sudan was much less developed than the north and the replacement of the British by educated northern Sudanese caused dismay among the troops in the south. Only 10 years earlier the two had been fighting each other and Brown predicted, correctly, that there would be a rebellion in the south against the north within 12 months.
He was then given command of the Somaliland Scouts, but both his parents then died and, in 1958, he retired from the Army in order to take over the family estate in Berkshire.
Brown farmed for the next 25 years and was a director of two family companies that ranched cattle in Kenya and Brazil. In retirement, he continued to enjoy shooting and took a stalwart interest in local affairs.
Walter Brown died on May 10. He never married.
The international community should not rush into recognizing the government that comes out of Mbagthi talks
The regional and international sponsors of the so-called reconciliation talks on Somalia, being held at Mbagathi, Nairobi, are obliged to take the necessary measures for addressing the deep concerns expressed by the government and people of Somaliland over the consequences that the outcome of the Kenya-hosted process might have for their country's sovereignty, peace, security and democracy. Ignoring Somaliland's concerns would be a grave mistake by the international community. Somaliland wants international guarantees that the government expected to emerge out of Mbagathi would be a government for Somalia (the former Italian colony) and not for Somaliland (the ex-British protectorate).
The overwhelming majority of the people of Somaliland have already opted for staying independent and elected their own government, at both local and national levels, through the ballot box. Life under a decade of freedom, peace, demobilization of militias, repatriation of refugees and reconstruction is being celebrated in the country. This is a long way from the environment of death and destruction that prevailed in Somaliland for decades when it was subjugated by rulers from Italian Somalia.
Somaliland's proclamation of independence on May 18, 1991, was not just a result of the collapse of Siyad Barre's dictatorial regime earlier in that year. As Somaliland's voluntary merger with Somalia in 1960 turned immediately thereafter into a nightmare, Somalilanders have ever since been seeking to restore their independence. And when this failed to materialize through peaceful means, including a 1961 country-wide boycott of a referendum on a retro-active Act of Union and a failed coup de'tat by a group of Somaliland military officers in December of the same year, Somalilanders revolted as of 1981 in an armed rebellion against Barre's largely southern occupation forces. As government forces embarked on a policy of genocide against Somaliland's innocent civilian population, the international community was not only silent about the atrocities, but many of its members continued to provide direct military support and aid packages both in cash and kind to Somalia's military rulers. UN organizations and other aid agencies also collaborated with the tyrannical regime by feeding, sheltering and providing all types of social services for hundreds of thousands of so-called refugees who were encouraged by Siyad Barre's government to leave their homes in Ethiopia's Somali region and come instead to Somaliland in order to chase out the natives and replace them. The "refugee" camps were used by the government not only as a reliable source of food, transport vehicles and fuel for its army but also as inexhaustible recruitment centers until the last days before Somalia's forces were driven completely out of Somaliland soil. Had it not been for the huge external aid that they un-interruptedly enjoyed till the end, Somalia's rulers would have lost their grip on Somaliland at a much earlier stage to the SNM-led popular resistance. By prolonging the life of the dictatorship, the international community had contributed to the slaughter of over 100,000 innocent civilians and the total destruction of a whole country, not to mention the over one million people who fled their homes to seek refuge in eastern Ethiopia and elsewhere. It is just incredible that the international community would want to add to its ugly past in this region by trying to re-invent the old Somalia albeit one with a federal face.
Do the sponsors of the Mbagathi process realize the consequences of conferring legitimacy on a southern dominated government and forcing it on Somaliland? Until now, IGAD, the EU and UN officials attending the Mbagathi talks, have stressed that the Mbagathi talks concerned only the South's warring factions. The stand of these international bodies has been that once a government was established by the former Italian Somalia, then Somalia and Somaliland would negotiate about their future relations. But then none of the regional and international sponsors of the talks has been willing to state publicly that the post-Mbagathi government will have jurisdiction only over Somalia and not Somaliland. On the contrary, the IGAD mediators have since the launching of the final phase of the process, been acting as though the anticipated government will be for a Somalia that includes Somaliland. To the dismay of the people of this country, IGAD has suddenly started accrediting some people as representatives of Somaliland clans, while overtly inviting Somaliland's traditional leaders to come to Nairobi. Moreover, IGAD and its international partners are already busy mobilizing resources for the post-Mbagathi order.
The international community must understand that any attempt to eliminate Somaliland's independence is a form of aggression that the people of Somaliland are not going to tolerate. The backers of the Mbagathi conference seem to be interested in washing their hands off the process once a government has been inaugurated, while leaving Somaliland's position vis-.-vis Somalia pending as an internal Somali problem to be solved by Somalis themselves in the future. If IGAD, The EU and the UN really want to avoid leaving behind a messy situation, they should drop the idea of restoring the former Somalia. Instead, they should concentrate on forming a government for ex-Italian Somalia, a daunting challenge in itself. It should also be made clear to the delegates attending the Mbagathi talks that the legal status of the new government is to govern Somalia (the south). Kipligat and other IGAD arbiters need not waste time on soliciting Somaliland individuals to join the Mbagathi Parliament as this would only complicate things in the future.
It is no secret that many southern politicians are counting on the arrival of aid in order to use it for conquering Somaliland rather than using that aid for nation-building. Some of the people at Mbagathi, Bosaso and Mogadishu are already hatching plans for deceiving the international community into contributing substantial amounts of resources for the building of an army that would be used to commit aggression against Somaliland. Some of these schemes have innocent-sounding names such as the restoration of Somalia's police force and demobilization of armed militia. The international community must be very careful with the aid it intends to provide to the post-Mbagathi process. The process should have mechanisms in place that stand in the way of any efforts by the new government to use externally-provided support for undermining Somaliland.
The international community should also learn from the mistake it made when it gave the TNG quick, unearned and unjustified recognition. By conferring recognition on the government to emerge from Mbagathi before it begins talks with Somaliland, the international community would undermine any chance of such talks being held and enhance the probability of war and conflict. A sensible approach to the question of recognition would be either to recognize both Somaliland and Somalia or wait until the two have reached a settlement on the status of their future relations.
Educational Programme
Teaching - Practice, In Primary Schools
Preparing To Teach
The lesson plan
References, learning aid (s), lesson introduction, lesson development and conclusion
Reference: In this section are listed the reference books, textbooks or any other sources of information used for preparing and teaching a lesson.
Where information is obtained from the pupils' book and teacher's guide, the pages must be indicated.
Learning aid (s):
Any materials that are used to make learning more effective should be
listed here. Learning aids can be real objects, models, charts,
pictures, etc. It is important to remember the following points when
using learning aids.
They must be adequate for the number of pupils in the class Real objects are the best learning aids.
Models, pictures, photographs and charts are used when real objects cannot be obtained.
These must be simple, clear and brief.
The next three sections form the main body of the lesson plan and outline the procedure of the lesson.
Lesson introduction:
Some prefer to put the introduction as step one of the lesson development section, others like to identify it as an aspect separate from the lesson development. Whatever the practice, a lesson introduction serves to gain the attention of the pupils at the beginning of the lesson.
If the teacher starts the lesson well, he should be able to maintain the pupil's interest throughout the lesson.
The following broad ideas might be used as introductions to lessons.
Ask questions about previous lessons that are related to the present one. A few examples of such questions must be indicated in the lesson plan.
Discuss a familiar situation with the pupils.
Display an interesting learning aid related to the lesson and discuss it with the pupils.
Lesson development
The development of the lesson is shown in steps, the number of which depends on the nature of the topic. The subject-matter will be presented in an orderly and logical sequence. It is important to start with what is known to the pupils, before the new information is introduced to them. The teacher must present the information at a simple level and move on gradually to the more difficult aspects of the subject.
This section is divided into two parts - teacher activities and pupil activities. In each step the teacher must be clear about what he or she intends to do and what the pupils must do. At no point should the pupils be wasting time in a lesson, not knowing what to do next. Some examples of teacher activities are explanation, asking questions, demonstration, providing the necessary materials, and giving instructions. Some examples of pupil activities are:- listening, answering questions, discussing, experimenting, looking the information on maps, drawing, modeling, and answering written questions or doing exercises.
In the step before conclusion, the teacher should prepare some kind of activity so that the pupils can apply their new knowledge or the skill which they have learned during the lesson. Some of the activities mentioned can be used. The emphasis here is on learning by doing.
Conclusion:
The conclusion is the rounding-off of the lesson satisfactorily, the way it is done depending on the nature of the lesson. A conclusion may involve:
Going over the main points of the lesson through oral or written questions;
Correcting some common mistakes made by the pupils while working, e.g. in a mathematics lessons;
Emphasizing again the main message of the lesson, e.g. that of a religious education lesson;
Summarizing the main points of the lesson.
Collecting books and tidying up at the end of a lesson are obvious duties and are not to be regarded as activities to round-off the lesson.
National Dialogue Is Overdue
The tension is high and that is unhealthy situation to be in prior to the approaching parliamentary election. Including the election, Somaliland is facing formidable challenges that require a united front and without lowering the level of polarization, these challenges might eventually hinder the realization of Somaliland's aspirations. In order to avert disaster, promote inclusiveness, improve understanding, and preserve the common interest without abandoning one's political persuasion or ideology, the administration should take the initiative to convene a national conference to cultivate and instill trust and formulate a sustainable working relationship among all parities.
The challenges ahead are many but for convenience, I have classified roughly into four categories according to the scale of controllability and impact just to organize my thought and no one should interpret it as a theory: a) Permanent b) Temporary and c) External d) Politics
The permanent challenges are the on-going struggle to improve the fortune of the people by raising the standard of living. They exist because resources are limited and sometimes mismanaged and they are primarily related to the economy, the condition of the institutions and the level of competence of the government in place.
These problems would always be there at different degrees, no matter who is in power, but building institutions and adopting effective public policies designed to better the quality of life can manage them. With an articulated vision, proactive attitude, constant monitoring, re-evaluating the situation and re-directing resources as need be could in time ameliorate and curb the deterioration. This is a colossal effort that requires identifying the urgent problems, summoning up the know-how, drafting remedial measures and executing without fail.
The temporary problems are related to human foibles and could be ascribed to either a) poor management such as the Hargeysa water shortage or b) poor attitude in dealing with the problems at hand such as fending off criticism by engaging character assassinations and personal attacks or c) poor policies such as improper allocation of resources and d) pure incompetence. These create unnecessary crisis and are the most controllable and shouldn't be part of the problem but they are. Proper training, education and adequate experience could help.
Then there are external problems. Some are natural like disasters such as draught but others such as the assassinations of the foreign expatriates, the ban on livestock export and withholding political recognition are by design thrown into Somaliland's path to spike, agitate, distract, delay or sabotage Somaliland's goal. These are the least controllable but their impact could be softened by vigilance, negotiations and carefully crafted diplomatic maneuvers.
And then there is politics, the mother of all polarization and the art of polemics. Politics is part of life and that makes it akin to the permanent classification but because of its magnitude, it is best to deal with it separately. The decision either a bureaucrat or an elected official makes affects the life of its subjects one way or the other and that makes it a must to participate in order to impact on the political direction the country is heading to. Democracy without participation is an autocracy and contrary to what many belief elections, even though essential to democracy, don't complete democracy but rather complement. It accords the office holder the power to govern by legislating, and making policies but some seek the office for sinister motives such as enriching themselves or punishing the opposition but with checks and balances, abuse of power could be diminished.
Multi-political parties and fair and free elections are pivotal to the democratic process but in a country like Somaliland where the institutions are weak and the government powers; the legislative, the judiciary and the executive are all accumulated, rather than separated, under the executive branch fair and free elections can't be conducted. That is given. Despite of knowing that the playing field isn't level, the people of Somaliland are determined to accept a system that favors unfairly and greatly the governing party. But that has a limit. If rigging, injustice and misgovernance go beyond the tolerable level, it could unleash civil unrest.
And that is why preparing for the upcoming parliamentary election is paramount. In my view, the election of the parliament is a huge project that requires greater amount of planning, input, negotiations and logistics than the Presidential and Local government elections required. All necessary precautions should have been taken by now but in my assessment, it may be already too late. Somaliland can't afford to mess it up.
Presently, the atmosphere is charged with accusations and counter accusations. There is a lot of antagonism among the political parties and the government and the public has little or no faith in the system. Many feel alienated and the lack of transparency in the government dealings contributes to the high tension and the mistrust. The government is thin skinned, defensive and combative and the opposition is disorganized. Precisely, that is why such a conference is a necessary step to lower the tension and the mistrust and better yet clear the coast for elections.
Somalilanders, wherever they are, are working hard either individually or through organizations like the Somaliland Forum to contribute to the quest for a politically recognized Somaliland. Working hard but not working in synchronization and that enervates the synergy. Such a conference could have helped towards that goal too.
Who would attend the conference? Political parties, parliamentarians, elders (Salaadiin), religious leaders, Local NGO's, Prominent businessmen, local government officials and members of the diaspora. The conference shouldn't be a platform to indict the administration nor should it be a place to demand to share governance but it should be a platform to exchange ideas, to debate in earnest and in good faith, to set guidelines on contentious issues and advise how to improve governing and agree on a set of procedures and policies geared towards making the forthcoming elections palatable to all.
The government should initiate, invest and call on such a conference so as to move forward with fewer hiccups. At this juncture, Somaliland needs to show the skeptics that it is a solid ROCK. I have no illusion that it would be a panacea but even if such a conference doesn't accomplish a lot, it would send a positive message to all and across the globe. Can we talk? AAAAAMIIIN.
Statement Of U.S. Senator Russ Feingold Remarks For Africa Policy Advisory Advisory Panel ISSUE 129
And we need to stop personalizing our relationships, relying on "our man" in this or that capital, allowing one person to embody the prospects of progress for millions. Instead of falling in and out of love with various heads of state or opposition leaders, we need much more serious thinking and engagement with the next generation of African leaders, whether they enter the private sector or the political arena, or become driving forces in civil society.
I believe that we need to think in very concrete terms about why Africa is so important and so indispensable to pursuing our most important foreign policy interests. Then we need to think about how to cultivate the right kinds of long-term relationships with African partners, and that means focusing on Africa's future. Finally, we need to acknowledge that today, we are not prepared, at the nuts-and-bolts level, to pursue the policies that are in our interest - and we need to make the necessary changes to get our posture right.
Africa and Our First Foreign Policy Priority
Since the attacks of September 11th, 2001, many Americans have come to understand that state sponsorship of terrorism is one kind of serious threat that must be addressed, but also that the absence of a functioning state is another. For several years now I have worked to call attention to some of the manifestations of states' weakness in various parts of Africa both in terms of humanitarian and economic collapse and in terms of such phenomenons as piracy, illicit air transport networks, and trafficking in arms, gemstones, and people. I believe that we must think more carefully about the relationship between criminal activity, corruption, and humanitarian crisis so as to help make these states less appealing to criminal opportunists, including terrorists.
Our first foreign policy priority is to combat the terrorist forces who would do us harm. Africa is unquestionably an important part of that effort. The 1998 embassy bombings, the 2002 bombings in Mombasa, and the consistent and credible reports of terrorist organizations operating in north, west, and southern Africa leave no room for doubt.
Short-term fixes to concerns about the terrorist presence in Africa - military strikes on terrorist training camps or freezing the assets of traders involved in laundering terrorist assets - may address some immediate threats, but they do little to ensure that our children will not face the same problems in the years to come. We must develop policies to help bring lasting stability to these terribly unstable places, to build solid relationships and gain access to solid information.
This seems an obvious point in many ways, but translating general agreement into action is no easy thing. Take the case of Somalia. I applaud the Administration's East African Counter-Terrorism Initiative, which recognizes that there are real threats in Somalia. We know that some of the most troubling actors on the international scene are the only ones involved in providing basic services to some people in parts of Somalia such that parents can send children to an extremist school, or to no school at all. Shouldn't our strategy have a Somalia component, rather than just focusing on states around Somalia, as the East African Initiative does?
I raised this issue at a hearing I chaired in early 2002, and deduced that we had no real strategy. I have asked about it since at hearings and in meetings. No real answer. For two years in a row, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has approved authorizing legislation containing a provision that I authored calling for a Somalia strategy, but none has been shared with us. I worked with the appropriators to ensure that last year the Foreign Operations appropriations bill contained language calling for a report on our strategy in Somalia, is due this month. This is about American interests. It is not a remotely partisan issue. Moving forward should not require pulling teeth.
A word of caution is in order when talking about the need to combat terrorism in Africa by working to shore up weak states. Our post 9/11 engagement should not mean a return to Cold War myopias or the convenient but short-sighted patron-client politics of the past. Another dawning realization in this country is that subordinating basic human rights to accommodate larger strategic goals is a tactic that often comes back to haunt us. In Liberia and in the Congo, U.S.-backed dictatorships utterly destroyed the institutions of the state and society, leaving civilians few tools for building a better future, and warlords ample opportunity to continue looting these countries' wealth. Regimes that thrive on corruption and injustice eventually create weak and broken states it could not be more clear that our long-term national interests are on the side of accountability and respect for basic human rights.
Cultivating Future Partners
If, as I believe is the case, the U.S. must aim to foster stability in Africa as a part of our fight against terrorism, then we must do so by working to cultivate future partners.
In the midst of immediate crises and political intrigue, it can be easy to overlook major demographic trends. But we do so at our peril. The intelligence community has long recognized the importance of demography for future stability. In July of 2001, just months before the terrorist attacks of September 11th irreversibly changed the way we think about our security and about the world, the Central Intelligence Agency published a report on "Long-Term Global Demographic Trends: Reshaping the Geopolitical Landscape." The report makes for provocative reading.
Despite the devastating effect of HIV/AIDS, the number of young Africans will continue to grow dramatically. In fact, the report indicates that "the size of youth bulges will decrease in all regions of the world except for Sub-Saharan Africa over the next 20 years." All of the ten countries projected to have the largest youth bulges in 2020 are in sub-Saharan Africa. And the report raises real questions about whether African economies will be able to generate jobs for these youths, and about whether African realities will be able to meet the raised expectations and aspirations of increasingly urbanized populations with access to the same media messages that our own children see. To quote directly from the report:
"The failure to adequately integrate large youth populations in the Middle East and Sub-Saharan Africa is likely to perpetuate the cycle of political instability, ethnic wars, revolutions, and anti-regime activities that already affect many of these countries.... Increases in youth populations will aggravate problems with trade, terrorism... and crime and add to the many existing factors that already are making the region's problems increasingly difficult to surmount." Vast youthful populationscoping with unemployment, alienation, and a sense of humiliation? It is hard not to feel a sense of alarm in contemplating this scenario. And when one thinks about what the world and the future looks like for many of Africa's children today, that sense of alarm is heightened.
UNICEF reports that about 11% of children are enrolled in primary school in Somalia. 52% of Ethiopian children under five suffer from moderate and severe stunting due to malnutrition. And UNICEF estimates that in Nigeria alone, nearly a million children had been orphaned by AIDS by 2001. Too many African girls do not have the power to make healthy choices that can keep them HIV-negative. Too many African children have already seen the cruelties of war - too often as soldiers on the battlefield. Think of the terrorized youth militia members of Zimbabwe, or the children abducted by the Lord's Resistance Army in Northern Uganda, and ask yourself what the future will bring.
Ten years ago today, the Rwandan genocide was coming to an end, and that small country's future depends upon the children who survived that horror. Earlier this year, the Senate passed a resolution I authored commemorating the Rwandan genocide, and calling for a focus on the future of the Rwandan people, so that they may enjoy full civil and political rights and feel free to voice legitimate disagreements honestly and publicly without fear of violence or intimidation. But today we find that the Rwandan government is considering a request from the parliament - which is dominated by the ruling party - to dissolve one of the country's leading human rights groups and four other civil society organizations. The parliamentary commission that made these recommendations interpreted even disagreement with government plans to consolidate land holdings as support of genocidal ideas. If current trends continue, what will the future look like for Rwanda's children? The U.S. should not be silent.
The U.S. is engaged in a global fight that will take years to wage and cannot be won without cooperation around the world. What kind of partners will these children become? What will they believe about America? Already credible research suggests that many African states, and many African states with Muslim majorities, are viewing the U.S. with suspicion, anger, and fear. For those fortunate to live in democratic states, what kind of voters will they become?
There is so much that is strong and admirable and encouraging about so many African communities. We must think about how to help our African partners make the most of those strengths, and we need to prove to them that we share their interests in building a better, more peaceful, more prosperous, more just future.
How? By not losing sight of the enduring relevance of promoting basic human rights. By resisting the temptation to turn away from the un-glamorous work of increasing access to basic healthcare and education in favor of flashier projects. By taking the long view, and by refusing to embrace a charismatic leader instead of engaging in the hard slog of fashioning policies to support institutions rather than people. And by moving beyond rhetoric in the fight against corruption.
I am delighted by the emphasis that is placed on transparency in the Panel's report on Crafting a U.S. Energy Policy for Africa. We know that the diversion or waste of oil revenues in oil-rich African states has had terrible human costs. IMF estimates show that one dollar in four of Angolan state revenues over $1.5 billion a year cannot be accounted for from 1996 through 2001. At the same time, one in four Angolan children died in infancy of preventable diseases. We know that this corruption creates a business climate that discourages private investment and hampers growth. Now we need to do something about it.
The Administration needs to take concrete steps to promote the transparency of both company payments and government receipts in the oil sector. We need a coordinated, concerted effort to get that information to citizens of the countries in question, to empower them to use this information to ask tough questions and to demand better governance. And we need to put solid leverage behind the demand for transparency including leverage at export credit agencies.
Getting Our Posture Right
To make the kind of long-term, sustained effort that I am talking about, it is time for the foreign policy community and the U.S. government to think seriously about the resources we devote to our engagement with Africa. I speak not just about money, but about people, attention, and political will.
After 12 years on the Subcommittee on African Affairs, I have traveled widely enough to know that understaffed embassies in Africa are more the norm than the exception. We have wonderful, capable, deeply committed foreign service officers working in Africa. I admire them and I am deeply grateful for their service. But they are too few in number particularly when it comes to seasoned, expert people. Tiny embassy staffs are trying to cover huge, complex countries too often without adequate effort or capacity to get out of the capital city. We have no permanent presence in northern Nigeria or eastern Congo, despite the fact that the stability of whole swathes of the continent can hinge on events in those areas. We have no permanent presence in Zanzibar or in Mombasa. Jeffrey Herbst and Princeton Lyman are right to call attention to the inadequacy of our diplomatic presence on the ground.
And in the latest round of post-September 11th "rediscovery" of Africa, we run the risk of drowning out the counsel and efforts of the few seasoned diplomats we do have engaged on the ground with the louder voices of bigger agencies and bigger budgets. I am delighted that EUCOM is reinvigorating the Department of Defense's efforts to engage in Africa, and I believe that CENTCOM's efforts in the Horn are vitally important. DOD's engagement is clearly in our national interest, it is an appropriate part of mature relationships with African states, and I value the efforts and the views of our excellent military officers and civilian experts working for the Department of Defense. But it is not the responsibility of the Department of Defense to drive our foreign policy, and we must make sure that the vast resources at the disposal of the Department of Defense do not, de facto, put them in the driver's seat wherever they choose to engage. That puts an inappropriate burden on the Department of Defense, and it virtually guarantees that important aspects of our policy will be left behind, and that signals about U.S. priorities will be misinterpreted.
In the same vein, unprecedented resources are currently being devoted to the fight against HIV/AIDS. I wholeheartedly support this effort. I co-chair the CSIS Task Force on HIV/AIDS with Senator Frist, I have consistently voted to support more funding for the fight against AIDS, I believe that the President's call for a $15 billion commitment to fighting AIDS will be remembered by history as one of his finest hours, and I recognize that failure to tackle the pandemic with all the vigor and urgency we can muster jeopardizes every effort to cultivate thriving, stable African partners. I have every enthusiasm for this issue, but while I recognize that our policy in Africa must be about fighting AIDS, but it must be about more than that as well. When the resources to fight AIDS swamp the resources available for every other priority but there is little change in our embassy staffing on the ground, we risk forcing important issues onto the back burner while our people try to cope with the tremendous administrative burden of implementing our AIDS programs.
So we need an adequate presence on the ground, which we do not have today. And we need to ensure that the part of our government charged with directing our foreign policy efforts is indeed playing that leading role with, of course, appropriate and vigorous oversight from the elected representatives of the American people in the Congress. But we also need to make sure that senior leaders in the Administration any Administration are responsive to our voices in the field, are proactive in their approach, and demonstrate the political will to build the relationships with African partners that I believe are so important to our future.
Concluding Remarks - Sudan
We have a recent and truly admirable example of this kind of high-level attention in Secretary Powell's recent trip to Darfur. I commend the Secretary and the many U.S. officials who have been working to respond to this urgent crisis. As we gather here to contemplate U.S.-Africa Policy, a brutal campaign conducted by Sudanese military forces and government-backed militia forces has left tens of thousands dead, over a million displaced, and hundreds of thousands at immediate, urgent risk. The massacres and widespread rapes, the destruction of villages, mosques and farms all of this violence and horror have given rise to a second, even more costly wave of suffering, as civilians are left with no capacity to sustain themselves as the rainy season approaches.
There seems to be some disagreement about whether what is happening in Darfur is or is not genocide. Frankly, I believe that to argue over the semantics is to miss the point. What is happening is appalling, it is an affront to all humanity, to all faiths, and we cannot stand by and simply watch this unfold if we are to be the people and the country we wish to be.
Right now our priority must be to avert continued humanitarian catastrophe. But over time, we must again return to the long view. The tremendous investment of diplomatic resources, taxpayer dollars, and political will in resolving the north-south conflict Sudan thus far an investment that I applaud will be squandered if we fail to address the underlying issues of disenfranchisement and marginalization that are at the heart of the conflict in Darfur. We cannot have order without accommodating demands for justice. We cannot hope to have a true partner in the Sudan of the future without turning our attention to the conditions of the Sudanese people today. In the same vein, we cannot hope to paper over the crisis in the Democraticthe Congo, which has not benefitted from the same high-level attention and focused political will that have been brought to bear in Sudan, despite the fact that millions have died in Congo's recent spasms of conflict. We need to make a commitment to rebuilding long-term stability, to creating conditions in which Congolese parents can reasonably hope for a better life for their children. We need a policy to cope with the unraveling of the rule of law in Nigeria again, one that takes the long view and is backed up with the necessary diplomatic resources.
There is so much to be done, so many opportunities to foster real partnerships and help cultivate real allies. I hope that today marks the start, not the conclusion, of a concerted, bipartisan effort to strengthen U.S. policy in Africa. It is not just Africa's future, it is our future, that is at stake.
Are We Living In Rome? Is Janus Around?
In the year of 1991, General Afweyne was chased from power. In his place in Mogadisho, there came a government that inherited an intact city, with its entire infrastructure undamaged, it immediately earned the support of all the Hawiyas, and got for itself the full backing of the Italian Mafia. That government chose as its prime minister none other than Omar Arte, who was the darling of the Arab-League and thus earning many millions of dollars for them as well as legitimacy and support in the OAU. Lucky for them also the great friend of Somaliweyn policy was soon-after elected to the position of the secretary general of the U.N. Butrus Qali became a powerful ally of Somalia.
It was at that point that Somaliland decided to declare its independence. When we made our popular and monumental decision to take our fate into our hands, the picture in Somaliland was nothing but ashes and rubble. All the people were displaced and everybody was a refugee. In the largest cities of Hargeisa, Buroa, Erigavo and Gabiley, not a single house was standing, and the one standing had no roof. Forget government administration, telephone lines, clean water, an ampoule of penicillin, there were no papers to write on. There was nothing but our will, our confidence in the justice of our cause, and our strong belief that Allah is always on the side of a just cause. Therefore, we gallantly faced the situation.
We were neither afraid of, nor intimidated by the Arab League, OAU, Butrus Qali, Ali Mahdi and Omer Arte. We just concentrated on building our beloved land from the ashes again. Many politicians were afraid of the declaration of Somaliland's independence on that glorious day of 18 May in Burao, but the might and the will of the people overwhelmed them. Those who were afraid that day, either already went to Mogadisho sometime within our 14 year-old rebuilding of Somaliland, or are now in the process of doing so. Love of Mogadisho is a strange disease that our old politicians are inflicted with. It probably does not have a cure. But the people of Somaliland were not afraid of Mogadisho's government when they had nothing, and they are not afraid today when they have much more going for them. A quick comparison of Somaliland and today's Italian Somalia will show that Somaliland has: (a) a better, stronger government than the chaos in Mogadisho. (b) a better, more equipped and more disciplined army than the mooryaan of Mogadisho. (c) a better international standing and respect than the notorious warlords of Mogadisho.
That is why the fear-mongering ideas of some politicians in Somaliland will not work. The scare tactics of these politicians remind me of the famous children's story where the chicken tried to alarm the world by declaring that the moon has fallen from the sky and hit it on the head. (Waqacal qamaru calaya wa drabanii).
Today is Somaliland's finest hour as far as finding a solution for this problem in the south that is delaying our recognition all the time is concerned.
1-Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal hammered on the neighboring countries' heads and the world at large the idea that Somaliland cannot talk to fifty different factions. Let the world community combine them into one southern entity, and then we will talk.
2- The IGAD sponsored conference is based on that theory. It was not to the liking of southern politicians who see Somaliland as one of their fiefdoms, but they were compelled to toe the line.
3- The conference was designed in four different and graduated phases. Somaliland was not included in phases one, two and three.
4- In phase one, the conference clearly implemented a policy of exclusion as far as Somaliland is concerned. No one from Somaliland was allowed into the hall, and IGAD decided that only the government of Somaliland lawfully represents that area and its people.
5-At the end of phase two, a charter was signed in the Presidential Palace of Kenya, with several other heads of states and ministers present. That charter excludes Somaliland from the proceedings of the conference both geographically and signature-wise. It explicitly states that the government that is coming out of the Kenya conference is for four regions in South Somalia only, namely, Puntland, Central regions, Banadir and Juba region. Somaliland is not included whether some politicians in Hargeisa like that or not. Furthermore none of the signatories was from Somaliland areas.
3-Now the conference is turning to phase three in which a government is will be established for the south. That Government is a provisional government of five years, so after five years the people of the Somalia can reach a stage similar to the condition that Somaliland is in today. A condition of peace, functioning administration and an elected representative government. If they succeed in forming a government skeleton in Nairobi, and succeed after five years in reaching our present stage of governance, the world community is ready to mediate in phase four between the two sisterly Somali states that came out of the rubble, one through its own efforts and one through the assistance of the world.
In phase four Somalia will probably propose a union, Somaliland will most certainly say no, and that will be the end of a long journey. I wonder who in his right mind can be afraid of this scenario. Or are we afraid of something else. Is it the story of the old Hargeisa man Ina Bakayle who as a Kaftan used to say in the 1990s that he does not like to hear two things: a- Somaliland has been recognized and : b- the ban on livestock export has been lifted by the Saudis.
There is also the possibility the conference may not succeed. If that happens and the world community declares Somalia as a lost cause, then we have the full assurance of IGAD and the EU that Somaliland will be recognized and will be congratulated for its patience and self-reliance. In either case we are in a win-win situation.
Those who are beating the drums of apprehension, fear, anxiety, confusion, restlessness and disorientation are forgetting that after Ali Mahdi's failure, a more formidable threat rose from Somalia. The threat of Aidiid, Salbalaar and Unisom. Aidiid had the additional advantage of an international image of a hero who defeated the Americans. We also had the misfortune of our first President Abdirahman Tuur allying himself with Aidiid. Moreover, Somaliland erupted in a terrible civil war. When all that was happening and clearly we were at a great disadvantage, we never used to hear such silly slogans that are being cheaply propagated today by certain people. Slogans like: "What will be our fate after a government in Mogadisho?"
In May 1991 we decided to disconnect our fate from that of Mogadisho. We said NEVER AGAIN, and in case somebody did not hear it right, I repeat: NEVER AGAIN.
Compare the present situation with Arte, where Djibouti, the Arab League, Kofi Annan and so many opportunists from Somaliland all intrigued and politicked to harm Somaliland. Were we afraid at the time? No. We were confident that we will prevail. That is the spirit of Somaliland. God bless Somaliland, and one word of advise for the KULMIYE Party : Goodness Gracious, save the crab for the enemies of Somaliland!
Sovereign States Rule... Or Do They?
While it was at first the principal loser, the multilateral governance system has arguably emerged as the greatest winner of the war in Iraq. But if this victory is to be meaningful, then multilateralism must also take a hard look at itself.
The difficulty experienced by the US-led coalition since hostilities were formally declared over on May 1, 2003 has demonstrated the need for multilateral involvement in legitimising the post-Saddam order in Iraq. It has also shown the need for the US to learn the lessons of previous peacekeeping operations.
Most notable of these lessons is the importance of a comprehensive plan which includes from the start the key elements needed for nation-building and stability - among them the provision of development projects, humanitarian assistance, security sector reform and domestic stability.
These were, in fact, most of the recommendations of the UN's Brahimi Report of 2000 which sought to make peacekeeping operations more effective.
America's slow learn is perhaps not surprising given that it seldom "does" peacekeeping, and then reluctantly. Previous US-led peacekeeping operations, including that in Somalia, could hardly be considered shining examples of best practice. The generally negative international opinion of the Iraqi intervention has not been improved by America's vacillation over launching peacekeeping operations elsewhere, especially in Africa. Rwanda in 1994 and Liberia in 2003 are two cases in point, involving different US presidencies.
The US cabinet agonised over whether to send a force into Liberia in 2003 for an astonishing seven meetings, before ultimately deciding not to. Even a small commitment would not only have enhanced Liberia's and Sierra Leone's stability considerably, but would also have improved opinions of America even-handedness in Africa and further afield.
But Washington does not bear all the responsibility for the disintegration of the spirit of multilateralism. The outmoded nature of multilateral institutions and regimes, many of which were constructed for a world quite different from today's, must share the blame.
The principal security challenges facing us today are two-fold and inter-related. One is the threat of terrorism, striking at rich and poor countries and populations alike. The other is the threat of poverty and global exclusion of the bulk of the world's six billion people, about one-quarter of whom are estimated to be living under the daily international poverty datum line of $1.
The two challenges must be met together. The response to terrorism cannot be exclusively military, but will have to involve, as Benjamin Barber has argued, "a commitment to democracy and justice". And global justice must include finding ways of ensuring that poorer countries benefit more and faster from globalisation, both for their own sakes and also so that they do not export refugees, disease, illegal drugs, prostitution, and terrorism to the rich world. This will not be easy. Although it is conventional wisdom that countries that trade more grow faster, the UN and others have acknowledged that free trade can hurt more than it helps the most vulnerable, least developed economies.
Yet these economies have no choice but to become more globalised, not less. They must somehow find the policies that help them benefit from globalisation. What are the limits and possibilities of multilateral institutions and processes in constructing world order and improving global prosperity? The UN secretariat in New York picks up much of the flak for the inefficiencies and spectacular failures of the organisation.
And some of this criticism, such as that for its failure to stop the Rwanda genocide of 1994, is justified. But ultimately the ability of the UN to respond in a timely and effective fashion to such crises reflects the willingness or otherwise of its member-states. Greater effectiveness and legitimacy will have to spring from a change of heart by members. They will have to ensure greater efficiency within the secretariat and also alter the composition and practices of global institutions which still reflect the balance of power of 1945.
Principally this means substantial restructuring of the Security Council, and perhaps also its voting procedure, though it is hard to imagine the five permanent members of the council giving up either their seats or their vetoes. Despite the difficulties over Iraq, it is clear that intervention in the affairs of states is here to stay, whatever the administration in the White House.
It will be one of the defining issues of international relations for the years to come, whether this is in the form of humanitarian intervention, intervention a lO Iraq to serve a particular set of "interests" or as a preventive action. Post-war Iraq has taught unilateral America the value of multilateralism in spreading the load of an otherwise unbearable burden. But the challenge of re-establishing the primacy of multilateral governance after Iraq also confronts the rest of the world with the responsibility to address some hard truths about the multilateral system.
That system rests, broadly speaking, on an assumption of equality among sovereign and independent states. In the past, though, states acquired sovereignty and independence in the real world by running their own affairs in a reasonable (that is, democratic and prosperous) fashion and by defending their territories at least adequately, if not absolutely. Today it is the multilateral system - through the UN - which confers legal sovereignty, regardless of whether it is earned in the real world.
This legal sovereignty and the rights associated with it do not necessarily match the facts on the ground, especially, one regrets to say, in Africa.
And if some states enjoy a UN-conferred sovereignty which is really a legal fiction, others, held hostage to global politics, conversely suffer the denial of such legal sovereignty despite earning the right to it through self-reliance in fact.
Neither Taiwan and Somaliland, for example, are recognised internationally, despite ruling their territories more competently than most other states. In the past, cities, empires, federal economic units and even multinational companies (such as the British South Africa company, and the Dutch East India company) were granted sovereign status. Now this right - but not always the commensurate obligations - is reserved exclusively for the nation state.
Many weaker states would probably revert to lesser forms of sovereignty such as trusteeships were it not for the international system which recognises only the equal state. Before we consider the democratisation of the multilateral system so vigorously demanded by South Africa and most other states, we need to ensure somehow that the legal status of states more closely matches their reality. We need to find some alternatives to the present one-size-fits-all formal state-based sovereignty. These alternatives would acknowledge, on one hand, that some "states" not recognised by the international community are in fact fully self-governing entities; and on the other hand that some "states" which do now enjoy equal legal status are incapable of running their own affairs for the benefit of their populations.
Sovereignty has to start meaning more than just a word on paper. - Independent Foreign Service.
The Sovereignty Of Somaliland And Its Role In The Conflict Resolution Of The Region
This paper was presented by Farhiya Ali Ahmed, who lives in South Africa at a seminar organized by the "Africa Institute of South Africa" and held last May in Pretoria on Somaliland And Somalia:
Part III [Continued from the previous issue]
Fences Make Good Neighbors?
The task of resolving the Somali conflict has been delegated by the AU to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). Therefore the relations that these regional member states have with the Somali territories are a significant consideration to be taken note, especially since it has become clear that member states' governments are deeply divided in their interests and approaches.
Djibouti, a neighbor to he self-declaredSomaliland, was the sponsor behind the 2000 Arta Conference that culminated in the formation of the TNG. Observers of the Arta process have stated that the President of Djibouti, not only interfered in the process itself but that the process had been hijacked and driven by his specific interests. Nowhere else in history, they point out, has a president enjoyed the right to nominate delegates to the parliament of a neighboring country. The nomination of the former Minister of internal Affairs in the Barre regime to the post of president of the TNG, as well as the selection of former military officers accused of being war criminals by Somalilanders to various ministerial positions infuriated many and created a rift between Djibouti and Somaliland.
The Djibouti government makes no secret of its opposition to Somaliland's independence and openly campaigns against Somaliland's recognition. Though the visit of Somaliland's President to Djibouti in 2002 simmered down the hostility, Djibouti's position on Somaliland's statehood hasn't changed.
Neither a neighbor nor an IGAD member, Egypt remains influential in the affairs of the Horn of Africa due to its geopolitical rivalry with Ethiopia. Egypt's uncompromising opposition to Somaliland's pursuit for international recognition is equaled by its support for a Mogadishu-based government. Egypt was instrumental in securing Arab recognition of the TNG and persuading Arab governments to give financial and military support to the TNG.
By comparison, Ethiopia, the dominant power in the Horn of Africa, is hostile to the TNG to the extent that the TNG has accused Ethiopia of seeking to divide and destabilize Somalia. Such allegations are further fuelled by Ethiopia's support for coalitions of southern factions opposed to the TNG.
On the other hand, Ethiopia has always maintained close relations with Somaliland. Even prior to the formation of Somaliland, Ethiopia was a supportive ally of the SNM during the 1980s. The Ethiopian government has established a trade office in Hargeisa and hosts a Somaliland liaison office in Addis Ababa. Ethiopia and Somaliland also cooperate closely on security matters.
Despite its overt support for Somaliland however, Ethiopia has not extended full diplomatic recognition to Somaliland for fear of damaging its relations with significant Arab and African states. The foreign policy of Ethiopia's strategic rival Eritrea towards Somalia is driven by a desire to counter Ethiopian influence. In line with this policy, Eritrea recognized the TNG in 2001.
Governments of member states assigned with restoring a central government to Somalia are deeply divided in their interests and approaches regarding the Somali crisis. The last peace process, which dragged for 18 months, collapsed amid criticism that rivalries were undermining the process. Observers recorded that "the peace process has been dogged by rifts between Ethiopia, the dominant power in the Horn of Africa, and Arab-backed African states who are wary of Ethiopia's sway over the talks and any future governments in Somalia."
Solving the Somali Conflict
Somalia still does not have a government, it is in absolute ruins, and strife and conflict still continue over a decade after one of the most expensive humanitarian interventions in history, and over a dozen peace talks later. Logic rules that, short of alleging a lack of commitment to the task at hand, the approaches thus far adopted in dealing with the Somali crisis are inadequate. A lack of understanding of the conflict's nature is to blame for this. This assertion, as pointed out earlier in the paper, arises from and is supported by certain factors which will be discussed in detail.
1. Strategic Culture
At the risk of coming across as stating the obvious, it is nonetheless significant to point out that in any situation, when one is called upon to intervene in the affairs of others, it is always important to understand the mentalities and ways of life of those people one is dealing with. A medical doctor, for example, question a patient on his or her lifestyle, activities, habits and daily routine before suggesting the ways and methods that the patient's sickness can be cured or brought under control. Ignoring these factors could have disastrous consequences.
Likewise, it is imperative that Somali people's ways of life and traditional approaches to certain situations be understood before any cures for their ills are suggested. More specifically, Somali people's own ways of dealing with crises needs to be taken into consideration in the quest for a peaceful resolution to the current Somali dilemma. This is not to suggest that all Somalis all uniform in their approaches or that every Somali individual will respond in the same manner if presented with the same situation. On contrary, individuals' responses will inevitably vary. But the fact of the matter is that the Somali community is a very conservative, patriarchal, and alike as a result of the society's religious homogeneity and strong respect for and reliance on the tribal system. Whatever clan one identifies themselves as _ and most Somalis do _ there is a hierarchy and system that is followed for every aspect and in every sphere of life, whether it is in resolving a conflict, paying compensation for injury or insult, pursuing a marriage, or simply seeking help in a matter. Such systems are complied with on a microscopic level in the family as well on the macro level in interactions between clans.
The way that a problem is solved among Somalis of different clans are also alike. A solution is first sought among those directly involved in the crisis and if no agreement is reached, only the immediate relations of the conflicting parties are involved. If no resolution is reached, the circle is expanded and distant relatives are called upon to help. As a last resort, the greater clan is involved and traditional rulers and leaders are asked to solve the problem. In the rare and often shameful event that those of the same clan fail to reach an agreement on a crisis (as is the case in Somalia now), elders of other clans reluctantly get involved.
In short, the mechanism of Somali conflict resolution, to use a non-academic phrase, is to keep it close to home. In other words, the process of solving a problem should not have to be done by an outsider but within the confines of one's people _ firstly within the household, then with the extended family, and if all else fails, with other clan member traditional elders. Therefore, because of their cultural and traditional practices and beliefs, only Somalis themselves can resolve the Somali conflict.
2. Somali Conflict Not an Ethnic Conflict
Since its implosion, the Somali conflict has been referred to as an ethnic conflict by the international community and the press. Granted, in its initial stages in the early1990s, wars in southern Somalia were between different clans fighting for power. But what the world is currently witnessing in Somalia points in the opposite direction.
Instead of the 1990s phenomenon of say, Hawiye fighting Daarood, what we see today in Somali is a case of those of the same clans in wars. Militias of feuding warlords of the same clan are at war, not members or groups of conflicting clans. Proving this argument is the fact that the previous three weeks have seen fierce fighting in the city of Mogadishu between militias of warlords Muse Sudi Yalahow and Mohammed Dheere _ both of the Hawiye clan. Clashes between rival warlords in the past years have also shown the same pattern.
Therefore, contrary to widespread beliefs and perceptions, the Somali conflict is no longer ethnic based, and solutions sought out under such perceptions can bear no fruit. The failures of previous peace processes can largely be attributed to this misconception about the nature of the conflict itself.
3. Profitable Project
The issue of the profits that have made off the Somali conflict is taboo in many circles and is thus often avoided in discussion and debates on Somalia. As controversial as it is though it needs to be addressed and dealt with in the quest for Somali peace and stability. The Somali conflict has become a profitable project for some very influential and powerful actors because there is more to gain, materialistically, from the continuing conflict and the ensuing peace processes than its resolution.
Firstly, profits from weapons and arms dealing are to be expected considering the affairs in the country. Reuters reports of the last conflict in Mogadishu that, "fighters.were using light artillery, truck-mounted anti-aircraft guns, heavy machineguns and rocket propelled grenades". Arms dealings have become a lucrative business in this city because of the demand that exists. Those that profit from this business thus fuel conflicts to ensure that demand for their goods does not decrease or vanish all together.
A second group of beneficiaries of the war in Somalia are those that gain from the peace processes themselves. Though no officially researched and documented proof has been published, allegations about the material gains of those often involved in peace processes are rife among Somali communities and other observers of the peace initiatives. An anonymous observer recently captured this scenario articulately on a popular Somali website and posted the message _ "warlords in Somalia fight in order to have peace talks about their fights because that's how they earn their living!"
4. What is in a name and the location?
All previous Somali peace talks and processes have been conducted away from Somalia and delegates to these processes have stayed the same. It would seem therefore that new faces and a radical change in venue is perhaps not simply a strategy used in marketing but could be useful in the Somali case as well.
Somali conflict resolution on foreign soil with only warlords and former military officers who are not representative of the larger Somali populace is not possible. Moving the peace talks to Somalia itself would not only decrease expenses and eliminate profits that unscrupulous characters gain from these processes, but would also raise Somali morale and support for the processes. There would be the home advantage factor at play.
Representation of the common folk at Somali peace processes would also increase chances of its success increase dramatically. One would assume that the task of restoring a central government to Somalia would be achieved more easily by respectable and knowledgeable individuals entrusted by the Somali people to represent them, as opposed to feared gun-trotting people accused of war crimes and alleged to profit from the killings of their people.
With the passage of time, chances for a negotiated and peaceful settlement to the Somali crisis decrease and the cost to human life and dignity increase. It seems reasonable then to say that since the international community's approaches have thus far failed, new mechanisms need to be adopted.
Somaliland's Sovereignty: Somalia's Salvation?
It has already been argued that the international community's lack of understanding of the nature and various dimensions of the Somali conflict has thus far rendered them incapable of resolving the Somali conflict. In conjunction with this point, it was also stated that because of certain cultural and traditional practices and beliefs, only Somalis can solve the Somali problem.
Somaliland's successful formation and maintenance of a functioning government, and restoration of peace and order to its people while the south of Somalia was literally disintegrating into statelessness, places it in a unique position of experience that the rest of Somalia can benefit from. In addition, their 31year co-existence as north and south of the same republic and the shared experiences under Siad Barre places Somaliland in a position to understand the woes and aspirations of south Somalia more than any other country ever could.
Somaliland insists on the world's recognition of its statehood before any dialogue with Somalia can take place. The international community on the other hand still clings on to the illusion of a Somali unity and turns a blind eye to Somaliland's demands for recognition. In this scenario it would seem, as a certain Mat Bryden eloquently put, "Somaliland's destiny.remains hostage to a state that has, by empirical standards, ceased to exist." On the other side of the coin, as the international community struggles to restore a central government to Somalia, Somaliland could be Somalia's only salvation and, ironically Somalia's fate might actually also be in Somaliland's hands.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 128 July 5-11, 2004
Abdiqasim Salad Hasan Says Somaliland's Cities Deserved To Be Destroyed, And Vows To Behead His Enemies
Although many Somalilanders who heard the speech (or heard of the speech) were disgusted by what Abdiqasim Salad Hasan said, it did not come as a surprise, because Abdiqasim Salad Hasan had said the same thing before.
It is noteworthy that the BBC's correspondent in Mogadishu, Farhiya Ali Qajo, who is a big promoter of the Arta Faction, released an edited version of this speech which did not include Abdiqasim Salad Hasan's outrageous claims or his promise to behead his enemies. As usual, Farhiya Ali Qajo only picked the part of the speech that she thought would make good propaganda material for Abdiqasim Salad Hasan.
Puntland Militia Still Holding Halo Trust Deminers
The Halo Trust deminers, all Somaliland citizens, were engaged in mine-clearance activities in the area when they were attacked around 10 pm by 2 technicals belonging to Abdillahi Yusuf's militia. The 9 deminers were driven to Garowe, the administrative capital of Puntland.
The enclave's warlord Abdillahi Yusuf hurried to Garowe from Nairobi few days ago amid reports of widespread unrest in the area. Armed militia claiming to have not received their wages for 8 months had occupied Garowe's main two checkpoints on Thursday.
The Mayor of Bosasso, Puntland's port town, was killed earlier in the week. Opposition sources said the killers were Abddillahi Yusuf loyalists.
Travelers reaching Somaliland have reported a serious deterioration in the security situation in Puntland.
EU To Aid Somalia Government without looking at impact on Somaliland
EU observers at the Mbagathi talks now agree that the ability of the anticipated government for Somalia to survive in institutional terms, will largely depend on whether it gets material and moral support from the international community or not.
Floated initially by Italy, the idea of involving EU countries in a big way in a nation-building process for Somalia, has reportedly been gaining ground recently among other European observers attending the Mbagathi talks.
EU officials monitoring Somalia's reconciliation process are said to have been encouraged by the sudden positive turn that the talks took as of May, following the resolution of policy differences between Ethiopia and Djibouti over the Somali peace process.
There are also reports that the EU has already accepted in principle to underwrite most of the costs required for the African Union to send initially military monitors and eventually a peace keeping force to Somalia.
The AU, through its recently-established African Peace Facility, has pledged to provide a secure environment in which nascent government institutions will be able to operate, at least within the first 6 months.
According to a number of sources within the international partners of Somalia's peace talks, EU officials believe that once a government has been inaugurated it will be crucial to re-establish Somalia's police force and an army not only for the purpose of restoring law and order in the country but also for absorbing thousands of armed militia into these two institutions. The consensus among donors, particularly the EU observers, is to support a comprehensive disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programe for the militia, the sources added.
Despite the increasingly important role it is anticipated to play in post Mbagathi Somalia, the EU has so far shown no consideration for the repercussions its unconditional sponsorship of the Mbagathi talks and the new government to emerge from the process, will have on Somaliland's peace, stability and democracy.
Neither the EU (the main financial sponsor of the peace process) nor IGAD (the host and facilitator of the Mbagathi talks) maintains a clear-cut policy on the Somaliland issue.
Somali Envoy Accuses UK Of Excluding Somaliland From Peace Talks
Hashi, speaking to HornAfrik from New York, added that nowhere in the [documents of the] UN, Arab League or African Union is it written that the Somali peace conference is [only] for southern Somalia.
He said that, due to anarchy in southern Somalia, the UK is trying to make the conference to be specifically for southern Somalia's warring factions.
The Somali ambassador said that the statement issued by the UN special envoy to Somalia, Winston Tubman, claiming that the Somali peace conference in Nairobi is only for the southern parts, was based on his own view, and was not the official stance of the UN.
Repatriation Of Rejected Asylum Seekers From Djibouti
Meanwhile, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) has said that most of the 16,000 refugees from the northern region of Somaliland who were living in Djibouti should be able to return home by the end of 2005, The UNHCR representative in Djibouti, William Collins Asare, said his agency had repaired some infrastructure and set up some services in Somaliland to assist the refugees in resettling.
Food Distribution In Ethiopia's Hartisheik Camp
On Wednesday, the last UNHCR return convoy left Hartisheik camp with 719 Somali refugees, crossing the border into Hargeisa in northwestern Somalia, also known as Somaliland. They are currently living in a transit center in Hargeisa while the authorities work to find a site where they can settle permanently.
The closure of Hartisheik camp marks a milestone in the Somali repatriation movement that has seen a total of 230,147 refugees return home on UNHCR convoys since April 1997. Many others have gone back on their own.
Hartisheik was the site to which hundreds of thousands of Somalis flocked amid the collapse of the Siyad Barre government in 1988 and clan warfare in the early 1990s. The first refugees arrived in appalling conditions; many died of exhaustion, hunger and lack of water. UNHCR mobilized emergency assistance in this remote region, setting up camps, digging wells and offering medical services.
At its peak, Hartisheik hosted more than 250,000 refugees, mostly from Gabiley and Hargeisa areas in northwestern Somalia. The camp bustled with a busy market where people could find almost anything they needed, from imported clothes to jogging shoes, electronic appliances and auto spare parts.
Conference on Peace, Security and Development in the Horn of Africa
Conference on Peace, Security and Development in the Horn of Africa, "The Somalialnd Experience"
A Conference on Peace, Security and Development In The Horn of Africa "the Somaliland Experience" by African Renaissance Center For Social Science Research, Media And Development "ARECSMED" will be held in Hargeisa, Somaliland on 1st August to 2nd August 2004.
For full details of the conference including the Time Table (1st Augst to 2nd August) please visit: www.sirag.org.uk/arecsmedaugustconf.htm
For more information please contact: UK, Dr. Ahmed Mohammed, Secretary of SIRAG, Email: siraguk@hotmail.com, www.sirag.org.uk
Somaliland: Dr. Mohamed-Rashid Sh, Hassan, Hargeisa Somaliland, Home Tell: 252 2 517012 or 527780 or Mobile: 252 2 429498,Email: rashid108@hotmail.com
Saed M. Hussein, African Renaissance Center For Social, Science Research, Media And Development "ARECSMED"
Peace, Security and Development, In The Horn of Africa "the Somaliland Experience"August 1-2, 2004
Introduction
Human right's violation and the deterioration of security situation and civil war in the former Somali Republic has given rise to its collapse and the emergence of Somaliland. The lack of International recognition of Somaliland as yet and the absence of government in Somalia has created a sense of insecurity in the region and the possibility of the development of social and political atmosphere prone to the emergence of terrorist elements in the region.
This conference is the first of its kind that has ever been held in Somaliland to bring together International Scholars and Researchers, from the African Continent. The conference has two objectives: (a) To give an opportunity to the International and African Scholars and Researchers to have a meaningful discussion about the future of the Horn. (b) To consider Somaliland experience as an excellent example of African renaissance and self-reliance that deserves both attention and discussion.
As such, the conference will focus on the following topics: -
(a) Peace and Security and Development
(b) Democracy and Governance.
(c) Media and Society.
The conference is organized by the Africa Renaissance Center for Social Science Research Media and Development (ARECSMED) in corporation with Somaliland Ministry of Information and National Guidance.
ARECSMED is non-governmental and non-profit seeking organization. It has both local and international NGOs status and has its main office in Hargeisa Somaliland, but has also networking groups with Somaliland Diaspora communities world-wide.
The director of the center is Dr. Mohamed-Rashid Sh,. Hassan well-known journalist and anthropologist who worked for the BBC World Service Somali section as a producer and broadcaster over 15 years and wrote numerous articles on Somaliland and Somalia. He is assisted by experienced researchers.
The center has a closer working relationship with the government institutions of Somaliland and civil societies.
In the wider African context, the center has also the support of some distinguished African Scholars and Researchers and University lectures. One of the main objectives of the center is serve as an active link between Somaliland and the rest of Africa, as the Center was established in the spirit of the African Union and NEPAD.
Any further information can be contacted to Dr. Mohamed-Rashid Sh, Hassan. Hargeisa, Somaliland. Home Tell: 252 2 517012 or 527780 or Mobile: 252 2 429498, Email: rashid108@hotmail.com
Saed M. Hussein,
Executive Secretary of the Minister of Information,
00 252 2 424527 Mobile,
00 252 828 5109 Soltelco, E-mail: Siciidnayl@yahoo.com
Source: Novib-Somalia, July 2, 2004
After twelve years of civil war: Impulses for the civic society in Somalia/Somaliland
The programme for reinforcing the civil society in Somalia focuses on three issues: (a) broad-based awareness of the role, responsibilities, activities and ideals of the civil society (b) the effective execution of activities by related organisations (c) improved coordination between the civil society, the government, the private sector and international donors.
In order to be able to implement the programme properly, the EC requested that an office be opened in Nairobi, the capital of neighbouring Kenya. The project is now being run and activities planned from this Novib-Somalia office.
Role for traditional leaders
The programme is now in its second phase. The first year entailed a mapping out of what exactly the civil society is in the Somali context. Of course, this covers a lot more than NGOs since trades unions, the media, civilian organisations, artists and religious leaders are all involved in defending citizens' interests. The results led to the second phase of the programme focusing on education, human rights, gender and capacity building of organisations in areas in which no attention is paid to the civil society. Other organisations also took part. For example, Amnesty International drew up a Human Rights Defenders' declaration together with counterparts from Somalia and Somaliland which specifies the rights and obligations of Human Rights Defenders. Novib is supporting the civil society in peace talks in Kenya, which have already been going on for a year. The civil society wants to abolish the legitimacy of the power of the warlords. Its aim is therefore to gain recognition of the role of traditional leaders, women and young people.
International community is contributing
In 2002, an assessment was also made as to whether the international community wishes to contribute to development in Somalia and Somaliland. There is certainly interest in the matter, but a lack of clarity regarding who, how and what to support. The Novib programme can play an important informative role in this respect. Because Somalia - which has had no government for twelve years now - is extremely unsafe, travelling is a hazardous undertaking. Partly thanks to the counterparts, Novib staff are able to travel more easily and safer than a lot of others. In 2003, the international community is going to contribute actively to education for girls and is also going to start financing a number of NGOs directly or via Novib. The local NGOs demonstrate their activities using video clips which are shown during coordination meetings in Nairobi. These interventions are having a positive effect. In addition, Somali NGOs have just developed a code of conduct with which they can arrange their own accountability. In Somaliland the situation is somewhat more complicated. Due to a lack of international recognition, there is a threat that this country will become the victim of its own process of democratisation. The civil society is being supported relatively well, but there is no bilateral aid. There is a danger of unbalanced growth and of fierce discussions between the civil society and the government regarding both parties' roles and expectations.
Civil society symposium
The third activity carried out by the Novib-Somalia programme was the organisation of a civil society symposium in Hargeisa in February this year. It was participated in by around 300 representatives from civil society organisations and the international community. An interesting aspect of this symposium was the possibility it offered of using different cultural expressions which appeared to have a greater effect here than the thick papers which are normally used at such symposia. Famous poets talked about the Somali population which is plagued by injustice and poverty. A children's circus gave a show with an attractively presented message (the importance of girls attending school). An orphanage gave a performance to emphasise that Novib's method of working (non-operational and instilling confidence in local organisations) was widely praised. The results of this symposium led to the drawing up by the participants of the so-called'Hargeisa Declaration' in which they call for higher quality partnerships between the international community and civil organisations. The broader agenda of the civil society was also specified as being'the attainment of sustainable peace and development in our respective constituencies'.
Bron: Novib Network No 5, Auteur: Doroth, Appels, coordinator Novib-Somalia project
Khat Plant'Boosts Sperm Power'
Lab tests by King's College London found treated sperm became fertile faster, and stayed fertile for longer, than untreated sperm. Khat is mild narcotic, producing a high when chewed, but its use has been linked to long-term problems.
The study was presented at the European Society of Human Reproduction and Embryology conference in Berlin. The researchers say their findings could lead to products to help couples conceive.
Chewing khat leaves, which is particuarly popular in parts of East Africa, releases cathinone, a stimulant that produces the feelings of euphoria linked with the plant.
When cathinone is broken down in the body, it produces chemicals including cathine and norephedrine, which have a similar structure to amphetamines and adrenaline. The researchers from the Centre for Reproduction, Endocrinology and Diabetes at King's College examined the effect of cathine on mouse sperm.
They found that the chemical accelerated the development of sperm, so it reached the stage where it was fertile more quickly.
It then remained in this stage for longer than normal. This is important because, when sperm meets an egg, it needs to connect using a "lock and key" system.
If is past its'peak', and its membranes are no longer intact, sperm will not have its part of this mechanism, meaning fertilisation cannot take place.
Investigation
Early tests on human sperm suggest it is affected by cathine in the same way.
Other studies in rabbits have shown chewing khat leaves could also increased sperm production. However, there is some concern that prolonged use could actually damage sperm.
Around seven tonnes of khat leaves are estimated to be imported into the UK each week.
The Home Office is currently investigating the plant's long-term health effects, following concern it may be linked to heart and mental health problems. It is due to report later this year.
'Not a high dose'
The researchers say they will now carry out more analysis of human sperm.
Lynn Fraser, Professor of Reproductive Biology at King's College London, told BBC News Online: "It might be relatively easy to develop products. "Compounds related to the ones we studied are being used in over-the-counter and prescription medicines, for dietary treatments and asthma."
"And the amount that's required isn't that high, so it's not a question of taking very high doses and therefore becoming overstimulated."
She said khat-based products could be used to help couples who are having trouble conceiving naturally, and in clinics as additives to sperm used in IVF or artificial insemination.
Professor Fraser said if the research on cathine improving sperm production was proven: "We could give it to men to improve sperm production, and to women because it is in the female reproductive tract that the sperm go through this process to become fertile."
Major Boost For Malaria Programmes In Somalia
The Global Fund to Fight Aids, Tuberculosis and Malaria granted the money to the United Nations children's agency and eight other aid agencies to distribute insecticide-treated nets and improve preventive treatment in the country's prenatal clinics, said Andrea Berloffa of the Somalia Aid Co-ordination Body.
The grant will also help provide anti-malarial drugs to 520 public health facilities, Berloffa said in a statement.
Malaria kills more than a million people a year, with 90 percent of these deaths occurring in Africa, mostly children under the age of five, acording to the UN.
"This grant will help reduce death and illness of children and women in the country," Berloffa said. "For a country that has been devastated by conflict, floods and drought, and with very little internal infrastructure, this kind of support will significantly accelerate prevention and control efforts." More than four million Somalis will benefit from the grant, Berloffa added.
The malaria parasite is transmitted by female mosquitoes.
The UN says malaria is a major health concern in Somalia, accounting for about 12 percent of all illnesses among children under five years of age in central and southern parts of the Horn of Africa nation.
Somalia, which has a population of about 7 million, has not had an effective central government since the 1991 ouster of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre.
The Global Fund is becoming the largest financier of insecticide-treated bed nets in the world.
Editorial:The EU Should recognize Somaliland and Somalia as two separate countries
If the past reconciliation conferences are any guide, the person who is selected as president of Somalia will then start claiming jurisdiction over Somaliland. Arab governments such as Egypt, Libya and Saudi Arabia are likely to provide money and arms to the former Italian colony of Somalia. Somaliland will most probably react by first retaking Las-Anod, then engaging in a military build-up along the border with Somalia to get ready for an inevitable showdown with Italian Somalia. Such a dreadful scenario can only be avoided if the EU and IGAD address Somaliland's security concerns by inserting safeguards in the peace process that ensure Somaliland's sovereignty.
The EU as the only major external power player in the Mbagathi talks, should publicly indicate its opposition to any claims of jurisdiction by any future government in Somalia over Somaliland. The EU and IGAD countries should also bear in mind that granting an immediate diplomatic recognition to the government anticipated to emerge from Mbagathi while withholding the same from Somaliland, would destroy any possibility for negotiations between the two countries on the status of their future relations.
It will be tragic indeed, if the EU, while trying to help resolve the conflicts in Somalia, actually ended up sowing the seeds of another deadlier conflict. The current Mbagathi talks provide a chance for the EU and IGAD to take a clear stand that recognizes Somaliland and Somalia as two separate sovereign countries. By recognizing Somalia and Somaliland as two sovereign nations, the international community would have helped in solving the current conflicts in Somalia and laid the basis for a peaceful future in the region.
Turning Assets into Usable Capital
High Level Session at UN Headquarters, New York on June 30th, 2004 Presentation by Cadastral Surveys Limited on Surveying and Mapping for Rural and Urban Cadastre in Somalia [Somaliland]
"With the indispensable, daily cooperation of the Somaliland Ministry of Agriculture, in the field and in the in-house work station, the shared success that the ministry and Cadastral Surveys have enjoyed with surveying and mapping hitherto non-existent farm boundaries in the Gabiley and Dilla Districts of South West Somaliland, during the last three years in particular, has in great measure been accomplished by the enduring partnership that happily persists between the United Nations Development Programme for Somalia, the grateful Somali farming community and the implementers of this unique endeavor to bring peace to the farmlands, where there was conflict; to bring absolute security of tenure through freehold title, and prospective collateral.
In this presentation, Cadastral Surveys Limited, a UK Non-Government Organisation operating in Somalia (Somaliland) under the title `Somaliland Cadastral Surveys', addresses some issues presented in an ECOSOC paper prepared by the International Land Coalition - Ifad Rome - for the High Level Session.
The ECOSOC paper makes the generalization that property owned by urban and rural poor in Africa and elsewhere is for the most part insecure and thus not fungible. The paper argues that informal property rights need to be formalized if assets are to be turned into usable capital.
Cadastral Surveys' five-year experience in addressing this problem in Somaliland, since 1999, has resulted so far in 24,700 Somali returnees from refugee camps in Ethiopia being peacefully resettled on 4,123 farms, each farm averaging 5 hectares or 12 acres. Until the Somaliland Ministry of Agriculture and Cadastral Surveys jointly demarcated with concrete blocks their respective farm boundaries, the farmers were at war with each other. Their boundaries (and farm ownership) to this day are identified by Ministry officials and plotted by Cadastral Surveys from converted theodolite measurements on maps (using GIS/Arcview and Mercator's coordinates) and entered on a 34-field database per farm. The database, which includes, inter alia, map coordinates of each boundary turning point, forms the bases of title deeds issued by the Minister of Agriculture. With a freehold title deed a farm-owner can theoretically (see below) seek collateral at 50 per cent of the value of his or her land.
The value of rain-fed agricultural land varies according to its proximity to roads and permanent wells for watering livestock; its average seasonal rainfall per year (400-600mm); soil water retention; soil fertility and regular crop rotation. The principal crops are maize and sorghum. In the case of much smaller fruit and vegetable farms, which are irrigated mechanically from shallow wells on the banks of dry water courses, the value of land per hectare is two or three times the value of rain-fed farms.
In cooperation with the Gabiley elected local government, Cadastral Surveys has also surveyed and mapped (using Mercator's coordinates) the town of Gabiley giving each street, and corresponding private and commercial properties, serialized, combined alphanumeric postal addresses. This is premature because in Somaliland, being a de facto Republic only, international postal services are forbidden. The database for Gabiley has 43 fields per property allowing for the daily entry on a computer of revenue and other transactions. With comprehensive laminated registration cards for each property, the Mayor's office can readily convert the data into freehold title deeds, if they so desire.
On both counts, rural and urban, the Ministry of Agriculture, and the Gabiley local government, together with Cadastral Surveys and their joint partner, the United Nations Development Programme, have satisfied the criteria of converting informally held property into usable capital if only this, as yet internationally unrecognized country, were permitted (which it is not) to approach the World Bank for financial assistance. The government was about to introduce an agricultural credit bank three years ago but it was frustrated by Saudi Arabia's trade embargo on imports of Somaliland's livestock on the hoof, allegedly because of non-existent Rift Valley Fever. The adverse effect that this embargo had, and still has, on government export revenue, curtailed, inter alia, the introduction of a credit bank. Money-lenders, as such, do not exist in Somaliland. The introduction of financial services from the lively Somali private sector would not be impossible, as was the case (albeit government controlled) during the sovereignty of the Somali Democratic Republic (1969-81). But training and capital from external sources would now be required. Currently, farmers can secure small informal loans from the business community, on the basis of their title, for such services as fresh seed, fertilizer for irrigated farms, land clearing and halting erosion, hiring tractors instead of using their bullocks, camels or even donkeys for the initial, heavy seasonal ploughing, and the collective hiring of vehicles daily to transport milk to markets some 50 kilometres away. Somali farmers, being agro-pastoralists, also possess domestic livestock - oxen, lactating cows, burden camels, donkeys and ruminants - as part of their assets.
The country has no external debts which is due, in part, to their negligible borrowing capacity as an internationally unrecognized state, and, in part, to the not insubstantial invisible exports of incoming remittances from the vast Somali Diaspora employed overseas.
Recurrent costs in Somaliland of surveying and mapping six farms a day with two teams, amounting to an average of 30 hectares a day, or two kilometres of streets a day with corresponding houses, are around US$18,000 a month respectively, including comprehensive databases and registration certificates. In the last three years, these costs have been met by the implementers' partner, the United Nations Development Programme for Somalia as part of its comprehensive Capacity Building Programme. This has included provision, for example, for Cadastral Surveys to train all its field and in-house staff, including a field survey team from part of the staff of the Ministry of Agriculture.
Urban surveying and mapping would be cheaper if up-to-date satellite images were used. Satellite images would have little merit in Somaliland's agricultural areas as there are no visible boundaries. As for legal property systems, the lower house of Somaliland's parliament has passed two pertinent legislative bills both of which respectively regulate titles to real estate and agricultural land holdings. Both do away with former leasehold requirements, now substituted by freehold possession. Three principal effects of this have been lower administrative costs, real interest in collateral over an extended period, and greater care of the environment - a significant reduction in tree felling for example and more attention to gulley erosion.
Cadastral Surveys has an all-Somali workforce of thirty persons, other than the Director, who has dual nationality (British and Somaliland). The NGO has required no foreign consultants or technical assistance since its inception in 1999. Cadastral Surveys has written its own technical manual on surveying and mapping which is being used as a teaching aid by the University of Hargeisa Institute of Land, Soil and Water Surveying. With 30 students studying for a 12-month Diploma, the Institute is expected to provide future surveyors, cartographers and database construction staff. All the necessary teaching equipment, including Theodolites, Digitisation and GIS software, has been donated by De La Rue plc of London."
Educational Programme
Teaching - Practice, In Primary Schools
The lesson plan
A lesson plan is a written account of the preparation for a lesson. It shows in a summary form how the lesson is supposed to proceed. The format used should be such that will enable the user to find each step easily. A lesson plan usually includes the following aspects:
(1) General information, (2) The topic/subtopic, (3) Objective(s) (4) References, (5) Lesson introduction, (6) Lesson development: a) Teacher activities b) Pupil activities (7) Conclusion
We shall consider each of the above aspects in a little more detail.
General information
The information at the top of the lesson includes the name of the teaching practice school, the class, its size, the subject, and the date and time the lesson will take place.
Objective
The objective or objectives state the value of the lesson to the learner. They state what mental and psychomotor skills, what knowledge and attitudes the learner is required to achieve. They may state what concept the learner will acquire, especially when referring to young children.
The objectives in the lesson plan are not to be confused with the more general and broad objectives of the particular subject.
Broad subject objectives will only be achieved through the more specific objective of the lesson plan.
In stating your lesson objectives - instructional objectives - the following points should be remembered:
A lesson can have more than one objective. Do not, however, aim at achieving too much.
The objective (s) must be stated in a way that shows what the desired change in the pupils' behavior will be. The objective (s) must be achievable within one lesson, unless specified for a double lesson. The objective (s) must relate to what the pupils will learn rather than what the teacher will teach - objectives should be children - centered.
The change in the pupils' behavior should be observable and measurable.
Let us examine each of the following instructional objectives and comment on them.
a) To introduce the area of a triangle b) At the end of the lesson the pupils will understand the area of a triangle; and c) At the end of the lesson the pupils should be able to calculate the area of a triangle.
The objective in (a) is teacher-centred not pupil-centred, whereas (b) is pupil-centred, but is not measurable - the word "understand" is too abstract to measure. On the other hand (c) is pupil - centred, is measurable and is achievable within a lesson.
A teacher who has just begun to learn how to write instructional objectives may find it useful to use the phrase "At the end of the lesson the pupils should...? He may continue to use this phrase until it is clear in his mind how he must state his objectives.
Later he may stop using the phrase and just indicate the pupils' behavior, for example by writing `the pupils should calculate.'
The following verbs are measurable and therefore should be used to express instructional objectives: list, identify, write (e.g. write sentences using certain words), recite, calculate, interpret, state and explain.
The following verbs and phrases are not measurable and therefore must be avoided when stating instructional objectives: know, understand, learn, improve, develop, familiarize themselves with, comprehend and increase their vocabulary.
A few examples of good instructional objectives are as follows:
At the end of the lesson the pupils should be able to:
Discover what happens when metals are heated,
Calculate the area of a triangle,
Wash white cotton articles,
Read and answer the questions at the end of story `Farah's family',
Draw the map of the school.
To be continued..
Celebrating 1st July In A New Light: A Somalilander's Perspective
"Take from the altars of the past the fire - not the ashes" ~Jean Jaures
On July 1st 1960, the people Somaliland celebrated a day of destiny. They gave up their sovereignty which they have won four days earlier by their own will. They had a mission to fulfill and a vision to achieve. Their mission was to establish a strong united government with the South and not let such historical opportunity slip from their grasp. Their vision was to bring all Somali speaking people under the blue flag. This day the Somalilanders realized of a much larger vision they shared with the remaining four parts of Greater Somalia; with Somalis in Djibouti, the Reserved Areas of Ethiopia, the Northern Frontier District of Kenya and of course Italian Somalis of the South.
It was natural for Somalilanders at the time to see the Independence of Somaliland as the first step in a long and torturous journey towards the ultimate dream of all Somalis. The realization of Somaliweyn. This dream at the time was part of a general trend in Africa. A trend of unity and brotherhood that prevailed among all Africans emerging from under the yoke of colonialism. One has to recall, however, that when the dream of Somalis was limited to uniting the territory of the Somali speaking people under one flag, other Africans at the time had even bigger dreams. Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana thought the independence of Ghana in 1957 was not sweet enough unless all Africa was independent and united under one flag and a United States of Africa was created. Thus came the historical meeting of William V.S. Tubman of Liberia and Ahmed Sekou Toure of Guinea with Nkrumah, in Sanniquellie, northern Liberia in 1959, to ink their famous communiqu, of solidarity which later would become the precursor of the Organization of the African Unity, OAU. Even at his moment of triumph, as the hour of Ghana's independence struck, Nkrumah couldn't hide his quest for a much greater goal of an independent and united Africa, thus came his words in his independence speech:
"We again rededicate ourselves in the struggle to emancipate other countries in Africa; For our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent. "I believe strongly and sincerely that with the deep-rooted wisdom and dignity, the innate respect for human lives, the intense humanity that is our heritage, the African race, united under one federal government, will emerge not as just another world bloc to flaunt its wealth and strength, but as a Great Power whose greatness is indestructible because it is built not on fear, envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the good of all mankind." Dr Kwame Nkrumah, Independence speech on March 5, 1957.
Negritude, an expression of African identity pioneered by celebrated black intellectuals such as Leopold S,dar Senghor of Senegal and Martinican poet and statesman Aime Cesaire, also paved the way for a unity among the blacks of the world albeit more of a cultural commonality than political.
African intellectuals and statesmen had the historical responsibility to rise to the need of the moment and the desire of the African people for Independence and unity. It is a historical misjudgment to expect of the Somali people to do otherwise. They too saw the unity of the territory of the Somali speaking people as a springboard to a unity of the whole of Africa. Dismantling of colonial borders between peoples of the same race and language was for them the start of setting the record straight.
No where was this better expressed than the words attributed to Farah Omaar, a Somalilander of broader vision, " My country is too small to be divided into five parts." Thus sang Somaliland poets and lyric writers among the most notable among them were Timacadde, Balayacas, Jabiye and Ali Sugule to mention but a few.
On 26th June and later on 1st July, the people of Somaliland had lived through one of their sweet dreams, that of independence and unity of at least two parts of the whole. Their jubilation for these two days was sincere and not orchestrated or forced. It was a patriotic and spontaneous outpour of the people's true feelings. Every Somali person, whether inside the two united parts or outside them celebrated and embraced these two days as their own victory.
The fact that such beauty, such patriotism and such genuine feelings of brotherhood had been hijacked, betrayed and destroyed by the Siyad Barre's dictatorial regime should not make the people of Somaliland look at these days with shame and remorse. Quite contrary, Somalilanders should be proud of the heroism of their men, women and children who rose to the historical responsibility of the moment, who like Nkrumah saw the independence of Somaliland as not enough and yearned for something bigger and better. Somalilanders should be proud that it was the sacrifices and the patriotism of their fathers that had made part of a Somali dream come true - the birth of the Somali Republic on 1st July 1960.
History is a witness that Somalilanders made the far bigger sacrifices for the sake of Somali unity than our Italian brothers. Gripped by the unity fever, Somalilanders had given up everything. The capital went to the south. So was the posts of the President, Speaker of the parliament, the Prime Minister and key cabinet ministers such as the defense, the foreign office, finance and interior. Even the Armed Forces Chief of Staff and the Commander of the national police force were seen as too big a share to be given the north.
Despite such injustice, the Somalilanders continued to hang on to their hopes, dreaming of the arrival of the day of reckoning when all Somalis would come under the umbrella of unity and their sacrifice would be rewarded with a fair share of wealth and government. This explains the Northerners' outright rejection of the attempted coup by their military elites in 1961, with the most celebrated Northern playwright Ali Sugule hailing the military's alertness in squashing Hassan Kayd's coup with his famous "Nin lagu seexdow ha seexan," sang by the late Somali melody queen Magool.
Whether the Somalilander's unbelievable sacrifices and proverbial patriotism could be seen as political naivety or visionary cause went awry will be a subject for debate among history students for years to come, but one thing is true that Somalilanders' had invested heavily in the Somali cause and had lost heavily too.
To borrow Nkrumah's words again, Somalilanders dreamed of a Great Somali Unity whose greatness was indestructible because it was to be built not on fear, envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the good of all mankind.
They, however, instead reaped misery, destruction, fear and loss of human dignity. The Somali unity was destroyed by the brutality of the Siyad Barre regime to the people of the north. Even the ensuing civil war among the northern clans was a measure orchestrated by the Barre regime aimed at finishing off whatever its missiles, tanks and planes had missed and a sinister move aimed at sowing long-term discord and never healing spiritual wounds among the Somalilanders.
Thanks to the wisdom of their elders, their shared blood and cultural values, the Somalilanders have overcome their plight, pieced their lives together, rebuilt their villages and towns stone by stone and block by block, reclaimed their sovereignty and created a vibrant and constitutional democracy to the envy of many Africans and to the admiration of the international community.
This shouldn't make Somalilanders, however, negate the dreams and the noble goals for which our fathers and mothers fought. Just like we are doing today, they were trying with the best of their ability and to the best of their knowledge to guarantee a peaceful and better future for their children and grandchildren. Never, should we, therefore, denigrate nor downgrade their efforts and their struggle. To disassociate ourselves from their achievements, is to decry their accomplishments, to demean their intentions, to question their honesty and their integrity and to discredit their intellect and political vision.
Let us view the day of 1st July in its historical perspective and celebrate the bravery, the vision, the patriotism and wholeheartedness with which our people have fought to realize their dream symbolized at the time by 1st July. To shun and reject the historical importance of 1st July, is to say that our fathers and mothers have died in vain, danced in vain, sang in vain and jubilated in vain in their thousands.
No, never. our fathers and mothers had fought for the right cause, at the right time and for the right age. Somalilanders today are also fighting for the right cause, at the right time for the right age by reclaiming their sovereignty and chartering their own way for their own future and that of their children. Just the same way as our fathers and mothers thought they were doing. Had they had the prophetic vision and the foresight to see where their achievements would end, they surely wouldn't have taken the road they took. But as fallible human beings, how could they! We also cannot swear the fruits we are sowing today would not be sour someday in the distant future. To put it simply we are trying to do our best. So did our fathers and mothers in their time. Therefore, let us respect their record and their history if we want our children to respect our record and our history as well.
Do You Have To Show Your Underwear?
One night, a friend of mine said, "July 1st is here, it is time to celebrate". Throughout the night I kept asking myself "are we going to celebrate 44 years of progression or regression?" Next morning my mind was still clouded, however my own physical presence was required to be at work. I strode out to catch my bus. I have noticed two Somalis - a boy and a girl - standing at the bus stop. The boy was wearing his baggy trousers very low as if he was proud to show off his boxer shorts and the girl was wearing a low-cut jeans and a shirt that showed a lot of her stomach and a lot of cleavage. The way these teenagers dressed compounded my anguish.
At my lunch break I spent surfing the Internet trying to find out how the trend toward showing the maximum amount of skin has started and the sartorial depths to which fashion has now sunk. Flicking through the pages, I came across Pace Magazine with its front cover showing young Somali supermodels. One particular model made me uneasy by seeing her naked narrow waist. I am not here to contemplate what a person should or should not wear because Allah has already notified us the dress code, but what worries me is to the extent that the boundaries have been pushed.
Let us quickly look the history notes of baggy clothes and bare bellies. Here is an excerpt from an article entitled "the history of baggy pants": Unbeknownst to many, baggy clothing has been around even before the early days of Yo MTV Raps. As a style, baggy and loose fitting clothing has always been associated with the derelicts and bohemians of society. Hobos, transients, and the homeless are usually portrayed as having baggy clothing.
Of course, they wore baggy clothing through no choice of their own but because all they could find was loose, discarded clothing (not to mention their small frames caused by malnutrition). Jesters and clowns are also associated with exaggerated clothing. Clowns wear larger than normal shoes and baggier than normal pants. Whatever the case, baggy clothing has always been associated with the fringes of society. Baggy clothing can be seen as an affront to polite society.
Baring the belly has a deep history and can be traced back to Egypt as early as 48 BC. Indian women have been showing their midriff for a long time. Movie stars started showing their bared bellies in the late 1910s. In the 1980s, Madonna, queen of imps, showed her naked tummy. In the 1990s, two ribald singers Janet Jackson and Mariah Carey joined the club of bare bellies. But the look really took off when ruinous Britney Spears and Christina Aguilera started showing the sparkly strings of their thongs.
People naturally prefer certain clothes and hairdos to express themselves. Whatever you wear somehow reflects your personality. Brian Tracy, a leading authority on personal and business success, writes "The fact is that when you first meet a person, he makes a judgment about you in approximately four seconds, and his judgment is finalized largely within 30 seconds of the initial contact".
If a young boy wears his trousers too low and his hat cocked to the side, he may be classified as a yob. And if a teenage girl dresses in skimpy clothes, she may be regarded as a slut. One may argue that the way a person dresses does not necessarily mean everything. Of course that is true, but your clothes reflect your taste and not who you are.
Boys, let me ask you this, is it cool wearing your trousers too low? A nine-year-old girl from St. Paul said, "A boy at school bent over to wash a table, and I could see his boxer shorts. The next day, he bent over again, and I could see that he didn't change his underwear". Boys are forewarned that the girls count and know the number of underpants that you have and if you cannot afford to have a new one everyday bury your shorts deep under your trousers.
Girls, let me dare to ask you this, is it really trendy to wear a shirt with slits that shows a lot of cleavage or a trousers that shows your knickers? Most of the girls wear what they think looks nice on them and some of them dress what they think will get others excited. Nevertheless if you are in learning environment, you should know that you are not there for fashion inspection but you are there to learn.
Even if you are not confined to cloistered academics, it is important to remember that people make assumptions or opinions about other people according to their physical appearance. It is worth repeating the exact words of a thirteen-year-old girl who said "I'm very careful with my clothing. I like to wear matching or something that looks good together. Every day I wear a clean skirt, a shirt and a scarf. In order to wear it, it has to be clean and not show my body or hair. The way I dress tells people that I'm Muslim and that I don't feel comfortable showing off my body".
A thorny question, where in the world are the parents of these youngsters? Surely, responsible parents cannot allow their children to wear dresses that make them uncomfortable when they are standing next to their children. When parents and their children are at their homes they are bombarded with ads from TVs and magazines that show sexually attractive models wearing inappropriate clothes and when they go to the shops everything they find is almost cut so tight and low. This shows that parents do not have absolute control over the environment that their children live but that does not real mean that they are destined to accept what the environment dictates.
However sad you feel about your surroundings, you do not have to think that dressing scantily or trousers hang low is really cool. Girls should not show easily treasured parts of their anatomy and should leave more to the imagination. Boys need to make sure that their pants are up. It is not fun to watch boys holding up their trousers while they run. Moreover, boys do not need to ventilate their hips. Seeing our future leaders dressing this way I do not think it is time to be joyous. Whether we are to celebrate 1st July for progression or regression or both, the decision is yours.
Source: Oxfam (London )
Somalia/Somaliland Programme Information
Somaliland was (and in some minds still is) part of Somalia, a nation only created in 1960. Ten years later President Siad Barre came to power, proclaiming Somalia a socialist state. After two decades of strong arm rule, President Barre was overthrown by opposing clans in 1991 - leaving Somalia with little effective government for most of the 90s. Conflict, famine and disease left up to a million dead.
Oxfam have been working in Somalia since the late 1960's. As well as long term development programmes, we worked to help those affected by the violence of the early 1990's. Sadly the ongoing insecurity meant that we had to withdraw from what is now Somalia in 1994, but we responded again in 1997 when much of the area was devastated by floods, working with Save the Children helping to clean up water supplies.
Somalia's transitional government was set up end of 2000. The struggle for peace continues, and Oxfam hopes to return as soon as security improves.
The birth of Somaliland
Previously north-west Somalia - Somaliland declared independence in 1991 (as did the northeast district of Punt Land) with it's own flag, currency, parliament, President, and military force. Although not recognised by foreign governments, officials (though not others) can now travel on Somaliland Passports.
The problems
Despite successfully withdrawing from the ongoing violence in Somalia, Somaliland is still beset by problems. Only 31% have access to safe water - many people have to rely on shallow pools of rainwater, that are dry for much of the year and are often heavy polluted. Nearly half don't have access to latrines.
It's not surprising then, that 20% of children under 5 have recently had diarrhoea. 138 out of every thousand do not live to their 5th birthday.
Oxfam in Somaliland
Oxfam's work in the new Somaliland began in 1991, trying to help to rebuild peace and provide urgent relief to those affected by the conflict.
Clean, safe, water
Given the scarcity of safe water and the devastating affect this has on health, Oxfam's priority has been to ensure as many people as possible have access to clean safe water.
In the last few years many refugees, who fled to Ethiopia during the conflict, have begun to return. The government have given land to many, but Oxfam's help is needed to provide water and sanitation - repairing wells and generators and building latrines and spreading health and hygiene messages.
In some more established communities, as well as building or repairing tanks, pumps and reservoirs ourselves, we have used `revolving loan' schemes to help to build and repair water facilities. Under these schemes communities elect a Village Committee, who Oxfam train and support so that they can provide loans to households or small groups to put in a well or pump. They have to gradually repay that money, which is then loaned out to the next household or group. This way Oxfam can ensure that over time, one small fund can help many different people to improve their lives.
Returning to Peace
Somaliland has also had its share of problems brought by inter-clan fighting, or simple lack of cooperation.
By bringing members of different clans together in Committees, for training, and for joint projects (such as de-silting reservoirs or irrigation plans) we not only provided clean water but built relationships between groups. Neighbours who have sat together to learn or to plan a project are less likely to turn to violence when problems arise.
Somaliland is now relatively peaceful, and cooperation across groups is increasing. Oxfam will continue to encourage this in all areas of its work.
Oxfam GB is a ltd company, reg in London No 612172, 274 Banbury Rd, Oxford OX2 7DZ Reg. charity No 202918. Oxfam GB is a member of Oxfam International
Source: REUTERS, July 1, 2004
Gunmen seize landmine workers in Somalia-officials
The deminers working for the British-based Halo Trust were abducted Wednesday near the town of Las'anod, some 600 miles north of the capital Mogadishu, sources in the area said.
It was not clear why the deminers were seized or which countries they came from, but a local newspaper said they were all Somalis. Previous kidnappings in the country have targeted mainly foreign aid workers.
Somaliland administrators blamed the kidnapping on militias loyal to Puntland leader Col. Abdullahi Yusuf, and said the landmine workers had been driven to Puntland's capital Garoe in two army wagons.
But an official in Puntland denied the charge, saying: "no kidnapped vehicle entered our territory."
Somalia collapsed into chaos after the overthrow of military ruler Mohammed Siad Barre in 1991. The three-year mandate of an Arab-backed transitional national government formed in September 2000 ended last year without peace being restored.
A former British protectorate, Somaliland split from Somalia in 1991 after a long independence struggle, taking advantage of the chaos after Barre's fall. Puntland broke away in 1998 to escape the militia anarchy of southern and central Somalia.
The two enclaves have fought sporadic clashes for years over the ownership of several eastern areas of Somaliland that Puntland's leaders claim as their own on the basis of ethnicity.
Rival militia groups in Somalia are said to have large caches of weapons including landmines, most of which were looted from Barre's former army.
Source: www.somali-civilsociety.org/strength/strength_project.asp
STRENGTHENING SOMALI CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS
NOVIB (Oxfam Netherlands) is a key member of the Oxfam International family. Novib's involvement in Somalia/land initially started with support for the development programmes of sister NGOs including Oxfam GB and ACORD. Since 1995 Novib has been more directly engaged with Somali civil society organisations (CSOs) and has funded several CSO networks comprising approximately 100 local NGO members all over Somalia/land. Overall Novib's engagement with Somali civil society aims at contributing to the achievement of the following:
(a) The strengthening of all partners in moving from an activity driven agenda towards becoming strong, proactive organisations (b) uilding of the capacity of partners, particularly network members, in the education sector in terms of vision, activity development and access to other donors (c) Building of the capacity of partners in the sector of food security, especially pastoralist oriented groups (National Resource Management network) (d) Increasing of the lobbying capacity of partners, particularly around the issue of illegal trade (e) The linking of efforts to work towards a sustainable peace in the country in order to counteract the divided history, which perpetuates the conflict. This entails building a coalition that shares a joint vision of the future, inside the country, as well as presenting a harmonised reaction to outside actors
The strengthening of women's political inclusion
In 2000, the current project, `Strengthening Somali Civil Society Organisations' (SCS) was established and is funded by the European Commission. This project provides support to civil society as a sector, which makes it different from other Novib support that is direct funding to organisations. The overall SCS project objective is to support the achievement of justice, lasting peace and sustainable development.
The specific project purpose is to strengthen Somali civil society in addressing their concerns through inclusive strategies so that they are enabled to provide services and are able to defend the interests of their members and constituencies. Additionally, civil society is being empowered to promote the improvement and maintenance of good governance as well as peace in the country and establish working relations with both state structures and the private sector.
The SCS project was formulated as a response to the protracted Somali conflict and the lack of conviction on the part of the international community that Somali civil society has the potential to play a role in re-building the country. Novib is one of the very few actors working closely with local organisations on a non-operational basis. A re-division of access to and control over wealth and power is necessary, and in turn requires that all sectors be addressed. As a strategic actor, Novib, with EC funding support, is not only able to establish direct linkages with a larger number of local organisations but also opts to do so on the basis of the principle of inclusion.
BACKGROUND
Since the large-scale interventions of the early 1990s, Somalia/land has largely disappeared from the agenda of the international community. Following the failure of UNOSOM, Somalia/land has received much reduced aid and attention from the outside world. Yet during this time Somalia/land has not stood still, despite decades of dictatorship followed by the collapse of the state and civil war, the Somali people have learnt to rehabilitate their country themselves and not to rely on external development assistance.
Despite the enormous challenges of poverty and instability, the Somali people have ensured the survival of the economy, the existence of a school system and rudimentary medical facilities.
In the absence of a central state or meaningful international intervention, the Somali people have represented and organised themselves and individuals and organisations have taken on many of the traditional roles of the state, filling the vacuum in service provision and opening channels of debate. It is in this context that Somali civil society has flourished and is now more vibrant than ever.
Somali Civil society has strong traditional roots. Somali culture is based upon negotiation and consensus building and allows space for diversity, in particular through the use of poetry and theatre, which are mediums frequently used to express challenging positions and opinions. The Islamic Sufi traditions and `Tarikas' dominant in the Somali context have also promoted diversity, tolerance and respect for local governance arrangements.
Somali civil society can be loosely divided into three categories. Firstly, elders continue to be relevant representatives of communities and in the absence of central authority have in fact played a strengthened decision-making role in the past few years. Secondly, there has been a proliferation of `modern' civil society actors in Somalia/land, particularly NGOs and media organisations. The third category includes non-traditional civil society actors who in Somalia/land certainly contribute to the spectrum of public life; these include community associations, professional associations, the business community, artists and performers.
For the purposes of this project civil society can be defined as comprising all individuals or groups who do not posses legislative or executive powers, are unarmed and that actively pursue the well being of the society at large through peaceful means.
Yet whilst civil society organisations have certainly expanded and contributed to the development of Somali society in recent years, Somali civil society continues to face several challenges. Chief amongst these are:
(a) Acquiring funding is a major problem for all NGOs and organised civic groups, a problem that is compounded by the nature of funding which, when available, tends to be given specifically for project activities and rarely for institutional development, although this is a critical need for the development of civil society structures.
(b) A related problem is that civil society organisations (CSOs) face issues of both visibility and credibility. NGOs have proliferated in recent years and vary widely in quality. As a result, the perception of local NGOs from inside the country as well as outside tends to be negative. This perception has led to a reluctance on the part of aid organisations to trust and therefore invest in the operational capacity of the local NGO sector. Even within the country the mushrooming of NGOs has negatively influenced the attitude of the private sector and political powers.
(c) Leadership of CSOs is a key issue to be addressed. The leadership of currently existing CSOs is in general poor. Somalia/land has suffered a massive `brain-drain' and therefore lacks skills in key areas. This lack of leadership capacity consequently creates weaknesses within CSOs, including poor transparency, accountability and service delivery. (d) There is relatively little collaboration and cooperation between the different actors in Somali civil society, in part due to the scarcity of both human and financial resources but also reflecting the divided history of the country. This leads to a lack of harmonisation and common strategy within the civic sector - resulting in duplication and failure to utilise available resources most effectively.
(e) Somali CSOs face a challenge in the scope of their activities. CSOs have had to focus on the provision of basic social services and have perhaps failed to fully develop in the areas which are traditionally important for civil society; the promotion of good governance, peace, democracy and human rights.
STRENGTHENING SOMALI CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS
THE PROJECT
This project aims to contribute to the promotion of a healthy Somali civil society in all parts of the country. This entails both improvement of the internal management of the civil society organisations (CSOs) and improved co-operation and collaboration among the different actors in Somali society.
One of the characteristics of Novib's method in Somalia/land is the `process-approach', meaning that there is a clear strategy and direction with room for creativity and flexibility in both planning and implementing activities. Therefore this programme is built through consultations and dialogue with the CSOs. Civil society itself has the major role in defining and implementing this project. Activities are not completely worked out beforehand but rather are developed in a participatory way with the organisations involved during the course of the project. Novib is also primarily a non-operational NGO and therefore supports activities through Somali partners and consultants.
The project was formulated as a four-year programme with three phases around the broad objectives of raising awareness on the roles and responsibilities of civil society, through research, public awareness and advocacy, strengthening the capacity of civil society organisations to contribute to peace, development and human rights and strengthening linkages within civil society and with other actors including local authorities and the international community.
This programme reflects Novib Somalia's view that civil society and civic organisation is best places to bring about lasting change in the Somali context. The first phase focused on research and understanding of the sector through consultations with civil society and concluded successfully with the finalisation of the research outputs of the project, including the Mapping Somali Civil Society report and the Donor Assistance study.
The second phase of the project adopted a much more thematic approach. In addition to the SCS project's focus on civil society organisations, their positions and roles and activities on gender, the project also started to focus on the sectors of human rights and education. For the third and final phase of Novib Somalia's project, it is envisioned that the work of the second phase shall be expanded upon and eventually, that the emphasis will also shift to hand over of the project role and structures to Somali civil society itself.
Finally, in October 2002, in response to requests from civil society organisations, Novib Somalia formulated a project to support civil society engagement with the Somali National Reconciliation Conference. This project, coined the IGAD project, is still ongoing.
Source: Source: www.delken.cec.eu.int
An update on SQOSES project activities..
EC supports the Somali people through the SQOSES intervention and its implementing partners, UNICEF and UNESCO.
EC-UNESCO collaboration. The UNESCO component of SQOSES provides Grade 5 and 6 textbooks to Somali children and in-service training to the teachers in the use of the new resources. It also supports conduct of grade 8 exams for the academic years 2002-03 and 2003-04. Part of the SQOSES project provides some financial and technical assistance to Somaliland Teacher Training College.
Recent developments in the SQOSES -UNESCO project. Paul Mattison joined UNESCO PEER as Project Coordinator for the SQOSES component of UNESCO in October 2003 and Ms Sissel Olsen was seconded by the Norwegian Refugee Council in January 2004 to assist in the development of the Somaliland Teacher Education College and capacity building in the Ministry of Education.
Distribution of Grade 5 textbooks.
Printing and distribution of Grade 5 textbooks (Somalia edition) is ongoing throughout Central and Southern Somalia and Puntland. Somaliland editions are being printed and distribution should be completed in February.
In-service teacher training.
The training of trainers (ToT) workshop for Grade 5 and 6 scheduled for December 2003 was postponed due to limitations on travel of international staff. Partners will be soon informed of the dates and venue. Immediately after the ToT, UNESCO will hold the in-service programmes for the upper primary teachers throughout the country.
Progress on Grades 6-8.
Pre -press work on Grade 6 textbooks is in progress. UNESCO are working towards delivery of these textbooks to the schools by May 2004.
In response to the SACB-ESC appeal on behalf of UNESCO to finalize and publish Grade 7 and 8 textbooks by the end of 2004, DfID (Department for International Development) has committed itself to partially fund this initiative which will cover the cost of finalization, pre-press, printing, and distribution of the textbooks in the two editions.
Source: www.delken.cec.eu.int/en/publications/Strengthening%20Quality%20of%20the%20Somali
Strengthening Quality of the Somali Education System (SQOSES)
2004, No.2
Update on progress of SQOSES- UNICEF. Since October, UNICEF and its Somali partners have been involved in the following EC-funded SQOSES project activities:
Textbook distribution.
A total of 50,000 textbooks, in six subjects, for Grades 1-4 have been printed with funds from EC, Danida and the Italian National Committee for UNICEF. These are currently being distributed in Somaliland, Puntland and central and southern Somalia. The textbooks will be distributed primarily to new schools and schools which have opened extra classes. Partners with stocks of textbooks are requested to send them to their nearest UNICEF office in order that they may be redistributed evenly. Teachers' uides for Somali, science, maths, social studies and EMIS tools are also being distributed to all schools.
School Mentors.
Three 12 day workshops on school mentoring were held in Hargeisa, Bossaso and Merka in October 2003. Participants included teacher trainers, REOs, DEOs, 14 INGO supervisors, the SQOSES in-service coordinators and UNICEF education officers. The workshops introduced the participants to the concept of mentoring and gave them opportunities - through watching videos and doing role play - to practice using a variety of classroom observation tools and mentoring techniques. A Guide for School Mentors was prepared based on the tools developed during the workshop. The Guide has been distributed to ESC partners and mentors.
A total of 59 mentors are currently working with 1,751 teachers in 212 pilot schools in Somaliland, Puntland and central and southern Somalia. Feedback from the SQOSES in-service coordinators, REOs and UNICEF education officers suggests that head teachers and teachers have welcomed the mentors, and that mentors have been effective in persuading teachers to distribute and use the new textbooks. This, in turn, has led to an improvement in students' reading abilities.
The mentors will continue to work in the 212 pilot schools until May 2004, when a Learning Achievement Study will be carried out to help the education authorities in Somaliland and Puntland and UNICEF to assess the impact of the pilot project. The study will observe teachers' behaviour in classrooms and test Grade 2 and Grade 4 pupils' literacy and numeracy. The results will then be compared with the Baseline Study carried out in December 2001.
Education Management Information System (EMIS).
UNICEF and local education authorities in Somaliland and Puntland have conducted a survey in 40 primary schools (10 each in Somaliland and Puntland and 20 in central and southern Somalia) in order to identify the problems that teachers and head teachers face when using the current EMIS tools. The results of the survey will be used to help UNICEF and its partners to review and revise the EMIS tools in time for the start of the school year in September.
Questions on the SQOSES-UNICEF project should be forwarded to jsutherland@unicef.org Questions and issues for the EC regarding the SQOSES project should be forwarded to ruth.tole@cec.eu.int
UNITED NATIONS Economic and Social Council (E/CN.4/2004/103) 30 November 2003
Situation of human rights in Somalia
Summary
The past year in Somalia has been marked by continued efforts towards political stability as well as the persistence of distinct variations between regions in the observance of human rights. The assertion of the increasing importance of economic, social and cultural rights for the country provided further evidence of the resilience of the Somali people and the will of large proportions of the population to regain peaceful and productive lives.
The independent expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia is appointed by the Secretary-General in accordance with Commission resolution 1993/86 of 10 March 1993. In that resolution, the Commission requested the Secretary-General to appoint for a period of one year a person having wide experience in the field of human rights as an independent expert to assist the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Somalia through development of a long-term programme of advisory services for re-establishing human rights and the rule of law, including a democratic constitution, as well as the eventual holding of periodic and genuine elections by universal suffrage and secret ballot. The mandate has been renewed on a yearly basis since that date, and has been executed continuously, with the exception of the period September 2000-May 2001 when a new independent expert was being recruited.
The independent expert, Ghanim Alnajjar, undertook a mission to Kenya and Somalia from 24 August to 4 September 2003. During this period he visited "Somaliland", "Puntland" and Kismayo in Somalia, and Nairobi. A planned visit to Mogadishu was again forestalled this year owing to security considerations, while the visit to Garowe also did not materialize owing to the unanticipated introduction of landing fees. In "Somaliland", the expert met with the "president" and various "ministers", with members of the United Nations Country Team (UNCT), local non-governmental organizations (NGOs), as well as with the commanders of the police and the custodial corps, and also visited a police station, the Hargeisa prison and several camps for internally displaced persons (IDPs). During the visit to "Puntland" the expert met with the Minister of Commerce, serving as the Governor of Bosasso, with members of UNCT, local NGOs and the police commander, and paid visits to the police station, the port, the main prison and IDP camps. During his visit to Kismayo the expert had the opportunity to tour the Kismayo port, stadium and hospital and to meet with the District Commissioner, the commanders of the police and custodial corps, members of UNCT and local NGOs, and to visit the police station, the prison, the court, IDP camps and disarmed militia camps. In Kenya, the expert met with Nairobi-based United Nations staff as well as representatives of the international community and international NGOs. He also addressed participants at the Somali National Reconciliation Conference at Mbagathi, Kenya, and convened an interactive dialogue.
During 2003 the Somali National Reconciliation Conference, hosted by Kenya, presented a significant forum for establishing fundamental structures and legal frameworks impacting on the observance of human rights. On 15 September a Transitional Federal Charter was adopted and at the time of writing this report the third phase of power-sharing had been initiated. Outside of formal proceedings, however, violations continued to be widespread, especially in areas of the south. In the north-west, "Somaliland" sustained an environment of relative peace, conducive to growth in construction and investment, more schools and political consolidation; "Puntland", in the north-east, following periodic violence related to a constitutional crisis, is now a region of relative calm and paying greater attention to economic needs. In the Bay and Bakool regions, in south-western Somalia, internal disputes within the administration have been accompanied by sporadic fighting. In Kismayo, initiatives towards disarmament and fuller utilization of the port suggest a return to cautious calm and normalcy. In Mogadishu and other areas of the south, the situation remains tense with periods of intense conflict between and among faction leaders and freelance militia. There have also been divisions within the Transitional National Government.
The self-declared autonomous region of "Somaliland" continued to be relatively secure through most of 2003, an achievement seriously undermined by the killing of four international humanitarian aid workers in the period September to October. The region successfully carried out "presidential" elections on 14 April and has registered some progress with respect to the judicial system, through activities executed under the Rule of Law and Security project of the United Nations Development Programme. Of concern is the extremely poor condition of the main Hargeisa prison, prompting a recommendation from the expert that it be demolished. While economic progress remains critically affected by the livestock ban, increasing investment in trade, housing and education are evident. Relations between the administration and representatives of the international community have been the source of some tension, and the expert has advised that this be addressed.
In the contested Sanaag region the threat of famine has been raised, largely owing to deforestation as part of the charcoal trade, and may be viewed as a violation of the right to food. In "Puntland", the absence of open conflict for some months provided for relative calm. This has apparently promoted a redirection of efforts towards economic activity, notably light manufacture and trade through the port. The unregulated use of the coastline is of heightened concern, especially as it contributes to the phenomenon of smuggling of persons, with attendant perils including loss of life.
In Kismayo, the authorities have made a significant effort towards restoring peace in undertaking a disarmament exercise for former militia. The judiciary and law enforcement mechanisms are very poorly resourced. There is also a greater thrust towards economic activity and fuller use of the port facilities, and in this respect the expert is concerned about the environmental effects of apparent dependence on the charcoal trade. The expert therefore advocates support by the international community for developing alternative income-generating activity such as agriculture and fisheries, and corresponding marketing activity.
In the Bay and Bakol regions, sporadic conflict persisted for much of the year surrounding the chairmanship of the Rahanweyn Resistance Army. These areas have reported significant violations of the right to life, with notable targeting of women and children, and of the right to security of the person, as well as extensive displacement. At the time of writing, however, reports reaching the expert indicated that an October peace agreement between the warring factions was in the process of being implemented.
In the south, the restricted authority enjoyed by the Transitional National Government was further eroded by internal disputes. Freelance militia continued to present a threat to security and were allegedly key actors in a number of cases of kidnapping and violations of the rights to life. Inter-clan and inter-faction fighting was also reportedly the cause of considerable casualties and loss of life.
During his visit the attention of the independent expert was drawn in particular to factors impacting on the enjoyment of economic, social and cultural rights. It would appear that as political and related efforts proceed, albeit tentatively, attention is shifting more towards building livelihoods. The expert underlines that critical to the sustainability of this development is the diversification of economic activity.
The expert also acknowledges that Somalia is at a significant and promising juncture of its political history and he urges the Somali leadership and the international community at large to seize the opportunity to entrench human rights in the legal framework, the structures and the operationalization of the emerging governing modalities.
The expert continues to have faith in the value of civil society organizations for the monitoring, promotion and protection of human rights in the country. He applauds the progress made in 2003 in establishing a pan-Somali network of human rights defenders and encourages further efforts, notably with the support of the international community, towards the consolidation and building of capacity among these groups.
Introduction
1. The Commission on Human Rights, in its resolution 2003/78, decided to extend the mandate of the independent expert on the situation of human rights in Somalia for a further year and requested him to report to the Commission at its sixtieth session.
2. The independent expert wishes to express his gratitude to the people of Somalia for the hospitality with which he was welcomed in that country. The freedom of movement afforded him, and the willingness of persons from all the areas visited to engage in discussions were critical in fulfilling his mission. In particular, the expert is grateful to the local authorities in "Somaliland", "Puntland" and Kismayo for facilitating his visit and meeting with him, and to the members of civil society organizations who provided him with information.
3. The expert extends his particular thanks to staff of United Nations agencies with whom he met and who shared their experience and enthusiasm. He is especially appreciative of the substantive feedback from the Protection and Human Rights Steering Group, and of the logistical and public relations support provided by the staff of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).
4. The expert wishes to thank the representatives of the diplomatic/donor community with whom he met in Nairobi, including representatives of the European Union and the United States. The meetings made for useful exchanges of information and perspectives on the activities and approaches of the international community.
5. The expert is also grateful to the representatives of the international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) NOVIB (Oxfam-Netherlands) and Muslim Aid, who provided him with helpful information and documentation on civil society activity in Somalia.
I. POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS
6. During 2003 the key political activity revolved around the ongoing Somali National Reconciliation Conference. The talks, which started on 15 October 2002 in Eldoret, Kenya, under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), had registered significant initial progress with respect to securing the attendance at some point of all the main faction leaders in Somalia and some participation by civil society groups, and to the signing of the Declaration on Cessation of Hostilities and the Structures and Principles of the Somali National Reconciliation Process (the Eldoret Declaration) by all the Somali leaders on 27 October 2002. There have, however, been continued violations of the Declaration since its signing, leading to the establishment of an international committee - made up of the United States, the European Union, the African Union, the League of Arab States and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) - to monitor the ceasefire.
7. The conference has also been beset by a number of difficulties, including disputes over the number of participants and the allocation of seats by clan, as well as the fact that "Somaliland" has consistently refused to attend the conference based on the assertion that it is a state that is independent from Somalia. The proceedings have also been affected on several occasions by the periodic absence of Abdiqassim Salad Hassan, President of the Transitional National Government (TNG) and three other key faction leaders - Muse Sudi Yalahow, Osman Hassan Ali Ato and Bare Hiirale. Djibouti, a member of the IGAD Technical Committee, also in late September removed itself from the talks, reportedly claiming a lack of neutrality with respect to the events.
8. At the time of writing, the conference had completed the second phase of discussions within six technical committees addressing core issues of the Somali conflict: federalism, disarmament, conflict resolution, economic reconstruction, land rights and international relations. On 15 September, the conference adopted a Transitional Federal Charter emanating from these committees. The Charter has been criticized by civil society groups for inadequately incorporating human rights and rule of law principles. The third phase of the conference will focus on devising power-sharing arrangements.
9. In a disturbing incident related to the talks, on 19 October Shaykh Ibrahim Ali Abdulle, a member of the Transitional National Assembly and delegate to the peace talks, was found murdered in a forest near Nairobi. At the time of writing, investigations were under way. 10. In "Somaliland", the first multiparty presidential elections were held on 14 April without violent incident and the Somaliland Election Commission declared the incumbent, Dahir Riyale Kahin of the Unity of Democrats (UDUB) Party, the winner by 80 votes. It was reported that the main challenger, Ahmad Muhammad Silanyo, of the opposition Kulmiye (Solidarity) Party, claimed that the election had been rigged and rejected the results. The case was taken to the Constitutional Court which, on 11 May, confirmed the incumbent as the winner. Kahin had assumed the presidency of Somaliland after the death of long-time president Muhammad Ibrahim Egal in May 2002.
11. Talks were held in "Puntland" in early May to end the conflict which began in June 2001 when Abdullahi Yusuf, whose presidential term then ended, claimed that the region's parliament had extended his mandate. In July 2001, clan elders rejected his claim and on 14 November they elected Jama Ali Jama president for a three-year term. Abdullahi Yusuf captured Bosasso from Jama Ali Jama in May 2002. A dialogue between the administration of Abdishakur Mire Adan and the opposition, led by General Ade Muse Hirsi, an ally of Jama Ali Jama, was convened in Bosasso following three months of mediation by Sanaag elders. A peace agreement was signed on 17 May 2003, to which all parties have thus far reportedly adhered.
12. On 13 August the mandate of the TNG expired. A statement was made, however, that, as stipulated in the Somali Constitution, it would remain in power until free and fair elections were held, in order to avoid a vacuum in governance. Controversy surrounded this statement, which followed the convening of Parliament by TNG President Abdiqassim Salad Hassan which voted no confidence in Prime Minister Hassan Abshir Farah and Speaker of Parliament Abdallah Derow Isaak, who continued to state that they represented the TNG at the Nairobi peace talks whereas the President had withdrawn from the talks 10 days previously. The officials reportedly claimed that their dismissals were illegitimate under the Transitional Charter and there had not been a quorum in Parliament when the no-confidence vote was held. At the time of writing, the TNG remained in office in Mogadishu.
13. The political situation has been unstable in the south-western region of Baidoa where the dispute, sparked by the struggle for leadership of the Rahanweyn Resistance Army (RRA), between forces loyal to RRA chairman Hasan Muhammad Nur Shatigadud, and those of Shaykh Adan Madobe, the first vice-chairman, and Muhammad Ibrahim Habsade, the second vice-chairman, was manifested in sporadic conflict and assumed inter-clan dimensions. At the time of writing, however, reports reaching the expert indicated a peace agreement concluded in October between the warring factions was in the process of being implemented.
14. On 8 April 2003, the Security Council, in resolution 1474 (2003), decided to re-establish, for a period of six months, a panel of experts to investigate violations of the arms embargo covering Somalia imposed in 1992 following the outbreak of civil war. A panel of experts established by Council resolution 1425 (2002) had reported (S/2003/223), inter alia, that weapons, equipment, militia training and financial support were being supplied by neighbouring States and others to Somali factions and that the factions had also secured weapons through commercial channels and recommended a reinforced sanctions regime, including a monitoring mechanism.
II. PAST HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS
15. In September 2001 the independent expert wrote to the Secretary-General, urging him to present for the consideration of the Security Council a proposal for the formation of a committee of experts to investigate allegations of past atrocities in Somalia, a proposal which he continues to pursue.
III. HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES DURING THE PERIOD COVERED BY THE REPORT
The right to life
16. The right to life continues to be violated on an extensive scale in Somalia. Security reports indicate that an estimated 354 persons were killed in faction-based or inter-clan fighting up to the end of August 2003. Some of the major incidents are related below. Casualties from mine explosions, widespread banditry and other criminal activity also accounted for an estimated additional 226 deaths.
17. The situation continues to be most grave in the south. The expert was informed that on 25 February fighting in Mogadishu among rival militias resulted in at least 8 people being killed and more than 20 wounded, mostly civilians. Also in Mogadishu, on 26 February heavy fighting reportedly erupted in Medina district between the militias of faction leaders Umar Finish and Muse Sudi Yalahow, and continued sporadically over several days. At least 50 persons were reported killed, most of them civilians caught in the crossfire, and up to 100 wounded. The activity precipitated widespread displacement of civilians. Fighting erupted again in late March, resulting in 10 deaths and scores more injuries, and again in early June, when at least 7 people were killed. On 14 August, at least 12 people were killed and 6 wounded near the residence of the TNG President in south Mogadishu in an alleged assassination attempt aimed at a senior militia commander.
18. In Kismayo, it is alleged that fighting between subclans was responsible for the deaths of 140 people in the period December 2002-March 2003. It is also reported that on 14 May a driver of a car hired by UNICEF was killed in a clan dispute during a tour of the city by international United Nations staff. Over the course of the following two months 27 persons were reported killed in related clan retaliatory attacks.
19. There were reports of recurrent inter-clan conflict around Baidoa, sparked by the detonation on 10 April of a landmine on the Baidoa-Dinsor road, in which at least 10 people travelling in a minibus were killed, most of them members of the same clan. There followed several months of intermittent fighting and retaliation between clans, which reportedly left 38 persons dead.
20. Reports indicated that two days of heavy fighting between subclans in the south of Mudug region in July left at least 43 people dead and over 90 injured. The clashes were allegedly triggered by revenge killings for the deaths of two men in Galkayo a week earlier, with violence also aggravated by disagreements over water and grazing.
Intentional attacks on international personnel involved in humanitarian assistance 21. There were no confirmed reports of United Nations staff being targeted for attacks. However, there were several serious incidents involving United Nations staff members. On 9 April a confrontation between armed guards and militia in the UNICEF compound in Baidoa resulted in the death of a gunman and injury to a UNICEF guard. Also, as noted above, on 14 May the driver of a car hired by UNICEF was killed in a clan dispute.
22. The expert was saddened to learn of the killing of four non-United Nations international aid staff in September and October in Hargeisa. Dr. Annalena Tonelli, an Italian hospital director, was shot dead on 5 October in "Somaliland" by unknown attackers. Richard Eyeington and his wife, Enid, both staff of the NGO SOS Children's Villages, were shot dead on 20 October, also by unknown gunmen, at their home in a school compound in the town of Sheikh where they worked. Oyaw Abdiwahid, a Kenyan working for a religious charity, was murdered while travelling to a project site in the Gedo region on 15 September.
The taking of hostages
23. The expert was pleased to note that there were no reports of kidnapping of United Nations personnel during the period covered by the report. The number of kidnappings remains high, however, at an estimated 159 over the period covered by the report. The majority of cases were reported in the south, notably Mogadishu, where ransoms allegedly fund the purchase of weapons and ammunition. The expert was especially alarmed at the report of the abduction of four children in early August in Mogadishu, their subsequent rape and the murder of two of them, in an alleged act of clan revenge.
Rape and other forms of sexual violence
24. A 2003 report by UNICEF Somalia, From Perception to Reality: A Study On Child Protection in Somalia, indicates that gender-based violence is a problem of concern in Somalia, despite a widespread culture of denial. The study's Household Survey shows that 75 per cent of the population believes that sexual assault does not exist at all - yet 12 per cent of the adult population and 8 per cent of children attest to personally knowing of a rape victim. Females in displaced persons camps are especially vulnerable - the study notes that "nearly a third of all displaced children (31 per cent) reported rape as a problem within their family, compared to 17 per cent of children in the general population" (Summary).
Minorities
25. According to A Study on Minority Groups in Somalia published by the United Nations Coordination Unit (UNCU) and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) Somalia in September 2002, "Although the population of minority groups living in Somalia has not as yet been established, estimates indicate that they constitute one third of the total Somalia population, approximately 2,000,000 people.. These groups continue to live in conditions of great poverty and suffer numerous forms of discrimination and exclusion" (p. 2). In the Livelihoods and Protection Study of IDPs and Vulnerable Communities in Kismayo (July 2003), OCHA Somalia further notes that "Individuals from weak and powerless clans. rarely enjoy the protection afforded to others. Entrenched socio-ethnic divisions affect access to economic capital (such as employment opportunities) that, in turn, affects the degree of access (or reinforces the lack of access) to education and health facilities.. When human rights violations take place, in the absence of any properly functioning mechanisms for the rule of law, individuals from `minority' or weak clans in Kismayo often have little recourse to systems of justice"(p. 6).
The denial of due process
26. The legal framework throughout the country remains poor. Persistent challenges include untrained staff, low salaries, lack of basic equipment, training and reference materials, gender inequity and lack of harmonization among secular, customary and Islamic laws. On his visit to Kismayo the expert met with members of the judiciary who informed him that they had no copies of the laws and made judgements based on memory.
27. It was reported that on 21 June the authorities in "Somaliland" detained General Jama Muhammad Ghalib, a former Minister of the Interior and police chief of Somalia who was a delegate to the Somali peace talks. He was detained for two nights while travelling to Mogadishu, allegedly for advocating the reunification of Somaliland with Somalia, and subsequently returned to Mogadishu. The expert issued a communication to the "President" on this incident, drawing attention to the human rights implications of this action.
28. Credible reports reaching the expert indicate that nine political prisoners were held in Hargeisa, "Somaliland", central prison from 20 to 25 May and released on 7 August when the Government failed to bring a case against them. It is alleged that most of the men were former fighters with the Somali National Movement (SNM), and were charged with involvement in subversive activities in the aftermath of the "presidential" elections.
Freedom of the press
29. The expert was pleased to learn that in January the authorities in "Puntland" had lifted the ban on two BBC reporters who had been banned in 2002 for allegedly "not being objective in their reporting of events in the region".
30. In May the "Puntland" authorities also restored the broadcasting licence of the Somali Broadcasting Corporation radio and television. The licence had been withdrawn in May 2002, reportedly after the authorities accused it of having "a political agenda inimical to the Puntland state" and being biased in favour of Jama Ali Jama, Abdullahi Yusuf's rival for the "Puntland" leadership.
Women's rights
31. The widespread practice of female genital mutilation continues and is estimated to affect 98 per cent of the female population.
32. In a report on gender justice published in August 2003 by the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM), the observation is made that: "There are three parallel systems of law, the Secular law, the Shariah law and customary law.. Our findings revealed that this environment that allows operation of more that one system is inequitable, restrictive and disadvantageous to women. For example on a murder charge men who murder their wives are tried under customary law where the sentence is diya which is blood money/compensation, women are tried under the secular law where the sentence is death.. There is limited access to secular justice for women, due to economic and social restraints, and low literacy amongst women. Customary law is perceived as gender unfriendly as the traditional elders who convene the traditional courts are all male, and their points of view and traditional norms influence decisions. Shariah law is the most preferred system of law amongst women because of its divine source, however it is open to misapplication due to the fact that there are no mechanisms in place for certifying judges or recording precedence in the context of Islamic jurisprudence" (p. 3).
33. The expert noted a degree of progress towards the wider participation of women in politics. In particular, 35 of the 362 official delegates at the Somali National Reconciliation Conference are women. Women are seeking a 25 per cent representation in the new government, however, at the time of writing, it had been agreed that 12 per cent of the seats in the new parliament would be reserved for women. A woman had also announced her candidacy for the presidency of Somalia.
Children's rights
34. The expert shares with UNICEF the concerns highlighted in its valuable and comprehensive study, From Perception to Reality: A Study On Child Protection in Somalia. Some of these concerns are:
(a) More than a quarter of both children and adults (26 per cent and 31 per cent, respectively) reported being exposed to a serious or traumatic event caused by conflict; (b) Children belonging to segregated/outcast and minority clans and internally displaced children are the most disadvantaged of Somali children, have no voice and are the most vulnerable to violence, including murder, poverty and lack of access to education; (c) Some 200,000 Somali children (5 per cent) have at some time in their lives carried a gun or been involved in militia activities. The average age of enlistment in militia activities is 12 years old; (d) Fourteen per cent of girls living outside of their home (as orphans) reported that they had experienced sexual harassment from a member of the household.
35. The practice of asiwalid whereby parents send their disobedient children to be kept in prison until they order them released, continues to prevail. The expert has repeatedly drawn to the attention of authorities the negative human rights implications of this practice. Economic, social and cultural rights
36. The humanitarian situation in Somalia is among the poorest in the world. In 1996, Somalia ranked 172 out of 174 countries on the Human Development Index. Since then, Somalia has been excluded from the HDI altogether. According to the United Nations-Somalia country brief for October 2002, the gross national product per capita stands at US$ 176 and remittances account for an estimated US$ 500 million per annum. The main exports are livestock (camel, sheep, goats and cattle), but imports are currently banned in Saudi Arabia, a potentially important market. Average life expectancy is 48 years, with 0.4 doctors per 100,000 people. The maternal mortality rate is 1,600/100,000. Only 28 per cent of the population has access to safe drinking water. The adult literacy rate is 49.7 per cent for men and 25.8 per cent for women; 13.8 per cent of children attend primary school.
37. The expert wishes to draw attention to the need to develop socio-economic infrastructure and services in Somalia. During this mission the expert noted that relative peace in several regions had permitted the expansion of commercial activity and the provision of educational opportunities. A number of obstacles or bottlenecks were, however, curtailing growth, as described below. In this respect, he reiterates the principle that all human rights are indivisible and interdependent, and underlines that progress towards peace and civil and political rights would need to be reinforced by addressing the realization of economic and social rights.
38. The expert was pleased to learn of efforts to support the development and export of Somali livestock and meat products. In May, an initiative to set up a common Somali Livestock Board (SLB) was launched under the auspices of the Dubai-based Somali Business Council. Through a system of disease monitoring, inspection and certification, it is hoped that the SLB will help the industry meet the requirements of importing countries. Additionally, at his meeting with the Minister for Livestock for "Somaliland", the Minister emphasized the need for improved infrastructure to allow for large-scale livestock production and management.
39. The protection of the coastline and the fisheries industry is a matter of economic and social significance for Somalia. Piracy deprives the Somali people of an important source of livelihood and further depletes natural resources. The absence of a coast guard or other administration creates a vacuum in which the smuggling of migrants can take place, with its attendant risks. In one serious incident in October, a boat reportedly carrying 130 Somalis heading for Italy was lost at sea for 20 days, resulting in the deaths of 83 persons. 40. In the view of the expert, the very active charcoal industry in parts of Somalia is damaging to the environment and unsustainable. He therefore urges the authorities and the international community to support alternative livelihood activities, including agriculture, fishing and mining of semi-precious stones.
41. Somalia continues to bear some effects of United States-led anti-terrorism action. At the end of May the decision was taken to close the Saudi-based Al-Haramayn aid agency after the United States Government accused it of links with terrorists. Al-Haramayn had been operating in Somalia since 1992 and ran nine orphanages housing about 3,500 children throughout the country.
42. On 20 June Kenya imposed a ban on air transport to Somalia after the United States warned of a possible imminent terrorist attack on its embassy in Nairobi. Most aid agencies working in Somalia depend on United Nations and European Commission Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO) flights to deliver assistance to Somalis. Appeals were made by the United Nations, the TNG and M,decins Sans FrontiSres. The ban was eventually lifted and operations of the United Nations Combined Air Service for Somalia (UNCAS) resumed on 8 July.
43. Humanitarian aid continues to be a challenge in Somalia. Security concerns continued to impede United Nations access to the south-central Baidoa region throughout 2003. Donor responsiveness has also been lagging: the United Nations Consolidated Appeal was only 23.4 per cent funded at the midyear point, and a further US$ 54.4 million were requested to fulfil requirements. Areas of particular concern included the education, health, water and sanitation, and economic recovery sectors.
IV. CIVIL SOCIETY
44. The expert is again heartened by the positive role played by civil society in monitoring and drawing attention to human rights concerns in the various regions, as well as its creative efforts in addressing them. He further commends the strides made in the professionalization of some of these organizations, as well as activities geared to consolidating networks of NGOs. In regard to the latter, he wishes to express his satisfaction at the Amnesty International human rights defenders forum held in February, which he attended and which produced an important declaration by participants of their commitment to promote and protect human rights. Hargeisa witnessed the largest-ever gathering of local NGOs, women's groups, professional associations, academic and research institutions, elders and religious leaders, and media, youth and human rights and civil society organizations who attended the Somali Civil Society Symposium in February, at which a document was endorsed concerning collaboration towards a common vision for Somalia.
45. The expert learnt of an order issued in March by "Puntland" authorities for the closure of the offices of several local human rights groups for having "violated their mandates and engaged in political activities and actions inimical to the interests of the people of Puntland". The expert was pleased subsequently to receive reports of the lifting of these closures and the convening of a "Bridging the Gap" workshop in Garowe in April 2003, which aimed to enhance cooperation and mutual understanding between the administration and civil society organizations. 46. The expert encourages building on the progress made, with a view to overcoming the significant difficulties faced by civil society in the Somali context, including limited resources and skills and restrictions imposed by authorities. The expert appeals for reinforced support for human rights defenders by all authorities as well as by donors and United Nations agencies.
V. REFUGEES AND INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS (IDPS)
47. It was reported that the first groups of refugees from the Kenyan camps of Dadaab and Kakuma began returning to Somalia in mid-May. An estimated 3,000 were due to be returned to Bosasso and Galkayo in "Puntland" and to Hargeisa in "Somaliland" through the voluntary repatriation programme assisted by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). The repatriation of Somali refugees from Ethiopia and Djibouti to northern Somalia is expected to be largely completed by December 2004. This would involve the repatriation of 25,000 refugees from Ethiopia and 10,000 from Djibouti in 2003. Returnees are provided with assistance packages consisting of basic supplies, while each family also received a transport allowance of $50 for their onward trip and a nine-month food ration from the World Food Programme (WFP). They are also assisted to reintegrate into their communities through various development programmes.
48. According to the Global IDP Database of the Norwegian Refugee Council of 20 June 2003, "About 350,000 persons are internally displaced, about 5 per cent of the Somali population. Most displaced are from southern minority groups and continue to suffer political and economic discrimination. In the peri-urban areas where they flee to, they receive little or no assistance and most survive through casual work and begging. Income is barely sufficient for one meal a day. Most displaced lack clan protection and social support, and de facto authorities throughout Somalia do not protect the displaced and often divert humanitarian assistance.. International protection instruments such as the United Nations Guiding Principles for IDPs prove difficult to implement and enforce in the prevailing context of state collapse. These conditions also mean that IDPs are often not afforded protection by local or de facto authorities, in the absence of a functioning legal system" (pp. 6-7).
49. The report goes on to note that, "Most IDPs come from minority groups. and have suffered a long history of discrimination, land dispossession and forced displacement. While protection, access to resources and political participation are granted through clan affiliation, displaced minorities, politically less organized, have been particularly exposed to serious human rights abuses.. Particularly vulnerable are women and children who constitute three fourths of IDPs. Displaced women suffer both gender and ethnic discrimination which reinforce political marginalization, lack of access to land - traditionally requiring the intermediary of a male kin - and lack of access to humanitarian assistance (UNCU, 30 July 2002)" (p. 7).
50. It is reported that on 9 July the Buulo Elay IDP camp east of Bosasso caught fire, causing the deaths of five persons and making 1,200 homeless. At the end of July, a second fire was also reported in the same camp. UNICEF and WFP had responded with assistance. 51. There is no single agency with a mandate to work on IDPs. However, efforts have been made to cater for their needs through other programmes. At the end of 2002 the United Nations launched the Joint Action and Recovery Plan for Somalia which seeks to find sustainable solutions for the reintegration and resettlement of IDPs.
VI. FIELD VISITS
A. Visit to "Somaliland"
52. The independent expert visited Hargeisa, "Somaliland", on 26 and 27 August. "Somaliland" continued to be an area of calm over the last year and to provide an environment for the construction of houses and schools, as well as the expansion of business. The region further consolidated its claim to independence from the rest of Somalia, holding "presidential" elections on 14 April and reiterating its position that it would not participate in the Somali National Reconciliation Conference. The regions of Sool and Sanaag, however, remained "contested areas" between "Somaliland" and "Puntland".
53. On 26 August the expert met with local NGOs. They raised the issues of ongoing stigmatization of minorities and the lack of progress on past human rights abuses. Particular attention was drawn to the need to respect women's rights, as well as to ensure the effective political participation of women. It was asserted that while there had been progress in general on the observance of human rights, there remained a need for capacity-building of NGOs.
54. The expert also met with members of the United Nations Country Team. Participants expressed serious concern about obstacles to their effective cooperation with authorities, and in particular drew attention to a recent presidential decree announcing restrictive procedures for the operation of international organizations in "Somaliland". They suggested that such restrictions would likely impact negatively on the implementation of programmes and subsequent funding of humanitarian assistance. It was noted that success had been registered with the UNDP Rule of Law and Security (ROLS) project as communication had been maintained with the community, civil society and ministries. In terms of human rights issues, the question of resources for social services and infrastructure was stressed, as was the situation of IDPs.
55. The mission met with the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Ms. Edna Adan. She asserted that human and material resources remained limited, and that the situation was further aggravated by large numbers of returnees, estimated at some 600,000 over the previous few months, which contributed to unemployment. She identified the three main concerns facing the region as the excessive consumption of the mild narcotic khat, low levels of educational opportunity, and difficulties in food production and animal husbandry.
56. The expert had a meeting with the Minister of the Interior, who expressed the opinion that the non-recognition of the independence of "Somaliland" was having a negative effect on the observance of human rights, as it limited the assistance they received. He stated that there was need for resources to provide an adequate salary for police officers, who now received $25-$30 per month. In addition, while the ROLS project was proving helpful, more training was needed, as well as communications equipment and transport. Following this meeting, the expert attended and addressed the graduation ceremony for regional commanders who had participated in a ROLS human rights training workshop.
57. In the expert's discussions with the Minister for Livestock, it was stressed that a major impediment to production lay in the absence of appropriate infrastructure. The Minister further urged that the international community consult with the local authorities and community before designing and implementing projects to address the livestock situation.
58. The Minister of Justice, in his meeting with the mission, expressed the desire for the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to be represented in "Somaliland". He also said that it would be useful to have specialist human rights training to raise awareness in the region.
59. The expert visited the IDP camp called "New Hargeisa", which housed an estimated 300 families. Part of the camp had recently burnt, causing the death of one old woman and two children. The expert was told that most inhabitants earned a living through begging. At the time of the visit, women and children were visibly in the majority, and there was no apparent security.
60. The expert visited the central Hargeisa prison. In his estimation the conditions had deteriorated since the 2002 mission. As there were no sanitation facilities, the grounds were used as the repository for sewerage, and in the absence of uniforms it was not possible to distinguish between guards and prisoners.
61. The expert undertook a tour of the main police station. Several young people, seemingly teenagers, both male and female, had been detained for fighting. The expert was also pleased to visit a new police station currently under construction as part of the ROLS project. It will provide more ample quarters for the police and detainees as well as a department for cases concerning women, the latter in response to an earlier recommendation of the expert. 62. In his meeting with the Chairman of the Mass Graves Committee, the expert learned that little progress had been made regarding further fieldwork, owing to a lack of material and human resources. The main ongoing activity was the recording and summarizing of testimony on alleged massive human rights violations. The expert expressed regret that the process had taken so long and noted that this had implications for the development of dependable data. He advised the Chairman to also consider publicizing existing information through the establishment of a web site.
63. The expert met with the "President" of "Somaliland", Dahir Riyale Kahin. He expressed the opinion that the central prison conditions were irreparably subhuman and that it needed to be demolished and rebuilt. The "President" responded that he would himself visit the prison and look into the situation, including identifying a new location. The expert noted that a law for the establishment of an independent national human rights commission had been drafted, and commended the participatory process involved in its preparation. The "President" expressed his approval and indicated his future support for it when it was submitted for approval. The establishment of the commission had been suggested by the expert during earlier missions.
64. The expert raised his concern over the presidential decree and its implications for the morale and functioning of the United Nations staff in "Somaliland". The "President" stressed that the decree was based on a previous presidential document and sought to ensure that the "President" was fully aware of the international community's activities in "Somaliland". He said that he would nevertheless examine the matter more closely. On the issue of economic diversification, the "President" said that, given the current restrictions on livestock production, the region lacked the necessary "know-how" to develop alternative income-generating activities. The Minister for Foreign Affairs, also present at the meeting, hoped to encourage international investment to introduce the required expertise; in this respect the legal framework was already in place.
B. Visit to "Puntland"
65. The expert visited Bosasso, the commercial centre of "Puntland", from 28 to 30 August. He remarked on the relative calm which prevailed in the area, compared to the situation during last year's visit in the aftermath of conflict surrounding a dispute over the presidency. A peace agreement between the warring parties had been signed on 17 May. It was evident that there was now freer movement in the streets and more commercial activity.
66. The expert met with the Minister of Commerce, then serving as the "Acting Governor" of Bosasso. The Minister said that all political prisoners had been released and that the crime level was low. He expressed the need for rehabilitation of the police force, which was ongoing in collaboration with the UNDP, as well as for training, capacity-building, and the upgrading of facilities such as prisoner accommodation. He said that he had consulted with sheikhs, women's groups and others in the community on the problems posed by IDP camps, whose inhabitants were largely viewed as economic migrants who had brought with them bad habits such as drug abuse. It was decided to relocate the camps, estimated to house 2,800 families, and to provide land, electricity and water.
67. The Minister underlined his concern about large-scale illegal fishing off the "Puntland" coast. The coastline reportedly stretched for 1,633 kilometres and there were no coast guards. He asserted that the fishing vessels originated from Russia and the Far East and that it had not proved possible to conclude agreements with those parties since they sought agreements with all of Somalia and not just with "Puntland". The expert advised that the region should establish an arrangement similar to that for civil aviation, which would permit international recognition and protection of the coastline. He also encouraged the promotion of commercial investment for the development of the ports, with marketing based on a thorough assessment of port needs. The Minister noted that light industry now had a value of $22 million, with exports mainly to Kenya, and that a new investment law had been promulgated with a view to further development. 68. On the question of the contested areas of Sool and Sanaag, the Minister insisted that the international community must recognize the areas as belonging to "Puntland" based on ethnicity, and not on colonial demarcation.
69. The expert visited the Buulo Elay IDP camp where a fire in July had destroyed many of the dwellings. It was reported that the former inhabitants had dispersed and were now without assistance. One of the IDPs stated that many of the children were sick, there was inadequate food and water, and that the only school was without teachers.
70. The expert met with the police commander, who asserted that the main human rights issue was people dying in boats offshore, since the police, lacking transport and communications equipment, were not equipped to patrol.
71. The expert met with local NGOs. Attention was drawn to the impact of charcoal production and related environmental deterioration, and on food security in the Sool and Sanaag regions. The situation was reportedly exacerbated by drought. They also identified as significant the issue of "boat people", who lost their lives attempting to flee to neighbouring countries. Lack of participation by women in politics was also deemed problematic.
72. The expert toured the main prison, which housed 77 inmates. Sanitation and water supply appeared satisfactory. The need was, however, expressed for vocational, educational and medical assistance for the prisoners. The expert noted that one of the inmates was a 16-year-old girl, sentenced for one and a half years for adultery.
73. In his meeting with the UNCT in Bosasso, the expert was informed of the situation of IDPs. The key problem was identified as land allocation. UNDP reported progress in the implementation of the judiciary, law enforcement and mine action components of the ROLS project. WFP noted that it was undertaking a three-month human rights awareness programme through a local women's NGO which would involve 210 participants. UNICEF flagged HIV/AIDS as a potentially serious issue, which needed to be further substantiated with respect to statistics and addressed with sensitivity.
C. Visit to Kismayo
74. The expert visited Kismayo on 30 and 31 August, his first visit to the region. Kismayo is a port town situated on the southern coast and has been under the control of the Juba Valley Alliance (JVA) since June 1999 when the JVA, which supports the TNG, expelled the forces of General Morgan, a member of the opposition Somali Reconciliation and Restoration Council which brings together southern factions opposed to the TNG. The area has thus been beset by sporadic conflict of both inter-faction and inter-clan origin.
75. The expert met with the JVA District Commissioner, who claimed that Kismayo had been abandoned by the international community, now represented only by UNICEF, and that the decision had therefore been taken to try to be self-sufficient. He noted that the area lacked clean water, as well as adequate facilities, equipment and training. A district administration had been set up, including a local court, attorney-general and appeal court, but assistance was needed for the reproduction of the laws. He indicated that he was aware of the harmful environmental effects of the charcoal trade but that there was no market for the existing alternatives in agriculture and fishing. There was widespread looting of marine resources, but it was difficult to gather data or respond to violations since the administration did not possess any speedboats and looting ships were armed and without identifying flags.
76. The expert met with the Police Commander who stated that there were 215 officers and agents in Kismayo. The police officers were not paid and had not received training for the last 13 years. There were five police stations, but there were no transport or communications equipment, uniforms, typewriters, registers or stationery. The main charges among prisoners were asiwalid, theft and homicide. A decree two weeks earlier had ordered the disarming of militia, and 1,202 militiamen had been disarmed up to that time. The next steps would be to remove all roadblocks and to disarm militia in rural areas. The expert was taken on a tour of two disarmament camps, and he strongly commended this self-generated initiative towards greater peace in the region.
77. The expert visited the Kismayo court, where he spoke with the assembled judiciary. They informed him that they practised essentially Islamic law; while they also applied Somali law, they did not have copies of the laws and relied on memory. He also toured the nearby prison, which was in an old building with inmates in overcrowded rooms.
78. In his meeting with local NGOs, attention was again drawn to the need to equip police with uniforms and training. Activity mostly concentrated on education and health concerns, including the issues of sanitation and water supply. One NGO was working on rehabilitating the stadium. A women's group worked on income-generating opportunities for women, especially widows, which sought to engage them in chicken-plucking, crafts and other activity.
79. The expert was taken on a tour of the Kismayo port by port officials. They indicated that the charcoal trade was vital to its activities, and noted that two impediments to the expansion of activity were the presence of a ship allegedly loaded with ammunition which had sunk in the harbour and the need to dredge the harbour, which now had a depth of 8-10 metres compared with its former 18 metres. The expert also met two ship captains, one of them the captain of the sunken ship who said that all the ammunition had been removed before the sinking, except for one missile. They assured the expert that it would be possible for local divers to assess the situation in preparation for arranging for the safe removal of the missile and subsequently lifting the ship.
80. The expert visited IDP Camp Number 5 and the Koban Camp Village, where he noted that the structures were sturdier than other parts of Somalia, being constructed of mud rather than wooden sticks or plastic bags. There were no school or health services.
81. In his meeting with Muslim Aid, the only international NGO operating in Kismayo, he learned that the organization was UNICEF's largest partner in Kismayo and had been working most actively on well rehabilitation and a successful tuberculosis programme. The expert visited an orphanage run by Muslim Aid. It catered solely for boys, and undertook Islamic schooling, housing and feeding of the orphans.
The United Nations Security Coordinator
82. The expert met with the UNCT, consisting of UNICEF and (UNSECOORD). UNICEF noted that it had concentrated its efforts in the big towns and worked primarily in the areas of education and health. The five major schools were applying a new curriculum developed by UNICEF and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. Another major activity was a polio eradication programme.
83. The expert visited the main hospital, which was dilapidated, understaffed and underequipped. It was understood that the hospital administration had entered into discussions with UNDP to rehabilitate the premises.
84. On 1 September the expert met with the Juba Valley Alliance (JVA) Central Committee. The Chairman noted that there was once an independent radio and newspapers, but these had closed for technical reasons. He stressed that the JVA administration was inclusive and that the minority Bantu people were also included in the army. The Committee welcomed all assistance and had communicated this to the United Nations.
VII. PARTNERSHIPS FOR THE PROMOTION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOMALIA
85. In his meeting with a representative of UNHCR, the expert was informed of ongoing programmes for the return and reintegration of refugees. The officer noted that returnee monitoring by UNHCR in 2002 had revealed that 83 per cent of returnees interviewed on key aspects of their physical, legal and material safety felt that despite the harsh and economically poor climate that awaited them at home, they considered themselves to be in a better position than in exile and were pleased to have returned. This positive judgement was largely built on feelings of increased dignity, ability to enjoy their rights and self-determination upon repatriation rather than the quality of basic services available or opportunities to make a living without support.
86. The expert met with representatives of UNICEF, who informed him that they were in the process of finalizing the study on child protection which was based on over 10,000 interviews conducted throughout the country.
87. In Nairobi, the expert met with the manager of the ROLS project. He noted that the project sought to implement the recommendations of the expert and consisted of five main elements: (a) The judiciary - training, including human rights training, was ongoing in Hargeisa for 65 persons in the legal field over three months; a "legal clinic" project was also being implemented to assist vulnerable groups; (b) Law enforcement - 250 cadets, including 30 women, were being trained in Mandera, "Somaliland", and a desk had been set up at police stations for women and children; 11 persons working in the area of prison administration were also being trained on the rights of prisoners; police training was also being planned in Kismayo, and to that end uniforms had recently been sent to the area; (c) Human rights and gender - training, given by two United Nations Volunteers, would address human rights institutions and the training of parliamentarians; (d) Disarmament and demobilization; (e) Mine action.
88. The expert had discussions with representatives of the Somali Aid Coordination Body. He learnt that the Gender and Human Rights Working Group currently being chaired by UNIFEM was facing challenges in addressing human rights issues in the absence of a representative of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.
89. The mission met with a representative of USAID who informed them that the current, 2001-2003 programme was to be extended for another year, but that development funding for Somalia was due to be halved for 2004. the United States was currently working through WFP, international NGOs and others to implement projects on "food for peace", support to NGOs, education and health care.
90. The expert briefed the Protection and Human Rights Steering Committee. Members of the group also expressed their strong support for a OHCHR presence on UNCT in order to address aspects of human rights outside the mandate of the agencies already represented.
91. In his meeting with representatives of UNIFEM, the expert learned of the organization's challenges in mobilizing resources for advocates of women's human rights in Somalia, owing to the fact that most resources available were earmarked for humanitarian activities.
92. The expert met with the United Nations Resident Representative, who noted that in
addressing human rights the following staff would be involved:
(a) Staff involved in the ROLS project, who would be directly employed and
supported by UNDP;
(b) A human rights coordinator working largely with OCHA and the United Nations
Coordination Unit to develop and implement a coherent UNCT approach to human rights issues
in Somalia;
(c) A OHCHR representative who would focus on specialist areas of human rights,
notably including human rights advocacy as well as documenting human rights violations and
activities.
93. The expert met with representatives of NOVIB (Oxfam-Netherlands). Reference was made to the positive impact of civil society organizations at the Somali National Reconciliation Conference and to the growing coalescence of groups around particular human rights-related issues such as peace. The NOVIB representatives asserted that international lobbying and support, as well as cooperation with the Somali diaspora and international NGOs, would be key elements in achieving progress in the promotion and protection of human rights.
94. On 3 September, the expert convened a meeting with participants attending the Somali National Reconciliation Conference in Mbagathi, Kenya. Among them were representatives of the TNG and various regional authorities, faction leaders, civil society and women's groups and minority groups. He briefed the gathering on his visit to Somalia and urged participants to consider human rights in their deliberations at the Conference. An interactive session followed at which a number of human rights issues were raised, including piracy along the Somali coast, minority issues and refugees.
95. As reported in the United Nations Mid-Year Consolidated Appeal, the UNCT identified "protection and human rights" as one of the four key priority themes for its work in 2003. A United Nations theme group on protection and human rights was established with the aim of strengthening interventions and activities in these fields, in particular with regard to awareness raising, advocacy, and monitoring and programmatic interventions to strengthen the protective environment for vulnerable and marginalized groups throughout Somalia. A strategy for addressing these issues was drafted and an action plan adopted by all agencies with a view to fulfilling these goals. The Somalia Aid Coordination Body also established a Working Group on Rule of Law and Protection, which aims to strengthen coordination and collaboration among international and local partners in these fields.
96. OHCHR's first technical cooperation project in Somalia was initiated in October 1999. From April 2001 to February 2003 OHCHR implemented another project involving the secondment of a OHCHR Senior Human Rights Adviser to UNDP responsible for mainstreaming human rights in the work of the United Nations agencies in Somalia and providing technical advice on the implementation of the UNDP Somali Civil Protection Programme. OHCHR thereafter undertook consultations with stakeholders with a view to devising a new approach to its programming in the country and will be implementing a project towards that end, beginning in late 2003.
VIII. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
97. The expert was on this occasion made more keenly aware of the fundamental factors impacting on the observance of economic, social and cultural rights, as well as their interaction with civil and political rights and the wider issues of peace in Somalia. The questions of coastline protection, economic diversification and resources for the operationalization of human rights objectives were among the main concerns brought more strongly to the fore.
98. The expert takes note that significant steps are being made in the political processes which would underpin progress on all aspects of human rights.
99. On the question of IDPs, the expert is heartened that the United Nations Country Team has remained involved in the issue.
100. The expert is pleased with the strides made by local civil society both with respect to their networking and information exchange, as registered at several events in 2003, but also to their apparent sophistication in terms of monitoring and reporting of human rights violations. The expert was especially impressed by women's organizations catering for widows and other special needs groups. He furthermore recognizes that support to such organizations would serve to amplify their impact and would reap considerable dividends for the promotion and protection of human rights throughout Somalia in the medium to long term.
101. The expert therefore makes the following recommendations. The expert:
(a) Requests the responsible United Nations bodies urgently to study the
possibility of establishing an independent organization for the protection of the endangered
Somali coastline;
(b) Recommends that the international community give greater consideration to
development activity that would support advances made on rule of law and related fronts;
(c) Calls on the participants at the Somali National Reconciliation Conference to
ensure that human rights safeguards and principles are included in all their deliberations
and documentation;
(d) Calls on the Secretary-General and the Security Council to establish a
committee of independent experts to examine allegations of past massive human rights
violations and crimes against humanity committed in Somalia, and to report on options for
how these might be addressed;
(e) Urges the international community to accompany the peace processes, with a
view to ensuring that human rights are thoroughly integrated in the institutions and
frameworks which are being forged;
(f) Encourages continued comprehensive multi-agency efforts to cater for both
the short-term needs of IDPs as well as longer-term solutions to the problem of integration,
including the provision of social services to cater for their humane absorption into society;
(g) Calls upon all Somali local authorities to pay serious attention to the
protection of children and to coordinate with UNICEF and all other international NGOs to
achieve the goal of a better life for the children of Somalia;
(h) Recommends that the international community and local authorities render
every assistance to civil society in fulfilling its role with respect to the protection and
promotion of human rights in Somalia;
(i) Calls upon all Somali local authorities to provide full protection and support
for international humanitarian aid personnel operating in Somalia;
(j) With respect specifically to activity of the Office of the High Commissioner
for Human Rights, the expert recommends the establishment of an office based in
Hargeisa, "Somaliland", having close operational links with trained partner umbrella
women's organizations in "Somaliland", "Puntland", Kismayo and Mogadishu. The
OHCHR international representative would coordinate his/her work with the activities
being undertaken under the UNDP ROLS project and undertake the documenting of
human rights violations and activities. Human rights advocacy would also be included in
the project mandate as an indispensable element for building a human rights culture. He
also advises collaboration with civil society groups taking part in the Somali National
Reconciliation Conference, with a view to ensuring that they are effectively represented at
the meeting.
Source: www.so.undp.org/docs Report on a Training Needs Assessment of the Somaliland Civil Service Report
Compiled by: Mike Bicker, Education & Training Consultant Report
submitted in: January 2004
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to acknowledge the support of the ministries and government agencies and their staff who provided the data on which this training needs assessment is based. Without their cooperation the training needs assessment could not have taken place. Above all, my thanks go to the team who conducted and supported the assessment: the seven assessors - Abdi Sahardid Askar, Omar H. Said Abdillahi, Jama Abdillahi Dhulqiyas, Mariam Abdillahi, Mohamed Abdi Allamagan, Mohamed Barud Ali and Abdikader Jibril Tukaale - and also to Aden Abdi Askar and Mahdi Gulaid, who stayed cheerful despite having the thankless task of summarizing the enormous quantity of data which was collected during the assessment. Needless to say, any faults or omissions in the report remain my responsibility. UNDP would welcome any comments on the report, which should be sent to: Abdusalam Omer abdusalam.omer@undp.org and Mike Bicker mike.bicker@undp.org Mike Bicker Nairobi, January 2004
1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
1.1 Background
As part of the UNDP Capacity Building and Governance Programme, a 3-month preparatory study on civil service training in Somaliland was funded, which included a training needs assessment. Somaliland (GOS) comprises a total of 25 ministries and 11 agencies. These employ a total of over 4,700 civil servants, according to Civil Service Commission (CSC) figures (2002).
The main objectives of the TNA were to:
(a) assess the general level of efficiency in the target institutions
(b) distinguish training needs from organizational problems
(c) identify a `core' of training needs across the target institutions
(d) quantify training needs
(e) determine the training needed to improve performance
(f) link job performance to organizational goals
(g) collect information for possible use on training courses.
The training needs assessment (TNA) targeted all ministries and government agencies. It also included two local government authorities, in order to make a comparative assessment of skills and capacities at central and local government levels. The TNA covered staff at Grades A (the most senior), and B, and staff at Grade C holding clerical positions. The assessment did not focus on occupational groups with highly specialized training needs or which already have sectoral training provision, e.g. teachers. The target group totals 1,610 civil servants. During the assessment a total of 472 informants, comprising both civil servants and members of the general public, were interviewed.
1.2 Findings The main findings of the training needs assessment are described in Chapter 3, pages 14 - 31.
1.3 Implications for training If any training programmes for the Somaliland civil service mounted in the future are to have optimum benefit, it is clearly of paramount importance that several structural and institutional issues affecting the civil service are addressed.
These include:
(a) Completion of a civil service review, to include rightsizing and the consolidation of staff in ministries, agencies and departments so that these are of a sufficient size to be operationally viable
(b) Introduction of job descriptions for all positions, to include a definition of minimum qualifications and of the training requirements for the particular job
(c) Establishment of a pay structure that rewards staff adequately for the amount of effort they contribute and for the development of their own capacity through, for example, training
(e) Development of a comprehensive promotion system, linked to performance
(f) Introduction of a performance monitoring system in all ministries/agencies
(g) Development of strategic plans in all ministries and agencies
- Development and adoption by GOS of a comprehensive training plan for the civil service, with co-financing agreements reached with major development partners
- Introduction of a devolved budget to ministries and agencies for the purposes of staff development and training
(h) A greater commitment to supporting the work of a human resource manager and his/her team within each ministry/ agency
(i) Creation of opportunities for greater information-sharing between ministries and government agencies, especially for sharing experiences regarding best practice in management and administrative practices. In order to ensure that duplication is minimized and that the timing of activities is harmonized, it will be important for the main providers of external support to GOS capacity building, such as the European Community, UNDP and various INGOs, to coordinate their support with government and with one other.
1.4 Training priorities
The findings of the training needs assessment indicate that there are widespread training needs within the civil service, which include levels from senior management to administrative/ clerical grades and which cover a large range of subjects. A tentative training plan is at Table 6: An indicative Somaliland civil service training inventory, page 34.
2. BACKGROUND
2.1 Funding
As part of the UNDP Capacity Building and Governance Programme, a 3-month preparatory study on civil service training in Somaliland was funded.
The study had three main outputs:
- (a) Training Needs Assessment (TNA) of the civil service
(b) The development of core training curricula, and
(c) A draft project design document to establish a civil service training facility. This report documents the main findings of the first of these activities, the Training Needs Assessment. TORs for the study are at Annex A. 2.2 The Civil Service Somaliland (GOS) comprises a total of 25 ministries and 11 agencies. These employ a total of over 4,700 civil servants, according to Civil Service Commission (CSC) figures (2002). This figure does not include employees of local government authorities (LGAs). There is a large disparity in the size of ministries and agencies, with the largest ministry, Education, employing over 1,700 staff, the majority of whom are school teachers, while the smallest (and youngest) ministry, Houses Coordination has just 7 employees. The latest staffing figures available are provided in Table 1: Staff figures by ministry/ agency. The majority of ministries are headed by a minister, a vice-minister and a director-general, who is the senior civil servant, with staff divided into three departments, a department of administration and two other departments with sub-sectoral responsibilities. In a recent human resource development exercise, all civil service jobs were classified into four grades, A - D, according to their level of responsibility. The responsibilities of departments were also defined. This activity has not yet been extended to include the development of individual job descriptions. A right-sizing exercise has been carried out involving all ministries and government agencies, with the exceptions of the Bank of Somaliland and Berbera Port Authority. At local government level, rightsizing has been completed in relation to one municipality, Burco, while the others are currently in progress.
The TNA covered staff at Grade B and above and clerical staff at Grade C. It did not focus on occupational groups with highly specialized training needs or which already have sectoral training provision, e.g. teachers, judges and court staff, doctors and nurses. The target group is shown in Table 2: Training Needs Assessment target groups. Table 2: Training Needs Assessment target groups Central government: Ministries 25Agencies/Commissions 5Other government entities 7Total civil servants 4,774 Staff not targeted in the assessment: non-clerical staff at grades C & D 1,385headteachers, teachers 1,273doctors, nurses 393judges, court staff 113Total civil servants not targeted 3,164 Total civil servants targeted 1,610 The Assessors The TNA was conducted by a team of seven assessors selected from the Civil Service Commission and from private sector training and consulting organizations.
The main selection criteria used in recruiting assessors were:
(a) Sufficiently mature to interview up to Minister level
(b) Working experience in public service or similar organization
(c) Good interpersonal and information-gathering skills
(d) Able to process information quickly
(e) Fluent in Somali and with a good standard of written English
(f) Able to lead focus group discussions
(g) Well organised and able to work independently
(h) Available for the entire 3-week period of the TNA.
Methodology Before commencing data collection, the assessors were trained on data collection techniques and on the data collection tools to be used in this TNA. The TNA used a mixture of data collection methods, including: (1) Individual structured interviews (2) Observations in the workplace (3) Focus Group Discussions
3. MAIN FINDINGS
3.1 Organisational structure
Following a civil service review in 2002, the number of departments in most ministries was set at three, which meant a reduction in the number of departments for several ministries. The new structure comprises a department of Administration, plus two sub-sectoral departments. The only exceptions to this are the ministries of education and health, both of which continue to have five departments. Ministers/ Heads of agencies and Director Generals were asked to comment on the effectiveness of the current structure and to suggest any improvements. The majority of respondents, 30 out of 37 (81%), stated that they consider the current structure to be effective. Question: Is your current departmental structure effective? Informant Yes No DNR Ministers / Heads of agencies 10 2 0 Director Generals 20 5 0 Total 30 7 0 Question: How could your current departmental structure be improved? Response Number By organising training on management and leadership skills 2 By creating additional departments and sections 2 Reduce overstaffing 1 Creation of key sections 1 Need for GOS policy on civil service 1 Reorganisation required 1 Structure is appropriate but lack of financial resources renders it ineffective 1 Need for clear demarcation of responsibilities between DG and minister 1 Currently 10 departments, but plan to reduce number (LGA) 1 Need restructuring (LGA) 1
3.2 Training policy Ministers/ Heads of agencies and Director Generals were asked about their training policy. The majority, 20 out of 24, of the ministries and agencies which responded do not currently have a training policy, although one further ministry stated that it has an informal policy and one of the two local government authorities (LGA) surveyed stated that it is planning to introduce a training policy in early 2004.
Question: Does your ministry/ agency have a training policy? Informant Yes No
DNR Ministers/ Heads of agencies/DGs 4 20 1
3.3 Current support to training Ministers/ Heads of agencies and Director Generals were asked for details of any
support they provide to staff for training. The majority of the ministries/ agencies, 21 out of 27 respondents,
provide no financial support to staff for training. Amongst those bodies which do financially support staff training,
the maximum amount of funding by any ministry is USD 540 per year.
Question: How many staff does your ministry/agency support for training?
Informant None 1-5 6-9 10+ Ministers/Heads of agencies/Director Generals 21 2 1 3
Funding is used for local training, i.e. in Hargeisa. Management, law and computer studies are
the main subjects funded and are taught at Hargeisa University, in a law programme supported by UNDP, and
at private computer schools. In those cases where ministry staff are currently studying overseas, e.g. in
Ethiopia and Egypt, two ministries stated that they assist staff in obtaining scholarships, but they do not provide
any financial assistance. Question: For which subjects is staff training funded? Subject Number ministries Computer
skills 2 Law 3 Management 3 Water resource management (external funding) 2 On-the-job training in accounting, IT, English
2 Accounting 1
3.4 Role of Human Resource Departments
Human Resource managers (or any official who has HRD responsibilities) were asked to describe the role of their department in the management and implementation of staff training. Of the 20 HR managers interviewed, 5 stated that their department played no role in training. Of the other 15, only 8 appear to play an active part in the provision of training. The role currently played by HR managers varies greatly and includes: facilitating OJT sessions; organizing classroom-based training for staff on technical subjects; designing training programmes, in collaboration with international organizations.
3.5 Mission & objectives
Ministers/ Heads of agencies and Director Generals were asked whether they have a mission statement. 40% of the ministries/ agencies responded in the affirmative. Question: Does your ministry/ agency have a mission statement? Informant Yes No DNR Ministers/ Heads of agencies/ DGs 10 9 6 The same informants were also asked to identify the main objectives for their ministry/ agency. A significant number, although less than half, of the respondents included in their response mention of providing a service to the general public. Question: What do you consider the main objectives of your ministry/agency? Response Number ministries To provide a service to the public, e.g. health services, radio programs 6 To manage our sector 3 To facilitate revenue generation for country, e.g. tourism 2 To extend to all regions 2 To implement policy 2 To develop our own capacity 1 To provide a service to internal clients, e.g. other ministries 1 To represent interests of Somaliland, e.g. foreign affairs 1 Our annual workplan includes objectives 1
3.6 Strategic planning
Just over half of the ministries/ agencies surveyed stated that they have a strategic plan. Those with a strategic plan were further asked how training and capacity building (CB) were linked to this plan. Seven, out of these 13, ministries/ agencies stated that CB and/or training were incorporated into their plan. Question: Does your ministry/ agency have a strategic plan? Informant Yes No DNR Ministers/ Heads of agencies/ Director Generals 13 10 2 Question: How is capacity building & training related to your strategic plan? Response Number Training is included in plan 4 Fully incorporated in planning, but we lack funds to implement 1 CB is required to achieve strategic plan 1 CB is prioritized 1 Training is not included in the strategic plan 1
3.7 Performance in achieving objectives Less than half of the informants consider that their ministry/ agency achieves its objectives. Question: In general, do you consider your ministry/ agency is successful in achieving its objectives? Informant Yes No
DNR Ministers/ Heads of agencies 5 5 2
Director Generals 8 11 6
Total 13 16 8
Informants were asked what they considered the main constraints to achieving objectives. While a large number were quoted, the three main constraints identified were inadequate financial resources, poor staff capacity, and poorly motivated staff. Several informants highlighted a cause-effect relationship between two of these: inadequate financial resources and demotivated staff. Question: What are the main constraints to achieving your ministry/ agency's objectives? Response Number Lack of necessary financial resources 25 Lack of capacity in staff 20 Lack of motivation amongst staff 13 Lack of equipment 7 Poor pay 4 Lack of management skills 3 Lack of detailed policy 3 Lack of vehicles 2 Poor communications - transport & telecoms 2 Poor admin systems 2 Lack of international recognition for Somaliland 2 Lack of planning 2 Land to be used by Ministry (e.g. sports grounds) is privately owned. 1 Lack of independent status, rather than being a ministry 1 Lack of human resource management capacity 1 Low educational background - below upper primary - of staff 1 Lack of commitment from international agencies 1 Brain drain from ministry 1 Data needed for planning inadequate and scattered 1 Ministry role is weakened by INGOs 1 Staff shortage 1 Internal reorganisation required 1 Misuse of resources 1 Overstaffing 1 Lack of staff training 1 Internal power struggles 1 Little cooperation between stakeholders in the sector 1
Lack of capacity building capability 1 No constraints 1 3.8 M & E 60% of the ministries/agencies surveyed do not have a monitoring and evaluation system in place. Question: Does your ministry/ agency have an M & E system? Informant Yes No DNR Director Generals 8 15 2 In those ministries/ agencies which have an M & E system, it tends to be administered by postholders at senior levels, e.g. by the Director-General and a departmental director or, in one case, by the DG alone. In only one ministry were we informed that postholders at more junior levels are involved in implementing the system. In another ministry we were told that M & E systems were implemented only in the case of projects funded or jointly implemented by the ministry with international or local NGOs. According to informants, the tools generally used are inspection visits (identified by 3 ministries/ agencies), questionnaires (2) and spot checks (1). In one case we saw evidence of a functioning M & E system, in which the head of the agency played a regular and significant role in the implementation of the system. Question: Who administers the M & E system in your ministry/ agency? Response Number ministries DG and department directors 2 Governor and DG 1 DG 1 DG and Director of Administration 1 Department directors, section heads, regional offices 1 3.9 General public feedback Ministers/ Heads of agencies and Director Generals were asked about the regularity and nature of the feedback they receive from the general public, and the channels by which this is received. The overwhelming majority of ministries/ agencies (80%) stated that they receive regular feedback from the public. This tends to be through informal rather than
formal channels. Of note is the fact that the media is a significant channel through which the general public passes their opinions to government bodies. Question: Does your ministry/ agency receive regular feedback from the general public? Informant Yes No DNR Director Generals 20 1 4 Question: How do you receive feedback from the general public? Response Number meetings with individuals 14 general public write letters 9 through mass media 9 meetings with private sector/ community organisations 3 Community Education Committees (school-level) 2 meetings with elders 2 through community representatives 1 The main feedback received from the public is either complaints regarding service delivery or suggestions for new projects or initiatives. Only one informant identified feedback of a complimentary nature. Question: What are the main messages in feedback from the general public? Response Number Complaints about poor service delivery 7 Suggestions for new initiatives/ ways to strengthen current provision 7 Complaints about level of taxation 4 Complaints about delays due to bureaucracy 2 Complaints about poor management (in schools) 2 People need greater assistance than that provided 2 Complaints about corruption 1 Complaints about treatment by staff 1 Complaints about understaffing 1 Thanks 1 Requests for jobs 1 3.10 Management styles Ministers, Director Generals and Human Resource Managers were asked to identify examples of good management practice at their workplace and areas of weakness. Question: What are some examples of good management practice in your ministry/ agency? Response Number Teamwork 26 Good working relationship between manager and staff 14 Delegation 8
Staff involved in decision-making 7 Collaboration between departments 7 Regular staff meetings 7 Good coordination 6 Good attendance 5 Managers are successful in motivating staff 3 Decentralised structure with good communication between levels 2 Human resource management 2 OJT system 2 Technically competent officials 1 Information sharing 1 Staff meetings minuted, minutes disseminated & follow-up conducted 1 Financial controls 1 Job descriptions in place at department director level 1 Managers and staff admit & confront own weaknesses 1 Supervision 1 Staff training, e.g. teachers 1 Integrity of staff 1 Motivation 1 Impartiality 1 Not unsurprisingly, given the variety in the organizations surveyed and in the managers' backgrounds, there was a wide range of responses to the question regarding managers' weaknesses. In addition, several of the weaknesses identified were specified by other informants as areas of strength. Question: What aspects of your managers' management style would you like to change? Response Number Increased cooperation/ teamwork 8 Regular staff meetings 7 Increased delegation 6 Better management 5 Better HRD systems, e.g. job descriptions developed 4 Participatory decision-making 4 Managers should develop a strategic plan, including human resource development 3 Better motivation of staff 3 Increased commitment 2 Introduce M & E system 2 Managers are harsh on staff, pressuring them to get results 1 Better communication between central and regional offices 1 Confidentiality 1 Improved record-keeping 1 Implementation of working hours in Labour code, i.e. 07.00-14.00 1 Introduce performance management system 1 Establishment of stronger links with the community 1 Better leadership 1 Greater staff involvement in decision-making 1
Poor use of physical resources 1 Introduction of OJT in all departments 1 Goal setting 1 The same informants were also asked about their managers' performance in terms of five specific behaviours. Question: Do managers. ? Regularly Sometimes Rarely DNR involve staff in decision making? 22 23 4 1 delegate responsibilities to staff? 27 16 4 3 encourage teamwork? 34 12 2 3 have a positive relationship with staff? 37 12 1 1 hold staff meetings? 25 19 5 1 The managers themselves, department directors and section heads, were also asked to assess their own performance in relation to these same five indicators. Question: Do you. ? Regularly Sometimes Rarely DNR involve staff in decision making? 45 21 3 6 delegate responsibilities to staff? 42 22 4 7 encourage teamwork? 56 11 1 7 have a positive relationship with staff? 58 10 1 6 hold staff meetings? 22 31 15 7 Staff themselves were asked to assess their managers' performance in terms of the same five indicators. Most staff praised their managers in terms of relationship building and the majority stated that they regularly work as a team (although, of course, it is not necessarily the manager who builds the team). However, on involving staff in decision making, on delegation and on holding regular staff meetings, staff rated their managers less highly than the managers' self-assessment. Question: Do you. ? Regularly Sometimes Rarely DNR get involved in decision making? 10 32 87 41 have responsibilities delegated to you? 57 27 31 51 work in a team? 88 19 23 40 have a good relationship with your boss? 79 26 13 41 have staff meetings? 29 30 71 40
3.11 Priority areas/groups for training Ministers, Director Generals and Human Resource
Managers were asked to identify their main priority areas for training and to estimate the numbers of staff in their
ministry/ agency requiring each training subject. Although revenue collection showed the highest number of staff estimated
to require training, this subject was identified by only two ministries. Those subjects requiring training for large
numbers of staff and across several (10 or more) ministries/agencies were: management, accounting, computer skills,
administration and foreign languages. Question: What are your ministry/agency's training priorities? Subject No. staff
No.
ministries Revenue collection 236 2
Management 207 16
Accounting 172 13
Computer skills 167 15
Administration 133 10
Financial planning & management 113 7
Technical training 108 5
Professional training 97 5
Languages, English and/or Arabic 90 10
Personnel management 71 7
Leadership 70 4
Statistics 69 3
School supervision 50 1
Record keeping/Information
management 37 5 Budgeting 26 2
Laws/ Regulations 20 1
Secretarial 20 4
Auditing 16 1
Logistics 16 1 M & E 12 2
Staff discipline 10 1
Stores management 6 1
TOT for OJT trainers, e.g. heads of sections 6 1
Communication skills 5 1
Women's empowerment 4 1
Service delivery 4 1
Because the data from local government is based on only two authorities, one should treat their findings with a degree of caution. However, it is noteworthy that subject areas connected with finance, e.g. financial management, revenue collection and budgeting, rated high on LGA priorities list for training. Question: What are your authority's training priorities? Subject No. staff No. ministries English language 80 1 Leadership 51 2 Human Resource development 45 2 Financial management 35 2 Revenue collection 35 1 Strategic planning 25 2 M & E 25 2 Budgeting 15 1
3.12 Constraints on staff release Informants holding positions of responsibility, from minister to section head, were asked to identify possible constraints on releasing staff for training in four respects: (1) Releasing key individuals (2) Length of training (3) Timetabling and the intensity of training, and (4) The maximum percentage of staff away at the same time. This question showed a wide variety in informants' responses: (a) Releasing key individuals. Responses to this question ranged from an assertion that release would present no problems to concerns that it would be extremely difficult to release staff at department director and DG levels. Several ministries/ agencies stated that although release of key staff would be problematic, it would be arranged since capacity building is so important. (1) Length of training. On the maximum length of time staff could be released, responses varied from 3 weeks to one year, with a median of 3 months.(2) Timetabling and the intensity of training. While some respondents said there were no constraints on the timetabling of training, a significant number felt that training should be timetabled outside normal working hours, i.e. in the afternoon or evening. Of those who commented on appropriate timetabling within working hours, many were of the opinion that training time should be limited in intensity. Timetables suggested included: 2 hours daily or 3 hours x 4 days per week. (3) The maximum percentage of staff away at the same time. On the one hand, some ministries/ agencies stated that they could release up to 60% of their staff at the same time, while others felt it would be difficult to have more than 5% away together.
3.13 Current HR policies/practices Ministries/agencies were asked to describe their HR policies on recruitment of new staff and on promotion. To both questions the majority answered that they had no policies since they followed Civil Service Commission guidelines and practices. Four out of the 25 DGs interviewed stated that they were satisfied with the level of recent new entrants to the civil service. In only one instance did the assessor team see evidence of a well-developed HR system on promotion, with the agency in question having a staff appraisal system in place and quoting a total of 17 promotions in the last year based on supervisor reports.
3.14 Length of service Staff from department director level down were asked how long they had been in the civil service and how long they had worked in their current ministry/agency. Responses indicated that the majority of staff at all levels have been in the civil service for a considerable period, i.e. ten years or more. Question: How many years have you worked in this ministry/agency? Informant 0-1 2-3 4+ DNR Department directors 1 5 41 3 Section heads 0 2 19 4 Question: How many years in total have you worked in the civil service? Informant 0-4 5-9 10+ DNR Department directors 1 2 43 4 Section heads 0 1 20 4 Other staff 25 42 175 12 3.15 Efficiency/non-efficiency Although the length of time assessors were able to spend observing work in ministries and agencies was limited, they were able to make various observations on aspects of efficiency. Not unsurprisingly, given the large number of ministries and agencies visited, there was a great disparity in assessor observations. Their observations which relate to a wide range of efficiency indicators, such as staff absenteeism, communication, information processes, are listed in Table 5: Efficiencies & non-efficiencies. The numbers in brackets indicate the number of ministries/ agencies to which the observation applies. Table 5: Efficiencies & non-efficiencies - The official working hours are not fulfilled (4) - Administrative/clerical grades of staff observed were working efficiently (3) - Staff attendance and punctuality good (3) - Staff observed were busy (2) - Operations are at a low level (2) - Staff are generally punctual - Good teamwork - Inefficiencies are a result of lack of equipment - Paper management is effective - Working hours - staff work from 08.00-14.00 - Staff attendance is very poor - Most staff were at work - Rules and regulations are not observed by all staff - Poor application of Civil Service Law
- Some offices and sections were functioning efficiently
- The majority of offices were empty. Only two out of the five department directors were present
- General lack of understanding by staff of their roles, since they do not have job descriptions
- Although the Ministry staff includes several well-trained professionals, the lack of sufficient operating budget to implement projects results in them being underused - Many staff were idle - Staff knew what they had to do and how their responsibilities fitted in with those of colleagues. Staff working effectively as a team. Well developed systems of control, including daily checks of previous day's transactions. There are staff records, which include details of performance. - Personality clashes adversely affect inter-departmental cooperation, with two departments effectively frozen out from involvement in decision-making - Poor communication within the Ministry - There are frequent complaints from other ministries about the length of time the Ministry takes in processing their vouchers - The Ministry is practically at a standstill - Lack of delegation
3.16 Staff strengths/weaknesses Managers from DG to section head levels were asked to comment on their staff's strengths and weaknesses. Three main strengths were identified by informants:
- Experience. This translated into both technical expertise and working according to well-established routines.
- Commitment. Evidence for this included both honesty and regular attendance at work (although lack of commitment and poor attendance were also identified by many informants as weaknesses - see below).
- Teamwork. Staff were praised both for their teamwork within their section or department and also for good coordination between departments in the same ministry/ agency. The main weaknesses identified by informants were lack of motivation or commitment, poor management skills, inadequate computer skills and lack of specific job training.
Question: What do you consider your staff's main weaknesses? Weakness / Identified by: DG HRM DD SH
Total Lack of motivation/ commitment 8 7 4 7 26
Management skills 7 14 2 23 Computer skills 1 2 9 6 18
Lack of formal specific job training 13 5 18
Lack of practical skills 4 1 1 2 8
Lack of theoretical knowledge 5 2 1 8
Lack of/ poor basic education 1 1 2 4 8
Limited number of technical staff 3 4 7
High absenteeism/ lateness 3 1 1 1 6
Old age 1 3 1 5
Planning 1 2 1 4
Discipline/ don't follow rules 1 1 1 3
Poor communication skills in English 1 2 3
Lack of previous work experience in a ministry 2 2
Coordination 1 1 2
Do not share ideas/ knowledge 2 2
Forecasting 1 1
Budgetary control 1 1
Lack of sources of information 1 1
Public relations 1 1
Corruption 1 1
Client focus 1 1
Management of physical resources 1 1
Poor performance 1 1
Report writing 1 1
3.17 Own strengths/weaknesses Managers from DG to section head levels were asked to describe what they perceived as their own strengths and weaknesses. The strengths identified ranged from specialized technical knowledge to the possession of managerial skills, e.g. ability to motivate staff, leadership, and a sense of commitment. Weaknesses, similarly, encompassed technical skills, e.g. poor IT skills, and management shortcomings. Question: What do you consider your own main weaknesses? Weakness / Identified by: DG HRM DD SH Total Poor computer skills 6 5 14 14 39 Own lack of motivation 5 5 10 Management skills 2 3 4 7 Project design and development 3 3 6 Ability to motivate staff 1 1 3 1 6 Staff relations/ control 1 1 1 1 4 Self evaluation 1 3 4 Coordination 1 1 1 3 Accounting 1 1 2 (Updated) Technical skills 1 1 2 Public relations 1 1 Decision making being weakened by political considerations 1 1 Communication skills 1 1 Not following up on activities 1 1 Report writing 1 1 Approaching retirement age 1 1
3.18 Recent changes in job/impact Staff at all levels up to DG were asked to identify ways in which ministry/agency work practices had changed over the last three years and the impact these changes had produced on their own job. Approximately one third of informants stated that there had been no change during this period. Those who stated change had occurred generally identified positive changes.
The main changes highlighted were:
- Increased revenue flows to GOS
- Improvement in work environment, e.g. premises rehabilitated
- Establishment of semi-autonomous agencies under ministry supervision
- Increase in public demand for GOS services, e.g. school enrolments up
- Introduction of computers in ministries/ agencies, with a resultant improvement in staff performance
- Changes in workload - in most cases informants noted an increase in workload, although a minority noted a decrease, due to specific circumstances, e.g. the Saudi livestock ban causing a reduction in work for ministries in this and related fields. - Increased responsibility - a significant number of both department directors and section heads noted an increase in responsibility. Other changes identified by informants included: decentralization and the establishment of ministry offices throughout Somaliland; the introduction of strategic planning and OJT activities; improved working relationships with partners; restructuring within ministries/ agencies.
3.19 Education background Staff up to department director level were asked for details of their education background. Question: What level of education have you completed? Informants G4 Pri G8 Pri Sec'y Tertiary Prof'l/VocDNRDepartment directors 0 0 17 31 n/a 2 Section heads 0 1 9 15 n/a 0 Other 12 34 105 21 31 49 Key: Pri=Primary; Sec'y=Secondary; Prof'l/Voc=Professional or vocational training
3.20 Previous training Managers from section head to DG levels were asked for details of training courses they had participated in over the last 2 years, either arranged by or through their employer or which they had organized themselves. Responses showed that a significant proportion of managers received no training over this period. In response to the question "How useful was the training to your job?" the overwhelming response was that it had been "very useful". The majority of training described by informants was short course training, ranging from 2-day workshops to 3-week courses. There was little evidence of any medium- or long-term training having been provided. Question: What training courses/ workshops have you participated in over the last 2 years? Informants No training through ministry No training arranged by selfTotal respondents DGs 12 22 27 Human Resource managers 6 16 19 Department directors 21 32 48 Section heads 18 26 37 Other staff 43 n/a 89
3.21 Level of computerization Managers were asked for details of the number of computers at their disposal and of the main functions for which computers are used. Of 50 department directors interviewed, 21 (42%) reported having no computers in their departments. According to both managers and staff, the function for which computers are mainly used is drafting letters. Question: How many computers does your department have? Informant None 1-5 6+ DNR Department directors 21 26 1 2 Question: What tasks are your computers used for. ? Response Dept Dir'rs other staff Planning? 17 173 Budgeting? 14 77 Drafting letters? 32 121 Emailing? 6 70 Other? 11 36
3.22 Language competence Managers from section head to DG levels were asked for their opinion of whether the English skills of their staff were adequate for their job and of what proportion of their staff had a sufficient level of competence to participate in training delivered through English medium. Over 50% of the respondents thought that less than half of their staff had sufficient English skills for their job, while slightly less than 50% believed that a minority of their staff could participate in English-medium training. Question: In general, are your staff's English skills adequate for their jobs? Informant majority half minority DNR DGs 5 8 11 1 Human Resource managers 2 1 6 4 Department directors 13 13 24 0 Section heads 5 2 13 5 Total: 25 24 54 10 Question: How many staff could participate in job training given through English medium? Informant majority half minority DNR DGs 9 6 9 1 Human Resource managers 2 2 5 4 Department directors 14 13 20 3 Section heads 5 2 13 5 Total: 30 23 47 13 However, when staff were asked which language they would like training courses to be in, the majority (70%) of respondents said they would prefer training to be through English medium, rather than Somali or any other language. Question: Which language do you prefer training courses in? Informant English Somali other DNR staff not holding position of responsibility 119 42 10 61 An English language assessment was administered to civil servants, who were not holding a position of management responsibility. As a result of logistical and time constraints, it was not possible to conduct an assessment of informants' speaking and listening skills. However, it is believed that the reading assessment which was administered provides an accurate predictor of informants' ability to participate in training through English medium. On the basis of their scores, informants were banded in three categories:
BAND DESCRIPTOR
A Competent vocational English user. Able to understand the overall structure and general meaning of a written passage on a moderately specialized technical subject and to extract pieces of information from the text accurately. If listening and speaking skills are of a similar standard to reading skills, able to follow a training course on a familiar technical area facilitated through English-medium. B Reasonably competent English user. Able to understand the overall structure and general meaning of a written passage on a moderately specialized technical subject and to extract 50 - 60% of detailed information contained in the text accurately. If listening and speaking skills are of a similar standard to reading skills, able to follow a training course on a familiar technical area facilitated through English-medium provided that the facilitator makes major and consistent concessions to the needs of L2 users. C English user at an elementary level or non-English user. Able to understand an English passage to a level insufficient to follow a training course facilitated through English-medium, if listening and speaking skills are of a similar standard to reading skills. A total of 249 civil servants participated in the assessment. The results suggest that there is a small minority (less than 5%) of civil servants who have a sufficient level of English language competence to follow a professional training course given in English and benefit fully from that course, even if concessions are made by the facilitator to the needs of English second language users (i.e. Bands A and B). Informants BAND Number % age A. Competent vocational English user 1 0.4 B. Reasonably competent English user 11 4.4 C. English user at an elementary level or non-English user 237 95.2 Total: 249 100.0 3.23 General public's perceptions In a focus group discussion with 18 members of the general public, participants were asked to identify qualities they wished to see in officials of the civil service and, as a group, to assess to what extent these qualities are currently present. A total of 11 qualities were identified. In none of these did participants believe the quality currently generally exists and in only seven cases did participants consider the quality to partially exist.
Question: What qualities would you like to see in civil servants and to what extent do they currently exist? Quality Generally exist Partially exist Do not exist Efficiency
- Punctuality
- Politeness
- Helpfulness
- Honesty
- Fairness
- Knowledge
- Creativity
- Cooperation
- Productivity
- Free from bad habits
- Participants were also asked to identify ways to bring about improvements.
They identified the following strategies or needs:
- Common vision
- Functional programme (channel both sources of income adequately (Aid + Local Revenue)
- Fight corruption by Anti-Corruption squad
- The effective use of all laws & regulations
- Limited staff, so ensure the right person to the right position
- Generate diversified sources of income
- Staff Development
- Strict control / Discipline
- A greater delegation of decision-making, from ministers down
- Timeliness
- Staff Benefits
- Make government officials accessible to the public as a whole, rather than only to those who enjoy high status in society 3.24 Local government Two local government authorities (LGAs), one regional and one district authority, were included in the training needs assessment, in order to provide the opportunity to make comparisons between central and local government capacities and needs. The two LGAs visited were selected because one of them has recently received substantial capacity building support, implemented by a UN agency, whereas the other has not benefited from such support. The training needs of the LGAs are discussed at 3.11 Priority areas/ groups for training.
In terms of current capacity, the main conclusions are:
- Both LGAs rate equally as well as central ministries in terms of levels of staff commitment and motivation
- The LGA which has received capacity building support rates alongside the strongest ministries as far as efficiency is concerned, while the LGA which has not been supported is on a par with average ministries
- The LGA which has been supported has taken the process of strategic planning further than the majority of ministries.
4. IMPLICATIONS FOR TRAINING
4.1 Training and institutional development
If any training programme for the Somaliland civil service mounted in the future is to have optimum benefit, it is clearly of paramount importance that several structural and institutional issues affecting the civil service are addressed. These include:
- Completion of a civil service review, to include rightsizing and the consolidation of staff in ministries, agencies and departments which are of a sufficient size to be operationally viable
- Introduction of job descriptions for all positions, to include a definition of minimum qualifications and of the training requirements for the particular job
- Provision of pensions to civil servants, as a means of encouraging the elderly to go on retirement, thus freeing up vacancies into which the civil service can try to attract young secondary and university graduates
- Establishment of a pay structure that rewards staff adequately for the amount of effort they contribute and for the development of their own capacity through, for example, training
- Development of a comprehensive promotion system, linked to performance
- Introduction of a performance monitoring system in all ministries/agencies
- Development of strategic plans in all ministries and agencies
- Development and adoption by GOS of a comprehensive training plan for the civil service, with co-financing agreements reached with major development partners
- Introduction of a devolved budget to ministries and agencies for the purposes of staff development and training
- A greater commitment to supporting the work of a human resource manager and his/her team within each ministry/agency
- Creation of opportunities for greater information-sharing between ministries and government agencies, especially for sharing of information and experiences regarding best practice in management and administrative practices. In order to ensure that duplication is minimized and that the timing of activities is harmonized, it will be important for the main providers of external support to GOS capacity building, such as the European Community, UNDP and various INGOs, to coordinate their support with government and with one other.
4.2 Training priorities The findings of the training needs assessment indicate that there are widespread training needs within the civil service, which include levels from senior management to administrative/ clerical grades and which cover a large range of subjects. Subject areas, target beneficiaries and possible training mechanisms are listed in Table 6: An indicative Somaliland civil service training inventory. This table also indicates the role of a future training institute specializing in public administration, named here for convenience as PATI (Public Administration Training Institute).
Training
Somalia IMPLICATIONS FOR TRAINING
Serial Subject Beneficiaries Type of course Training mechanism
1. Strategic planning
- All director generals, plus equivalent postholder from agencies 2-phase workshop: Phase 1 to develop strategic plan; Phase 2 to share experiences on implementation and to refine Run by Public Administration Training Institute (PATI)
2. Management
- Director generals, plus equivalent postholder from agencies
- Department directors
- (possibly) Section heads identified for future promotion Comprehensive course covering self-management, management of physical & non-physical resources, leadership, team building, delegation, etc PATI-run. Since release of beneficiaries is problematic, investigate best mechanism - modular? Part-time, e.g. one day per week?
3. Personnelmanagement - HR Managers PATI-run.Modular?
4. Management&facilitation of on-job-training (OJT)
- HR Managers (or equivalent) from all ministries/agencies
- One further trainer from each ministry/ agency Training needs identification, course design, methods of assessment, training methods, course management & administration PATI-run. Modular?
5. Supervisory skills - Section heads Introduction to self-management, management of physical & non-physical resources, motivating staff, team building, delegation, etc PATI-run initially, then within ministries by HR Manager. Modular?
6. Administration - administrative staff - selected secretarial & clerical staff Introduction to self-management, management of non-physical resources, paper management, etc PATI-run initially, then within ministries by HR Manager. Modular?
7. Managing meetings
- Director generals, plus equivalent postholder from agencies
- Department directors
- (possibly) Section heads Chairing a meeting; acting as convenor/secretary to a meeting; note-taking & minute writing PATI/ SACB-Hargeisa? Modular? Table 6: An indicative Somaliland civil service training inventory.
8.Service delivery - Director generals, plus equivalent postholder from agencies
- Department directors
- HR Managers - Section heads
- Other staff in client contact areas PATI-runtoDGs,department directors, then by HR Manager to Section Heads and other staff
9. Financial planning&management
- Department directors
- Section heads
- Plus any other budget-holders PATI/MOF.Modular?
10. M & E
- Director generals, plus equivalent postholder from agencies
- Department directors
- Section heads PATI/BankofSomaliland
11. Auditing - 1-2 nominated staff per ministry PATI/MOF
12. Accounting - Accountants Upgrading skills, updating on systems in use PATI/MOF/Bank of Somaliland
13. Accounting for non-accountants
- Section heads
- Administrative/clerical staff with accounting responsibilities Introduction to basic principles, government accounting, computerized accounting PATI/MOF
14. Revenue collection - Revenue collectors PATI/MOF
15. Statistics
- any staff who generate/ process stats PATI/MOP
16. Computer maintenance/engineering - one nominated staff member from each ministry/ agency Routine maintenance, trouble-shooting, system maintenance PATI/private computer school
17. Advanced computerskills
- staff who are regular computer users at work and who possess MS Office basic skills Courses in required software packages
- to identify PATI/private computer school
18. Basic computer skills
- given current low level of computerization in ministries, no immediate need
19. Communication skills
- Director generals, plus equivalent postholder from agencies
- Department directors Oral presentation skills, report writing, proposal development PATI Modular?
IMPLICATIONS FOR TRAINING:
- (possibly) Section heads identified for future promotion
20. English for work - staff requiring English for work Reading skills, report writing, letter writing PATI Modular?
21. English for training - staff accepted for English-medium training who require upgrading Listening skills, negotiation skills, study skills PATI 22. Stores management
- Storekeepers
- Other staff holding responsibility for non-physical resources Run by HR Managers
3. Although not identified during the TNA, there will be need to provide induction training to new entrants to the civil service.
2. There will be a need to infuse and integrate into core courses cross-cutting issues such as HIV/AIDS prevention, gender and human rights issues, environmental protection. 1. Technical, job-specific training, such as for air traffic controllers and radio-station technicians is not included in this list. Information on needs identified in these fields will be passed on to appropriate, specialist organizations.
Annex A: Terms of Reference Somaliland Institute of Public Administration Sub-Contract I.
Introduction
The absence of an established public administration institute in Somalia has proved to be particularly damaging to development management in the country. Although UNDP has delivered a substantial amount of training to municipal and regional civil servants in the northwest area of Somalia, known as Somaliland, during the past four years, there remain a number of problematic issues related to the delivery and follow up of such training. Through the creation of a public administration institute, the issues of both the effectiveness of training and overall human development can be addressed. The major constraints found in all levels of the current administrations in Somaliland are primarily related to existing capacity and regulatory framework. Since the competency of Somalis found in country is not at its necessary level, significant problems arise during the process of staffing the ministries, agencies and municipalities. As such, a number of organizations are understaffed and functioning well below their required capacities. Additionally, there is no sufficient senior management cadre in the civil service who are in a position to assume overall supervisory responsibilities for ministries. Further complicating matters, a regulatory framework to address the establishment of public administration training institute does not currently exist. Therefore, there is an imminent need to define and design a number of policy and legislative frameworks to address this gap in such areas as education, human resources and management. Taking into account these various problems faced and issues to be addressed, UNDP is looking for an experienced, enthusiastic consultant to undertake this tremendous goal of establishing the framework necessary to create an Institute of Public Administration in Somaliland. II. Background Having faced devastating consequences as a result of years of civil war, Somaliland authorities have little infrastructure, resource capital, and other internal support to assist them in rebuilding their country. As a result, its development indicators fall well below an acceptable average in all categories, ranging from life expectancy to per capita income and literacy rates.
Deficiencies in management and technical skills, general infrastructure, and investment partners, are the major problems. With all of the burdens of salvaging this war-torn society, the government, with its limited capacities, has previously set its priorities at maintaining peace and security. Although this is critical to any economic and resource development, there is currently an opportunity to build on this established peace, providing solutions to humanitarian problems and institutional difficulties in the Somaliland society. This opportunity must be seized before it lapses along with the fragile governance and economic structures currently in place. The process of creating and maintaining a professional and stable civil service that contains motivated and knowledgeable personnel, who are able to perform their functions and tasks efficiently and effectively in an apolitical manner, is a key objective for Somaliland. The establishment of an Institute for Public Administration (IPA) in the context of scarce human resources, both in terms of number and also personnel capabilities, as well as limited financial resources, is a challenging task, which requires a well-established human resources management system. In this respect, there are three sets of issues that can be considered critical. These are, the capacity of local staff, human resources policy and management framework and the standardized training of civil servants. Somaliland has a functional Civil Service Commission (CSC) that was established in 1994. The CSC is a public autonomous agency entrusted with planning and oversight of public staff. Over the past four years the CSC has undertaken a number of initiatives such as civil service reforms to right-size/downsize municipalities and selected ministries as well as training of civil servants, with the support of UNDP. In order to continue to support the process of civil service reform in Somaliland, UNDP seeks to strengthen public administration through the creation of a Public Administration Training Institute that will cater to the training requirements of staff in ministries and government agencies. III. Main Objectives The purpose of the Institute is to provide training opportunities to civil servants at the central and municipal levels according to demand. Overall, the objective of this contract is to enhance the effectiveness of public administration and development management through examining the Somaliland governance structure and establish a framework in which a public administration institute can function and flourish in order to improve the capacities of the civil servants and sustain their growth. Through this research, a comprehensive training needs assessment will be conducted and a curriculum for the proposed institute will be developed. Eventually, through this support, this government will finally have available the tools with which they can conduct their activities in an efficient, effective and prosperous manner. This study has three principle objectives: (1) To establish, in coordination with Somaliland ministries, and particularly the Ministry of Planning, as well as the Civil Service Commission, a Training Needs Assessment (TNA) detailing a coherent and realistic framework that would adequately respond to the development public administration challenges facing Somaliland today. (2) To prepare an initial curriculum for the Institute, utilizing the TNA as a launch pad for fulfilling the needs of the public service community. (3) To ensure continued collaboration between the Ministry of Planning, Civil Service Commission, and international aid agencies, such as the SACB, EU, UN agencies, and particularly the UNDP country office programmes.
IV. Specific Duties A consultant will handle the specific duties employed to carry out these objectives, and hiring criteria will be based on experience, relevance and capacity. The duties will be conducted entirely in Somaliland through research, conferences and workshops, and will be done in conjunction with the Ministry of Planning and the Civil Service Commission. Four major activities will occur during the course of the consultancy:
(1) Preparing for the Training Needs Assessment:
a) Update the 2002 Civil Service Commission Assessment initiated in Somaliland that provided inventory of data on previous training needs assessments and surveys in certain municipalities and selected ministries;
b) Design questionnaire and survey to be used in conducting a comprehensive training needs assessment. This questionnaire and survey should ensure:
(i) Collection of adequately representative samples of data in the appropriate size and structure;
(ii) Stimulation of ample input and active participation of the relevant ministries and municipalities in Somaliland;
(iii) Development of realistic and practical capacities within the civil service in Somaliland;
(iv) Distinguished components of institutionalized, realistic and harmonious capacity building processes at the central and municipal levels of civil service in Somaliland;
(v) Guaranteed achievability of results. (2) Training the trainers on conducting the survey
(i) Establish training modules for instructing a group of 6 national trainers/surveyors in conducting the survey effectively;
(ii) Train the trainers based on these developed modules;
(iii) Examine the possibility of attaching these training modules to the Institute of Public Administration.
(3) Conducting the Training Needs Assessment:
a) Occurs following the preparations for the assessment;
b) Surveyors trained will assist in conducting the assessment;
c) Will be utilized as a baseline for curriculum development.
(4) Developing a Curriculum for the Institute of Public Administration:
a) Civil Service Training Management System,
(i) Develop a Civil Service Training Management System concerned with policy issues, training coordination and quality control;
(ii) Utilize the data and information gathered in the Training Needs Assessment about the ministries and municipalities;
(iii) Set out planning, coordination, monitoring & evaluation mechanisms for the civil service training, and qualification enhancement.
b) Curriculum for the Institute for Public Administration:
(i) Utilize the developed Training Management System as the basis for the development of the Institute for Public Administration's curriculum;
(ii) Identify training areas for the Institute, using the Training Needs Assessment, and develop curriculum accordingly;
(iii) Development of both long-term certificate courses and short-term training seminars and workshops to meet the varying needs;
(iv) Provide a full, comprehensive curriculum to be used in the initial stages of the Institute.
(5) Project Document for Institute of Public Administration
a) Based on all of the conducted activities, develop a comprehensive project document detailing the activities, regulatory framework, and budgetary necessities in order to launch the Institute and afford it long-term sustainability;
b) Written in the requisite UNDP format. Reporting and Feedback Reports should be submitted to UNDP as follows:
- Comprehensive Training Needs Assessment and Completed Survey;
- Comprehensive Training Curriculum for the Institute;
- Comprehensive Project Document for the establishment of the Institute.
V. Qualifications and Experience The consultant will meet the following requirements:
- Hold an advanced degree in civic education, social science, public administration, finance, or other related fields;
- Possess relevant experience in governance, and provide a curriculum vitae, of not more than three pages, detailing this relevant experience;
- Staff motivation is based on future expectations
- Experience in writing curriculum for training institutions is essential;
- Experience in performing Training Needs Assessments, preferably in East Africa;
- Experience in project implementation and programming;
- Ability to work with closely and objectively with the Ministry of Planning and the Civil Service Commission;
- Familiarity with the Somali culture and political situation is beneficial;
- Read, write and speak fluently in English. Additionally, the consultant must be able to:
- Work independently and creatively;
- Meet strict deadlines;
- Demonstrate computer literacy regarding Microsoft office, specifically Word and Power Point, and the internet;
- Work efficiently and effectively in a team environment;
- Coordinate with local experts and officials when necessary, such as through translation of documents;
- Coordinate with the Nairobi office openly and effectively throughout the duration of the contract.
- Staff motivation is based on future expectations
- Staff observed were busy (2)
VI. Duration of Consultancy This consultancy will have a three-month duration. It will be based out of Somaliland, primarily in Hargeisa.
Annex B: Observations by Assessors Staff strengths & weaknesses
(a) Administrative/clerical grades of staff observed were working efficiently (3)
(b) Staff are generally punctual
(c) Staff are motivated by desire to learn (2)
(d) Some staff lack basic education (2)
(e) The lack of basic education may prevent staff from accessing training
(f) Good teamwork
- Inefficiencies are a result of lack of equipment
- Staff were generally motivated (2)
- Staff lack basic skills and knowledge (4)
- Staff attendance and punctuality good (3)
- Paper management is effective - Working hours - staff work from 08.00-14.00
- The official working hours are not fulfilled (4)
- Staff attendance is very poor
- Rules and regulations are not observed by all staff
- Some offices and sections were functioning efficiently
- The majority of offices were empty. Only two out of the five department directors were present
- Operations are a low level (2)
- The agency (Bank of Somaliland) has the financial resources to provide financial incentives for staff to perform well
- Most staff were at work
- Many staff are over the retirement age (4)
- General lack of understanding by staff of their roles, since they do not have job descriptions
- Low staff morale due to poor remuneration (2)
- Although the Ministry staff includes several well-trained professionals, the lack of sufficient operating budget to implement projects results in them being underused
- Many staff were idle Management
- Staff meetings are held when there is a need to discuss a particular issue
- Staff meetings generally focus on poor work performance
- Regular staff meetings take place, in order to plan activities and assign tasks (2)
- Staff meetings include Minister (2)
- Most decisions in the Ministry are taken in a participatory way, with the exceptions of those affecting motivating staff and recruitment of staff, the latter being conducted by CSC
- Chains of command may be unclear, e.g. staff receiving instructions at times from people other than their direct line manager
- There is a perception amongst middle managers that there is insufficient delegation
- Job descriptions are not adhered to
- A functioning M & E system was in evidence
- M & E is used only in relation to specific projects/activities
- M & E takes place, with even the Minister getting involved in surprise checks.
- There is a lack of established human resource policy and procedures, which leads to inefficiency
- Although a strategic plan has been developed, details of this have not been shared with department directors and other staff
- There is a lack of team work
- Staff meetings are not held
- There appear to be good relations between section heads and junior staff. This may be because they perceive their positions as similar, suffering from poor pay and consequent demotivation
- Good relations between managers and staff
- The majority of staff observed were idle (2)
- Staff knew what they had to do and how their responsibilities fitted in with those of colleagues. Staff working effectively as a team. Well developed systems of control, including daily checks of previous day's transactions. There are staff records, which include details of performance.
- Lack of vision/mission, strategic planning and HR policies and procedures
- Lack of sufficient operating budget to fulfill mandated responsibilities
- Personality clashes adversely affect inter-departmental cooperation, with two departments effectively frozen out from involvement in decision-making
- Poor communication within the Ministry
- There is misuse of budget allocations
- There are frequent complaints from other ministries about the length of time the Ministry takes in processing their vouchers
- There are written responsibilities for each department, but not individual job descriptions
- OJT is organized within the Ministry (2)
- Lack of delegation
- Poor application of Civil Service Law
- Lack of a training policy detracts from effectiveness of OJT
- Heads of Section given limited responsibility
- Two departments appear to be non-operational
- Human resources are under-utilised
- There is a lack of accountability in the Ministry systems
- The Ministry is practically at a standstill Physical resources
- Computer use generally efficient (5)
- In some cases computers are not used for certain functions, e.g. details of court cases, financial accounts, due to lack of capacity to ensure security of information
- Although insufficient equipment, what exists is used efficiently
- Staff lack the requisite skills to make effective use of computers
- There is insufficient capacity in trouble-shooting and maintenance
- A high level of computerization exists, with staff records, accounts and other back-of-office functions computerized, although front-of-office transactions are recorded manually (Bank)
- Use of computers and other office equipment is constrained by power cuts, e.g. no electricity at one ministry for 2 days of visit
- Effective use of computers for planning, budgeting, data storage
- The effectiveness of computer use varies greatly between departments
- Half of the Ministry's computers are not functioning
Training
- (a) Small size of ministry limits the number of staff who can be released at any one time for training
- (b) Small size of staff means that finding somebody to cover while a staff member is attending training is difficult
- (c) ODL would be appropriate (2)
- (d) There is a need for training in project management and appraisal
- (e) There is a need for training for staff at regional and district levels, as well as those in central ministry
- (f) Training managers on how to motivate and manage staff is a priority
- (g) Training is required by managers in project management and in institutional development
- (h) There is a need for training in report writing
- (i) Training in English language is a priority since the agency (Bank of Somaliland) uses English as its medium of
operation in documentation ( - Staff workload is high, even during afternoons (Bank)
- There are no constraints on staff release for training, since operations are at a low level (3)
- - Release for less than whole morning would enable staff to complete essential job tasks
- - The Ministry has allocated a small budget for staff training (Houses Coordination)
- - Supervisory skills is a priority - Training in internal auditing is needed Other
- - The level of Ministry operations has decreased in recent years
- - Reporting arrangements between an agency and a ministry are unclear, with the ministry's view that the agency is responsible to it not being shared by the agency LGAs Two were visited.
Characteristics:
- strengths
- good communication between staff, high level of commitment to providing a service to public,
- weaknesses
- no central records system, lack of job descriptions,
- management skills reasonable, though still requiring training, in one, while poor management skills in the other
- good facilities and equipment and effective and efficient use of computers in one, while in other the 2 computers were not in use due to lack of electricity
- effective City Council, which meets weekly
- staff salaries at reasonable level in one, in other low pay
- lack of mission, strategic planning, HR policies
Annex C: Documents collected during the TNA Ser Documents Ministry/Agency Year
- Organogram
- Organogram Bank of Somaliland 3 Organogram House of Representatives
- Strategic Plan for Agriculture Rehab. & Dev. M. of Agriculture 2001/2003
- Three-Year Strategic Plan M. of Agriculture 1999/2001
- Organogram M. of Commerce
- Organogram M. of Defense
- Organogram M. of Finance
- Organogram M. of Fisheries
- Organogram M. of Foreign Affairs
- Organogram M. of Houses Coord.
- Ministerial Policy/Structure M. of Information 2003
- Organogram M. of Interior
- SomalilandStategy for Economy Recovery & Poverty Reduction M. of Interior 2003
- Strategic planning M. of Interior 1993 - 2003
- Strategic Plan M. of Livestock 2002/2003
- Organogram M. of National Planning
- Environment Policy M. of Pastoral Dev. & Env.
- Range Policy M. of Pastoral Dev. & Env.
- Strategic Plan M. of Pastoral Dev. & Env. 2002/2004
- Organogram M. of Presidence
- Organogram M. of Religion & Endownment
- Strategic planning M. of Religion & Endownment 2004 - 2006
- 5-year plan M. of Water & Mineral Res.
- General Inspection Office Ministry of Education
- National Education Policy Ministry of Education Aug-99
- Organogram Ministry of Education
- Schools Department Functions Ministry of Education Auditor General Office
- Yearly Statistical Report for 2002-2003 Ministry of Education 2002/2003
- Demobilization & Reintegration Strategies National Demobilization Cmn 1997
- Organogram National Demobilization Cmn 32 Strategic planning NDA.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 127 June. 28-July 4, 2004
Traditional Leaders Urge IGAD To Respect Somaliland's Borders
Twenty two Sultans, and three Boqors, which together constitute the traditional leadership for roughly 85% of the country's population, said they were deeply concerned over the ambigious stand regarding Somaliland that the Kenyan hosted Somalia peace took.
The traditional leaders said the so-called peace conference has already interfered with the right of Somaliland's people and government to exercise sovereignty over their historical colonial boundaries.
In an open letter addressed to the IGAD ministerial facilitation committee for the Somalia peace talks, AU, EU, Arab League, IGAD governments and international partners, the Somaliland traditional leaders warned that attempts by IGAD countries to redraw the colonial borders of independent Somaliland as an integral part of Somalia would backfire. The traditional leaders said no country in the region will be immune from its sovereignty being violated if Somaliland is denied its right.
The traditional leaders pointed out that while IGAD claimed all along that Somaliland was not a party to the Nairobi process, mediators and delegates at the talks felt free to include the entire colonial boundaries of Somaliland in the new map they envisioned for reunified Somalia.
"There will be no negotiation whatsoever between an internationally recognized Somalia and an internationally unrecognized Somaliland," the letter said.
The traditional elders demanded that documents such as maps that clearly violate the integrity of Somaliland as an independent entity, should be withdrawn.
The Somaliland Sultans accused IGAD mediators of covertly soliciting participation of Somaliland traditional leaders in the Nairobi talks.
The letter reminded IGAD and the international community of their moral responsibility to bring the perpetrators of war-crimes and acts of genocide committed in Somaliland during Siyad Barre's dictatorship to justice.
The following are the signatories to the letter sent to IGAD, the AU, EU and the Arab League on Friday, June 25, 2004:
- Sultan Mohamed Sultan Abdikadir,
- Sultan Mohamed Sultan Dirie,
- Sultan Omar Sultan Mohamed,
- Sultan Mohamed Sultan Hersi-Qani,
- Sultan Abdillahi Sultan Ali,
- Sultan Rashid Sultan Ali,
- Sultan Mohamoud Ahmed Shiekh,
- Sultan Ibrahim Jama Samater,
- Sultan Dahir Amin Farah,
- Sultan Mohamoud Guled,
- Sultan Barre Haji Hussein,
- Boqor Mohamoud Ali Arab,
- Boqor Osman Aw-Mohamoud,
- Sultan Hassan Nur Askar,
- Sultan Yusuf Ahmed Cadaan,
- Sultan Mohamoud Haji Hussein,
- Sultan Ahmed Dahir Muse,
- Sultan Abdirahman Qodah Jama,
- Sultan Mohamed Abdi Ali,
- Sultan Ahmed Abdillahi Samale,
- Sultan Hussein Ismail Ghelle,
- Boqor Isse Haibe Khaire,
- Sultan Hassan Ahmed Haddi,
- Sultan Nadif Saidh Jibril,
- Sultan Eid Gaws
Tip off By A Foreign Intelligence Said To Have Led To Arrest Of Terrorist
The arrest of the suspected terrorist was first confirmed by Somaliland's Minister of Interior, Ismail Aden Osman during last Sunday's press conference. Though declining to disclose the full identity of the man arrested except that he was an Ogaden (one of the Somali clans that inhabit the autonomous Somali region in Ethiopia), Osman, revealed that the suspect entered Somaliland from its border with Somalia and was arrested by police after checking in a local motel in Buroa.
"He was found in possession of a sophisticated explosive device and a satellite mobile phone," the minister added.
The Interior minister added that he was pleased with the efforts of the security authorities in foiling a major terrorist plot.
However the Somaliland Times has learned that Somaliland's authorities actually acted after being tipped-off by agents of a foreign intelligence organization. According to the interior minister, two men identified by the suspected terrorist as his co-conspirators, had escaped arrest.
A massive police search in Hargeisa town hotels on Friday night, June 18, came to an end in the early morning hours of the next day after it has been established that the two men already crossed the Wajale border point into Ethiopia. Osman said Somaliland's security authorities have a good idea about the destination of the two men.
Terrorists Talk To The Press; Ring Leader Admits Lending Support To The Brutal Killing Of Richard And Enid Eyeington
The Somaliland authorities have until Tuesday kept the 5 detainees away from the press for security reasons. Journalists were allowed to take pictures and ask few questions concerning names, date and birthplaces, clan background and how they have been treated while in custody.
Reporters met the detainees one after another in the office of the director of Hargeisa Central Prison. Jama Abdillahi, the man believed to be the group's ringleader refused to talk to the press and the reporters were obliged to respect his wish. The remaining four suspected terrorists said they saw no mistreatment. "The inquiry sessions were however tough and tiresome," said one of them. All the 5 detainees actually looked in good shape, at least physically.
Sources close to the investigation told the Somaliland Times that Jama Abdillahi, known as Jama Kutiye, had also been in investigated in connection with the killing of Richard and Enid Eyeington, two Britons who worked as schoolteachers at Sheikh Secondary School. The Eyeingtons were brutally murdered on October 20, 2003 while they watched TV in their apartment at Sheikh School.
According to investigators, Jama Kutiye confessed to lending support to the Eyeingtons' killing. Though he denied carrying out the actual murder, he insisted that his role was to identify the target as well as the routes of approach and escape.
The other 4 members of Jama's group also blamed him for being the person who pulled the trigger when the Kenyan woman was shot. A pistol gun was used in the murder.
Jama Kutiye was believed to have been injured in the nineties while fighting for Al-Itihad, a terrorist organization linked to Al-Qaida. No date has yet been set for the group's trial.
Somaliland Opposition Parties Say Somaliland, Somalia are Separate States
UCID and Kulmiye parties said that the international community must respect the sovereignty of Somaliland as an independent nation from Somalia. They added that they support IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority on Development] efforts of mediating Somali warring factions in Nairobi in order to form a government of national unity in southern Somalia.
The Somaliland opposition parties added that the only way, which is open to the two sides - Somaliland and Somalia - is to have talks as two separate nations, when a new Somali government is formed from the Nairobi peace talks.
The chairmen of UCID and Kulmiye parties, Faysal Ali Warabe and Ahmad Muhammad Silanyo, said that the Somali peace conference in Nairobi is not for Somaliland but only for southern Somalia.
EDITORIAL: Will IGAD Listen To Somaliland?
Somaliland's traditional leaders know that the prevailing peace and security in Somaliland cannot be sustained without the country's sovereignty and independence. They also know that reunification with Somalia means return to chaos, dictatorship and genocide.
Despite the increasingly provocative turn that the Kenya-hosted peace conference on Somalia has been taking towards Somaliland over the last 10 months, Somaliland's leaders have, so far, exercised a great deal of restraint, lest they be blamed for undermining the already shaky talks.
If IGAD really wants to bring peace to Somalia, then they should focus their efforts on where the trouble is, which is the former Italian Somalia. Somaliland has been peaceful for over a decade, therefore any attempt by IGAD to include fake delegates who claim to represent Somaliland, or making statements that the government cobbled together in Mbagathi will have sovereignty over Somaliland would only mean that instead of creating peace in Somalia, IGAD wants to ignite war between Somaliland and Somalia.
IGAD is not the only entity that needs to stick to its writ. The warlords of Italian Somalia, too, should for once focus on finding a solution to their country's deadly conflicts instead of using Somaliland as a diversion. Somalia's warlords, IGAD, and the international community should by now have learned one of the main lessons from the previous 14 failed Somalia peace conferences. The lesson is this: once a future government for Somalia claims to have jurisdiction over Somaliland, that government is doomed to failure.
The Sovereignty Of Somaliland And Its Role In The Conflict Resolution Of The Region
This paper was presented by Farhiya Ali Ahmed, who lives in South Africa at a seminar organized by the "Africa Institute of South Africa" and held last May in Pretoria on Somaliland And Somalia: Part II [Continued from our previous issue]
International Perspectives
What are the chances of the international community giving up hopes for a Somali unity in the near future, and recognizing Somaliland as a sovereign entity? What are the different position and perspectives that the world and global actors hold about Somaliland, Somalia and the Somali crisis in general and the prospects for its resolution? What are the motivating factors behind such perceptions?
Intergovernmental Organization
The United Nations, African Union, Arab League and Organization of Islamic Conference have shown through their decisions, actions and statements their prioritization of preserving a Somali unity over allowing self-determination to succeed.
Matt Bryden notes that successive resolutions by the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Arab League and the United Nations have reaffirmed he commitment of their members to the unity and territorial integrity of Somalia. In November 2000, the United Nations Department of Political Affairs actively promoted the establishment of the Transitional National Government (TNG) of Mogadishu, and was also instrumental in helping the TNG to claim Somalia's seat at the UN. The UN, AU, Arab League and OIC also implicitly endorsed the TNG's claims to jurisdiction over the entire Somali territory _ including Somaliland _ through their decision o extend membership to the TNG in Mogadishu. "Reports and resolutions issued by these intergovernmental organizations have been meticulous in either prohibiting the use of the term `Somaliland' or else situating it in quotation marks in order to ensure that no official reference to the territory could be misconstrued as a form of recognition."
The AU's commitment to respect for the territorial integrity of Somali is rooted in the 1963 OAU Charter which makes numerous references to the "sovereignty and territorial integrity" of member states". From this perspective, Somaliland's 1960 union with Somalia is characterized as irrevocable and Somaliland's claims to independence thus illegal. As such respect for Somalia's sovereignty and territorial integrity are to be upheld.
The Arab League makes no secret of the fact that it favors a Somali unity. The OIC's position on the Somaliland-Somalia issue was reaffirmed by the presence of the TNG at the last OIC Summit in August 2003. The AU's commitment to resuscitating a Somali government in Mogadishu has also been unwavering and still ongoing. Currently, the AU has devolved responsibility for handling the Somali crisis to the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). Meeting in Nairobi, Kenya, the foreign ministers of the member states of IGAD _ Djibouti, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Kenya and Sudan _ have started a new round of peace talks last week on 20 May, with Somali warlords and traditional leaders from south Somalia in the hope of ending the 13 years of anarchy and conflict in Somalia. Somaliland has been absent from these talks as well as all the previous ones because of its declaration that it will only enter into dialogue with Somalia as an equal (i.e. as a recognized sovereign entity).
Western Governments
Somaliland's early campaign for recognition was mostly directed towards Western governments, seeing that the West was not as fussy about the principle of territorial integrity as the Arab world and the AU members were.
Somalia's notorious resistance to the externally-led peacekeeping endeavors of the early 1990s, coupled with the country's loss of its former strategic significance rates it as low priority in the West. Western powers, in presented with the Somali situation therefore opted to defer it to the AU. Western government are also wary of getting involved in the Somali dilemma for fear of potential danger to their relations with other regional powers and states with whom they share more important strategic or economic interests. As a result, the Somaliland government has since 2001 shifted the focus of their efforts towards the AU instead.
African States
Excluding the East African states, notably countries that shown interest in the resolution of the Somali conflict and Somaliland's demands for recognition are South Africa and Senegal. Senegal invited the Somaliland president and a delegation on an official visit to Dakar in early last year. Senegal's experience of secessionist insurgency in the southern region of Casamance, and of dissolution of a voluntary union (the 1982-9 Senegambian Confederation), say Somaliland officials, places it in a unique position of understanding.
South Africa also recognizes the need to address Somaliland's claims, as well as the dire need to resolve the crisis in the south of Somalia. A South African delegation was sent on a fact-finding mission to Somaliland in January 2003. In May 2003, South African Foreign Affairs Minister Nkosazana Zuma hosted the Somaliland Foreign Affairs Minister for talks on advancing peace and stability in the region.
EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMME
Teaching - Practice, In Primary Schools
Preparing To Teach
Additional points concerning schemes of work
In cases where a pair of teachers is sharing the teaching of a class during teaching practice, the teachers must work closely and consult each other's scheme of work. They may find they have to adjust their schemes when they change over their subjects.
It is not advisable for an in-service student-teacher in a school to make schemes of work to last a whole term. This is because he needs experience before he can do this successfully. It would be more advisable for him to make schemes for only the first few weeks of the term to see how they workout. When he is more confident of his capability then he can start to plan further ahead, and may be for the rest of the term. Similarly it would be unwise to make schemes for the whole year. Practice really makes perfect in these situations.
A student teacher should not merely follow textbooks when preparing schemes of work. (Some authors even write detailed schemes of work for their particular subjects). Schemes of work and lesson plans should be the student-teachers' own original work. Suggestions given in textbooks are not meant for a particular group of pupils. Each class has its differences. Each teacher knows his own pupils best. He knows who are the bright pupils, who are the average and who are the slow learners. It is this kind of understanding that enables him to adjust his schemes where and when necessary. He knows whether to allow more or less time for a particular topic. He may discover in the process of teaching that he has to re-teach a particular section using a different approach.
Student-teachers are warned not to use the details of the schemes of work as a substitute for lesson plans. It is not uncommon to find a lazy student-teacher who has merely copied his scheme of work for a lesson into his lesson-plan book. His lesson might well be characterized by: (a) Lack of detail and illustrative material (b) In complete subject-matter (c) Incorrect facts (d) Disorderly presentation of information.
The scheme of work is only a skeleton plan which must be expanded and developed carefully before it can become a meaningful lesson.
[To be continued..]
Rayale: The Right Choice
On April 14th, 2003, Somalilanders came out for presidential elections to mark the first day that they have freely cast their votes for the first time in history. The turn out was very high and all the eligible voters came out and voted in an environment free of coercion, intimidation and fear and in the process marked a milestone. It was a success story and a mission accomplished!
On that very day, the people of Somaliland made a very important decision of their destiny as they were deciding on whose hands they will entrust their future and who will govern them for the coming five years. In the process, Dahir Rayale Kahin was elected as the country's first president who comes to power through popular vote. Unlike his predecessors, who ruled this country through the votes of very few people, Rayale is the only democratically elected president of the history of this embryonic government.
Dahir Rayale Kahin, whose personality and leadership qualities were largely unknown to the general public before the sudden death of the late president Mohamed Ibrahim Egal, although he has served the country's vice president for number of years, proved to be the right choice of Somaliland electorates: a capable leader with no hidden agenda.
As soon as he came to power, president Rayale has taken many steps not only to strengthen and consolidate the existence and sovereignty of this impoverished nation but also to realize the quench of international recognition. Firstly, he dismissed more than 50 judges throughout the country who were labeled as ineffective and corruptive judges. However, the complaints of judiciary system are still strong and the problem lies beyond the dismissal of any number of judges because simply the community itself is encouraging and nurturing the corruption.
The Rayale administration also returned the sisterly relationship between Somaliland and Djibouti to normalcy. Thanks to this improved relationship, when Abdilahi Yusuf and his militia invaded Sool region, the foreign minister of Djibouti clearly and loudly told Abdilahi Yusuf that he will be solely responsible for any casualties and losses yielded from Sool Region. What is more, the warm relationship between Somaliland and Ethiopia was further improved and high-level delegations from both countries were exchanged.
In addition, the government launched very aggressive recognition-seeking campaign throughout Africa, Europe and North America. Delegations from this small country have paid an extensive visit and knocked on every door in which they thought that their country's interest lie. Of these relatively unofficial state visits, the most famous and remarkable one was the visit to UK that president Rayale himself led. Enroot to London, the president had important talks with the prime minister of Ethiopia, where the two leaders extensively discussed the issues that affect their people and their countries.
On March 17, President Rayale delivered his famous and historic speech in front of dozens of members of the powerful House of Commons, scholars and academicians who have researched extensively on issues relating to Somaliland as well as concerned Somalilanders.
Due to these efforts, president Rayale gained the hearts and minds of all Somalilanders wherever they live. A clear sign of this was the huge demonstrations held in front of the House of Commons whereby tens of thousands of Somalilanders who came from most of the European countries and as far as North America, gathered in support of their president and their country's recognition. Similarly, when president Rayale, returned home, he received a hero's welcome and the warmest reception that a Somaliland president had ever experienced.
However, it is now apparent that some elements in the Somaliland politics want to make us believe that Rayale and his government are not doing any thing good for the country. More precisely, some members of Kulmiye party are covertly and overtly undermining every forward step that the government takes. Muse Biihi Abdi and Dr. Abdi Aw Dahir of Kulmiye are spearheading these type of politics. These two men were in London when president Rayale was making his speech in the House of Commons. The two men failed even to show up during the demonstration let alone to support the president and his huge delegation for the common cause- the quench for recognition.
Muse Biihi Abdi and Dr. Abdi Aw Dahir and their likes are expected to be constructive members of the opposition who are committed to the betterment of the country. Presumably, they anticipated to take advantage of the government weak spots and loopholes and in the process gain the hearts and minds of the people. However, this does not necessarily mean that they hastily oppose every single step that the administration takes on the basis of partisanship.
Rayale and his government are working very hard. Let us give them the opportunity and the conducive environment in which they can pursue realization of their noble objectives- which are a democratic and prosperous Somaliland. Finally, let us distinguish between those contributing to the country's betterment and those concerned only with satisfying their ego
The End Game Of Somalia's Unruly War Lords
An English proverb states that, "that has a beginning has an ending," while a Somali proverb with a similar meaning states that, "in the end, flowing water gathers at a depressed surface." This relates to the ongoing 14-year old civil war and the prevailing anarchy in Somalia, which to some point, it too, must come to an end like all other things that has a beginning and an ending. In fact, nothing in this world, whether living or non-living things are eternal except the Almighty God.
Therefore, the ongoing one and a half year old so-called Somalia Peace Conference at Nairobi, Kenya, the 15th of its kind and the longest in the history of Mankind, denotes the beginning of the end of this irrational conference. Moreover, the opening of Phase III, the final stage of the conference marks the beginning of the end game of Somalia's unruly War Lords and their cohorts. This means that it will be the end of the usual raw power exercised against the innocent people of Somalia by the TNG/ARTA Faction and Warlord Abdi Qasim Salaad, Puntland and War Lord Abdillahi Yusuf, SRRC and War Lord Hussein Aidid and others, RRA and War Lords Shatigaduud and Sheikh Madoobe, JUBA VALLEY and War Lord Bare Hiraale and others, and so on.
Furthermore, the predatory War Lords who used to boast to have defeated and driven off the UN Peace Keepers, US Marines, International Aid Organizations, and other NGO's who in the 1990's intervened in Somalia on a humanitarian ground in order to save their people who were, at the time, at the brink of mass starvation, mass slaughter, and possible annihilation are now faced with the daunting task of how to patch together the fabric of the society they tore apart, how to resurrect the government they destroyed, and how to bring back into the family of nations the very country they plunged into anarchy and misery. These War Lords are faced with the formidable task of nation building, something they have no experience of since their expertise lies in the field of nation destruction, which is the easier part. Also, they are currently facing numerous challenges, obstacles, uncertainties, and are for the first time scared of what the future will bring. What they are truly scared of is the outcome of the conference and the monster they are about to create, which will certainly seal their fate and that of their tribes.
The War Lords know very well that they have not reconciled even one bit since they did not tackle or discuss the root causes of the civil war and anarchy and how best to reverse it. In fact, in all of the 15 so called Somalia Peace Conferences, they have not discussed issues such as the ongoing ethnic cleansing and how to put an end to these barbarous crimes against humanity, how to resettle the victims and heal their wounds or compensate them, the return of lands seized and the looted properties, the heavily armed tribal militias and how to disarm them, and so on. Instead of tackling these issues first, the power hungry War Lords and their conference facilitators and financiers were only interested with how to share the power of the dream interim government to be formed on clan or tribal basis. That is all they have been doing all along! Even the Constitution, which they approved without the consultation or input of the people of Somalia, was entirely written by foreigners who have other agendas and interests.
All in all, whatever that emerges out of this illogic conference, whether it is for good or ill, is entirely up to the people of Somalia and their War Lords. However, it is important to note that Somaliland is a different country and should therefore not be confused with the anarchic Somalia. Furthermore, the people and government of Somaliland were not party to any of these 15 conferences held for Somalia since they do not concern them and would not like to be dragged to other people's problems, civil wars, reconciliation efforts, and the internal affairs of other countries.
Moreover, the people of Somaliland have paid dearly with their blood the illegitimate unity with Somalia coupled by the log dead dream of "Greater Somalia." Somaliland has liberated their country from that nightmarish unity as well as from the fascistic military regime of dictator Siyad Bare, reconciled on their own without the financial and technical support of the international community, have sealed their peace by extending general amnesty to its enemies (supporters of the ousted regime), restored its lost independence in 1991, held a national referendum with a 97% Yes vote in favor of the Constitution and independence of their nation, have a functioning and a democratic government, where the rule of law is the norm; have created a multi party system, held a fair and free local government and presidential elections, is currently preparing to hold the parliamentary elections, and looking forward to international recognition and to join the family of nations. That is the affairs of Somaliland, which should not be confused with the anarchic Somalia.
Therefore, whatever the outcome of the 15th so called Somalia Peace Conference, which will certainly be the concoction of a witches brew by the Marauding Warlords and their cohorts such as the IGAD, which is nothing but a recipe for further disaster and destruction can not by any means be imposed on the people of Somaliland and the democraticSomaliland.
The people of Somaliland will fiercely confront any individual, foreign power or organization that attempts to endanger its citizens, national aspirations, and interest. And no foreign power or organization will ever succeed to covertly or overtly drag us in the affairs of a failed state that is controlled by a bunch of bloodthirsty Warlords, many of whom are known war criminals such as General Morgan best known as "the butcher of Hargeisa" and his likes who have in the past committed barbarous, fascistic, genocidal, and other crimes against humanity against the innocent people of Somaliland particularly women and children as well as committing atrocities against their own people in Somalia particularly against the unarmed minorities such as the Barwanis, Jareers, Bajunis, Tunis, Digil and Mirifle, Gabooye, and others. These War Lords have no sense of humanity, they are affront to the conscience of humanity, and they certainly do not deserve to be afforded with political legitimacy and leadership role and by doing so is like giving them the license to continue executing their ethnic cleansing policies against innocent civilians and generate the burden of refugees to other countries. The people of Somaliland and their government strongly rejects these fake conferences, the War Lords who participate in them, and their country of Somalia.
Overall, "that has a beginning has an end," and make no mistake for the gallant people of Somaliland will stand up to any challenge against their people, their hard worn independence, and the national and territorial integrity of "Maandeeq," their beloved motherland. And if I may borrow the words of Paul Martin, the Prime Minister of Canada, Somaliland will stand on its own; will prosper, and be independent from Somalia, "come hell or come high water." And let those who understand take heed!
Victory, liberty and independence at any cost.
Source: Somaliland Times, Issue 124 June. 7-13, 2004
Somaliland's Case Raised For The First Time In The AU Commission
Somaliland Becomes First In The Region To Create Special Force For Protection Of UN And NGO Workers
In an exclusive interview with Awdalnews Network conducted in Somali last Thursday, Interior Minister Ismail Adan Osman said that Somaliland had approached Germany for the training of the Special Protection Unit, SPU, that Somaliland had recently created to safeguard the personal safety of workers for the UN, EU, NGOs and other foreigners in the country.
Responding to a question on the purpose of his visit to Germany as part of a Somaliland Ministerial delegation to Germany during the second week of May 2004, Osman said that Somaliland had sought Germany's assistance in training Somaliland police and security forces.
"Besides asking general training for our police forces, we have requested Germany to help us in giving a high quality training to the newly created units of the SPU and a mobile unit that would be deployed with speed during emergency situations," Osman said. He added that Germany had agreed to assist Somaliland in the training of these units as well as the Criminal Investigation Department, CID, forces.
Answering a question on whether his delegation which was led by Edna Adan, Foreign Minister, raised the issue of Somaliland passport, particularly as the Somali passport was rejected by several countries, Osman said the delegation had traveled to Germany with Somaliland passports.
"We have traveled with Somaliland passports and got visas stamped in our passports at the German Embassy in Addis Ababa," Osman said.
He affirmed that Somaliland passport was accepted by a number of countries including the EU, Kenya, Ethiopia and Djibouti.
Regarding accusations leveled against his Ministry's high handedness in handling youth demonstrators during the country's celebrations of its National Day on 18th May, Osman asserted that Somaliland was not ready for such spontaneous protests and demonstrations.
"According to our constitution, the people have the right to come out in peaceful demonstrations, but the question is can we manage demonstrations in the present situation?," he said.
He added that the government could not allow any demonstrations to take place until the police force was empowered, properly trained and equipped to handle such civilian protests and demonstrations for several reasons.
"First, you know we have 90% unemployment in our country, people have guns at homes, gold and all kinds of merchandise are sold in the open market like Europe's Sunday Markets, even money is everywhere in the streets, therefore the police force doesn't have the capability to control a demonstration," he said.
He underlined that without proper training and equipment used during demonstrations such as police batons, gas masks, tear gas, water cannons as well as proper training, the police force wouldn't be able to control demonstrations.
He said many of the demonstrating youth were detained and all the students were released.
Talking about the outcome of his Ministry's investigations on the several killings of foreigners, Osman said that the arrest of the perpetrators of the latest attack on the German GTZ workers had helped the police to glean a lot of information about all three operations.
He was referring to the killing of Dr. Annalena Tonelli in Borama on 6 October 2003, the shooting of British Teachers in Sheikh 21 October 2003 and the last killing of a Kenyan woman working for GTZ on 19 March 2004.
"We have come to know that the perpetrators belong to a terrorism network that has links with Abdi Qasim Salat, Somali TNG President in Mogadisho," he said. He added that his Ministry had confiscated satellite hand telelphones, Thurya mobiles, from the perpetrators and after these had been examined by U.S. intelligence agents they had found that the criminals had contacts with international terrorists wanted by the U.S. government.
Answering a question about conferences held by the Islamic Tabligh groups in Hargeisa, Osman said that the Tabligh groups had no links with terrorism and that their only interest was spreading and propagating Islam.
On the existence of the extremist Al Ittihad in Somaliland, Osman said that the group had disintegrated, noting that some had joined Al Qaeda and others had simply went underground.
"Al Ittihad had never had a strong foothold in Somaliland," he said, underling that after the arrest of the killers of the GTZ worker, the underground elements had escaped to Mogadishu.
Asked whether he considered the Saudi Arabian style bill on the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice being debated by the Parliament would constitute to an infringement on personal freedoms and democratic principles if it was passed, Osman affirmed that the bill was not against the people's democratic or freedom rights.
"We are a Muslim nation and our laws should be in compliance of Islamic teachings," he said, noting that the bill was being discussed by the legislative council which had the authority to either pass it or reject it based on its adherence to the country's laws and the international norms.
Government Asked To Help
Al-Khaleej: Djibouti And Ethiopia To Mediate Talks Between Rayale And A. Yusuf
News about the talks was broken in a story datelined Mogadishu and published by yesterday's Al-Khaleej edition (Friday).
According to Al-Khaleej, the talks will be the fruit of a joint mediation effort carried out by the two governments of Djibouti and Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Embassy in Djibouti has been chosen as venue for the negotiations, the newspaper reported.
The often conflicting stands taken by Djibouti and Ethiopia with regard to the Somali peace process has in the past marred relations between the two sides. However the two countries have recently adopted a common approach for dealing with the Kenya-hosted peace conference on Somalia.
It is not yet clear whether Somaliland's participation in the Mbagathi peace process for Somalia will be raised during the Ethiopian-Djibouti sponsored talks to be held between President Rayale and Col. Yusuf or whether the discussions will be only confined to easing tensions between Somaliland and Puntland, the paper said.
Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf visited Djibouti last month for the first time since the 13th Somali peace conference that was held in Arta, Djibouti, in 2000. Relations between the Puntland warlord and Djibouti soured in the aftermath of the Arta conference. Abdillahi Yusuf sought rapprochement in relations with president Ghelle apparently to seek the Djibouti's support for his ambition to become Somalia's president. Relations between Somaliland and Djibouti have significantly improved during the last 2 years.
While on a visit to Las-Anod in Dec 2003, Somaliland President Dahir Rayale Kahin barely escaped an assassination attempt. The Puntland authorities in the name of the Interior Minister, Ahmed Habsade, took credit for the failed attempt. The incident solicited no response from the Somaliland government.
Tension between Somaliland and its eastern neighbor has again flared following the forced annexation of Las-Anod area by Abdillahi Yusuf's armed militia. Somaliland has so far refrained from taking military action against the militarily inferior forces from Puntland that invaded and still occupy Las-Anod.
Neither the governments in the region or the international community at large have taken any steps to pressure the Puntland warlord into withdrawing his militiamen from Las-Anod.
Darood Delegates At Mbagathi United Behind Abdillahi Yusuf's Candidacy For President
Mbagathi, Kenya, June 5, 2004 (SL Times) - Darood delegates at the Somalia peace talks being held at Mbagathi, Kenya, have opted to unite behind the candidacy of Puntland's Col Abdillahi Yusuf for president of Somalia.
Having recently secured the full support of Darood clan delegates attending the IGAD sponsored Somalia peace talks, scheduled to resume soon in Kenya, Abdillahi Yusuf is now seeking to woo rival delegates representing various subgroups within the Hawiye, Dir and Rahanweyn clans with the aim of winning over a sufficient majority in the conference.
Yusuf's efforts to secure all the Darood vote gained a breakthrough last week when his long arch-rival and fellow Darood, Ahmed Omer Jees, also pledged his support.
According to observers of the Mbagathi process, Abdillahi Yusuf's chances for becoming a potential candidate has substantially improved following reports circulating in Nairobi since last month that the US government has indicated to regional governments and some Somali leaders of its strong reservations against Abdiqasim Salad Hasan being picked as president of the government to be formed by the Kenya talks. The US displeasure with Abdiqasim Salad Hasan is not new. The former TNG president has long been suspected by American officials of having ties with fundamentalist groups operating from Somalia. Both the governments of Ethiopia and Somaliland have also in the past, accused Abdiqasim Salad Hasan of harboring extremist Islamic groups that were believed to have carried out terrorist operations in the two countries. Abdiqasim Salad has constantly held that there were no terrorist elements in Somalia.
Irrespective of whether the Americans actively sought to stop Abdiqasim Salad Hasan or not, Abddillahi Yusuf's camp was quick to use the allegations as though they were true, portraying the former TNG president to the delegates as a lame duck. According to one observer, Abdillahi Yusuf has already begun targeting the internally divided Rahanweyn, Hawiye and Dir delegations to gain their support. So far he has made little progress. Only Qanyare Afrah, a Hawiye faction leader, has come forward in support of the Puntland dictator's bid for Somalia's presidency. Mohamed Adou, a Hawiye and a former diplomat who was related to Siyad Barre through marriage, has until now shown lukewarm support. Adan Madoobe, a leader of one of the many Rahanweyn factions has endorsed Yusuf.
However there were setbacks as well. Mohamed Dheere, the Hawiye Abgal warlord, has withdrawn his support for Abdillahi Yusuf. Omer Jees's declaration of allegiance to Abdillahi Yusuf has sparked calls among the Hawiye to burry subclan differences. Mohamed Dheere whose militia was only last week involved in heavy fighting against a rival Abgal militia group led by Mussa Sudi Yalahow, has reportedly agreed to work for the emergence of a single Hawiye candidate for president.
Most observers predict an even more catastrophic picture for Somalia if Abdillahi Yusuf is elected president. "He has the reputation of being the most loathed warlord in Somalia and his election would automatically mean the resumption of a full-scale civil war in Somalia," warned one observer last week.
The Somaliland Times has also learned that Abdiqasim Salad Hasan had recently told a number of Hawiye leaders that he will run for president unless prevented physically from doing so. Legal experts at the Mbagathi conference say there is nothing in the procedures that can bar Abdiqasim Salad Hasan from participating in the election for president of Somalia.
Media To Take More Active Role In Fighting HIV/AIDS
Speaking at a seminar for journalists in the capital, Djibouti, Minister for Communication and Culture Rifki Abdoulkader Bamakhrama said the seminar was the first step in his ministry's national programme to combat HIV/AIDS.
"You have challenged yourselves to evaluate the impact of your contributions to this battle," he said. "It is a sign of humility and proof of the greatest awareness of the importance of your role as journalists, and it is proof of your sense of responsibility in this collective enterprise and towards your fellow citizens."
According to national health authorities, 2.9 percent of Djibouti's 600,000 population is HIV-positive - a figure, they said, which was low by African standards, but represented a generalised epidemic. The country, however, has a high prevalence of tuberculosis (TB). HIV and TB form a lethal combination, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO), each speeding the other's progress. Someone who is HIV-positive and infected with TB is more likely to become sick with TB than someone infected with TB who is HIV-negative. In Africa, the WHO has found HIV to be the most important factor determining the increased incidence of TB.
Mohamed Ali Kamil, the director of the health ministry's department for epidemiology and public hygiene, said TB prevalence was 600 per 100,000 people, which, he said, was the second highest in the world after Swaziland. Some 24 percent of TB patients were HIV positive. "You cannot control TB without controlling HIV. And you cannot control HIV without controlling TB," he said.
The HIV-prevalence rates among adults aged between 15 and 49 are higher in Djibouti District (3.4 percent) than in the rest of the country (1.1 percent). According to national statistics, 90 percent of the HIV-positive people are in the capital. Infection rates are also slightly higher among women than men.
A survey carried out in 2002, however, showed that less than half the population knew that condom use reduced the risk of transmission. Less than one percent rejected two false suggestions that mosquitoes and kissing could transmit HIV, or knew that somebody who did not show obvious signs of infection could still pass on the virus.
Each government ministry in Djibouti has its own programme to fight HIV/AIDS, TB, and malaria. The programmes are coordinated by an inter-ministerial committee chaired by the prime minister who is deputised by the health minister - an approach hailed by the WHO. "This is something where Djibouti is more advanced than other countries in the Middle East and the Horn of Africa," Jihane Tawilah, the WHO representative in Djibouti, said. "When we say multi-sectoral, we mean business."
The 27 May seminar attracted 60 journalists, who introduced themselves in French, Arabic, Somali, and Afar, reflecting the country's ethnic and linguistic diversity. "Before this, the media just tried to help the Ministry of Health, but now it is different. Now we ask: What can we do ourselves, how can we [the media] prevent these infections?" Hasna Maki, a journalist at Radio et T,l,vision de Djibouti, told IRIN.
Mohamed said other efforts were also being made to contain HIV/AIDS, TB, and malaria. In March, 40 patients began receiving anti-retroviral therapy at the Peltier Hospital. This is the main referral hospital in the capital.
The government, he added, was also awaiting a decision on its application for about US $19 million from the Global Fund to fight AIDS, TB, and malaria. "This is the third time we have applied to the Global Fund, and we are waiting for an answer," he said. In May 2003, a grant of $12 million to support efforts to fight HIV/AIDS, sexually transmitted infections, TB and malaria in Djibouti was approved by the World Bank.
EDITORIAL: Is Somaliland Being Deceived?
Though both the warlords and their IGAD sponsors have muted their usual rhetoric about the sanctity of Somalia's territorial integrity, sovereignty and unity, Somalilanders are not sure whether this change of attitude is real or just an attempt to deceive Somalilanders until a government has been formed by the Mbagathi meeting.
Somalilanders have also been bewildered by the failure of regional governments to put pressure on the bloodthirsty warlord Abdillahi Yusuf to withdraw his militia from Las-Anod. Instead, IGAD, and its donors and the UN, have all issued statements implicitly warning Somaliland against taking any military action against the invading militia. The parties issuing the warnings justified their actions on the ground that any outbreak of hostilities between Somaliland and Puntland would have dire consequences for the Kenya peace talks. In other words, making peace for Somalia is more important than quelling aggression against peace and stability in Somaliland. Surprisingly enough, Somaliland's government succumbed to the external pressure without getting anything in return.
It is high time for Somaliland to dispense with the illusion that the outcome of Mbagathi will have no effect on its national security and general well-being. The people and government of Somaliland need not hesitate any longer in securing the country's eastern boundaries. Abdillahi Yusuf's militia must be driven out by force and a buffer zone established well beyond Garowe. Opening negotiations with A. Yusuf while his thugs are still in Las-Anod will only increase his appetite for committing further aggression. He must not be given such chance.
Educational Programme
Preparing To Teach
Successful teaching and learning to a large extent emanate from careful planning and preparation. Before this can be done, the teacher must be fully aware of what subject-matter is required to be taught in each subject. For this information he or she will refer to the syllabus for each subject. Trainers should also be encouraged to consult the class teachers during teaching practice.
The Syllabus
The syllabus is a document that contains all the topics for a course of teaching of a particular subject. Each subject taught in the primary school has its own syllabus. A syllabus is planned to include the work to be taught for a whole year. After the year is over, it can be adjusted if necessary.
If the curriculum changes, the syllabuses must also change. Frequently teachers confuse the syllabus with the curriculum. The curriculum includes all the subjects taught in the school and activities like games, clubs, educational tours, etc.
Primary school syllabuses are to be found in the following places:
(A) In the head-teacher's office. They must be made available to the teachers when needed. Keeping copies of the syllabus in a cupboard in the staff room would be more convenient;
(B) In the teacher training college library;
(C) In the Department of Education of a teacher training college;
(D) In the teacher's Advisory centers; and
(E) In the assistant primary school inspector's office.
If the teacher is unable to obtain a syllabus from any of these sources, he should realize that he can contact the curriculum Department section of the ministry of Education.
Information to be obtained from a syllabus:
As well as containing the broad topics to be taught, a syllabus usually contains other important information such as: (a)The objectives of teaching each topic. The teacher must study these objectives so that he or she is clear about what skills, knowledge and attitudes the learners are meant to gain from them; (b) The number of periods per week for each subject; (c) The recommended textbooks for the pupils; (d) The recommended teacher's guides; and (e) The recommended reference books.
The syllabus may also contain the general objective of teaching the primary school curriculum.
Sometimes in the beginning of the syllabus there may be an outline of the broad objectives (goals or aims) of education as envisaged by the educators of the country of origin. In most countries syllabuses are prescribed by the Ministries of Education and include detailed information which teachers are required to follow. In the developing countries where the schools have to rely on many unqualified teachers training on the job, specifications like these prove very useful.
In other countries, especially in the more developed ones where teachers have a good background of academic education and professional training, the syllabuses are less detailed and so leave the teacher with a lot more leeway to interpret their content according to local and pupil needs.
Whatever the situation, it is imperative that the teacher studies and becomes familiar with the work to be covered in each subject, including the subjects he is not going to teach. This will enable him to see how what he teaches falls in place in a continuous learning practice.
Who Sheds Crocodile Tears For Somaliweyn In Its Old Form?
By Noah Arre
The fifteenth and probably last Somalia Reconciliation Conference is in its last days in Mbagathi, Kenya and come July first 2004, Mogadishu should form a government or else it is doomed forever!
According to the latest reports, IGAD countries are this time pressuring all participants asking them to reach a lasting solution and form a government. And punitive measures will be taken against anyone or group that resists agreed upon resolutions. But had it not been that the world in general and hosting Kenya in particular, which took the brunt of the 1998 terrorist bombing in Nairobi in which over 200 people died and thousands injured, worried from al Qa'ida operatives that is believed to have taken refuge in stateless Southern Somalia, this conference too, would have been dead months ago.
In fact, according to the latest reports, talks are now going smooth and even Hussain Aideed, one of Mogadishu's most powerful warlords, who was briefly detained for unrelated issue, was immediately released to insure that the conference is not interrupted.
However, the success of this conference, it seems, requires that each and everyone concerned must take a pre-dispensed dose. a tranquilizer of one form or another even though that itself may not and will not guarantee
anything for the following reasons:
First, apart from the above reason, this conference is not and will not be different from its predecessors and tell me why one should think otherwise and be optimistic especially since the same people who had always ratified and then annulled all previous conferences resolutions are the main actors playing the drama.
Secondly, it is too difficult to understand how and why the reconciliation conference brokered by Djibouti, one of their closest friends, had failed and this one will not. Or is it because since all delegates are humiliated for keeping them hungry and/or evicted from hotels that they will and should accept whatever is imposed on them? May be!
Interestingly, this conference, initiated, refereed and collectively supported by "ALL" IGAD countries, is chaired by Kenya though both Kenya and Ethiopia, two main players, were from the sixties, threatened by Somalia in its quest of "Somaliweyn". The "territorial integrity" of both countries, at least as the world knows it, is also at odds with the Somali national charter that stipulates that both NFD of Kenya and Western Somalia of Ethiopia must one day become part of Somaliweyn. Even poor Djibouti is unsafe from Somaliweyn dream and a clear sign is the five-pointed star that is embedded in the Somali national flag. That is why Somalia overtly and covertly declared and waged wars of liberation against both Kenya and Ethiopia hoping to liberate and annex ethnic Somali inhabited territories in both countries to make ensure that the Somaliweyn dream is realized.
Today, the naivety of many Somalis is that they fail to understand that even Daniel arab Moi, former president of Kenya and a veteran politician of that country, firmly believes that Somali nationalism is a true threat to the existence of his country. That is why he once said, "we will not let them (Somalis) come together again and threaten our existence once more." Ironically, supporters of Somaliweyn have placed their whole destiny in the hands of those who had clearly expressed their bitterness over Somaliweyn and intend to dismantle it.
But for now, lets assume that some miracle happens and that a Somali government and its parliament are formed, the questions that immediately come to mind are what will come next?
(1) Will a stable, peaceful and fledgling democracy come to exist? We hope so!
(2) Will a comprehensive national policy of forgetting and forgiving about the past similar to that of South Africa develop? Hopefully so!
(3) Or will the usual Somali clan-based division and differences again explode, grow wider and finally prove deadly? We hope not so!
Meantime, it is unfortunate that the once noble Somaliweyn cause is now defunct and the few who cry foul and shed crocodile tears for it (Somaliweyn in its old form) have one and only one thing in mind, to deceive poor Somalis so that they can come to power because they know that is their last hope and only card to play.
Consequently, it is worthy to divide these die-hard Somaliweyn advocates into five groups:
1. Group One are those who ruled the country using the noble Somaliweyn cause to their advantage and without being
challenged in their governance as all others were nostalgic, obsessed with unity and nationalism sacrificing both blood
and soul. This group is sad over its demise and will do everything in their power to realize it!
2. Group Two are other former government officials who are disgruntled over loss of privileges. Privileges that due to corruption, lack of transparency and accountability, helped them acquire middle class Western standard of life including excellent education. It is this group that helplessly lives in desperation, dreaming of its days of glory and nights of drums!
3. Group Three are those who, during the civil war and its subsequent anarchy and chaos, illegally acquired massive wealth (land, properties and money) and are therefore, too worried to lose them knowing questions will be raised. This group in fact feels threatened and needs to use Somaliweyn as a camouflage. A camouflage that hopefully will offer a new South African type of forgiving and forgetting. One that will "in shaa Allah" ignore reparation payments. However, this group prefers keeping the status quo to nationhood!
4. Group Four are those who will certainly be impeached at international courts for committing crimes against humanity should Balkan type of genocidal crime investigations take place and its perpetrators pursued and accordingly punished! This group has no intention to change the status quo but sheds crocodile tears for poor Somalis to believe them! In fact, no one in this group intends to settle any thing short of the top job!
5. Group Five are those who still naively believe that, some sort of Somalinimo in its old form will hopefully come back one day. However, they are a minority but are sincerely championing for Somaliweyn which surprisingly is only the North to stay with the South. Unfortunately, they fail to realize that the Somaliweyn they preach and staunchly defend irritates and alienates even their closest sister and ally, Djibouti!
In conclusion, the Mbagathi Conference outcome will be as follows:
(1) Because of international pressure, some sort of government of American style will be proclaimed and installed in paper.
(2) The portfolio of the president will be given to the H clan.
(3) That of the vice presidency will go to M clan.
(4) And that of the Speaker will be given to D & M clan
(5) And poor others again have no voice and no choice!
(6) However, some positions will be kept reserved "for noisy Northerners". I know I will get nothing because, "by birth I am Faqash." But whether "some renegades who are by birth Mujahids" will get some thing remains to be seen!
Then Finally: The international community present at Mbagathi, will proclaim the conference a success and a mission accomplished! But, unfortunately, such a government will be an Arta type of TNG or Taliska Ku Meel Gadhka Ah.
A few days of celebrations, trumpeting, traditional Somali weeroweero, botor, zeilici etc. dances punctuated by patriotic poems and songs will be followed.
And finally, that government will be shipped to Mogadishu patted in the back and "xabaal iyo ninkeedii loo kala teg!"
Unfortunately, the devil is in the details. An American World War II type of European Marshal Plan is required for Somalia to resuscitate. A plan which neither the Arab World nor the West will offer! Poor Africa is too poor to give any! And the result is sorrowfully, back to square one!
But a South African type of forgiving and forgetting is necessary; a sanctuary which sorrowfully, neither the oppressor is willing to give nor the oppressed is willing to take. And unfortunately, the quagmire will continue and only God knows till when and what is next! Poor Somalis, please let us give respect and praise to whom it is due; Somaliland passed this tough test, thirteen years ago with honors and without any foreign help! Gaalka dil gartiisana sii!
Rayale Revives Old Wounds-- A Reply Mohamud Tani
The recent article by Mahmoud Tani on the web about the facts in Somalilnd was in my opinion, a piece of artistic fabrication of facts that are non existent. It is the norms of those who blindly support a person rather than a nation. It is another attempt to divert attention from the facts facing a poor leader, who crossed the red line and caught up in cross fire.
Tani, while I admire your strong positive attitude towards our Somaliland, I disagree with you on almost all the points you raised in your article and see your ideas as defending the un-defensible.
This nation (Somaliland) has achieved its pride without the corrupt lot currently surrounding Dahir Rayale. By selecting this do it or die type personalities, he is definitely trying to scratch the nerves of the Mujaahidiin who liberated this country and wants to instigate a kind of Somalia like skirmishes - this is the first supportive advice by uncle Sam- Ismail.O. Gelle.
This is a tactic .Rayale's tutor Ismail Omer Gelle is dreaming of, in order to see Somaliland disappear completely. But Luckily, it is too late for them, we have matured and can guess what Gelle and agents are all up to. The people who fought for this nation's freedom are aware of the situation and while preserving Sland's sovereignty, will in no way allow Omar Gelle's Dreams come True.
-When the two British teachers were killed in Sheikh, Ismail Omar Gelle said- I knew that somaliland will not survive the troubles in the south, sooner or later, lawlessness will spread there and we told them many times before, it is the work of Alqaida- he said. This was three days after Rayale's return from Djibouti in which he announced a historic break-through in the bilateral relations with Djibouti. Perhaps that break through was the closure of our historic Lawya addo Border post. Declaring a whole Somaliland town and its community as a no go area or no man's-land. Kulmiye criticised Gelle on that occasion for being anti Somaliland, but Rayale defended Gelle's statement - What strange bedfellows.
-Killing foreign aid workers in Somaliland started immediately after the election of Dahir Rayale, not in the era of Late MI Egal nor in his interim period, this shows that there is calculated and planned plot against Somaliland, it was designed to push for Rayale's election first, then get enough time to dismantle Somaliland- again- Gelle- the mastermind.
-Rayale's search for EX NSS, uneducated and anti Somlailand elements like Mohamed Egeh is a clear racist tactic to remove the nation's heroes from public offices. Mohamed Egeh, a federalist, has replaced an academic smart police colonel who saved this nation during its most difficult days (presidential election deadlock) as the new police chief. This is another alarming sign to question the honesty and leadership of Rayale. Col. Abdulqader was sacked because of his integrity as he refused to accept orders to crack down and arrest Kulmiye supporters during the presidential election, he insisted to carry out his duties according to police guidelines and not according to the orders of Rayale's kitchen cabinet.
A foreign force occupies -A large part of Eastern Somaliland for more than six months and for the first time in this nation's history Rayale moved our forces to the eastern dessert telling us he will seal off our borders, every body offered support, but our troops are there doing nothing, they are away from their families and are costing a lot to our week economy. Where is the strategy and planning here? Many people are worried today as this may have serious consequences on our future stability and could derail the nation's process to Democracy and rule of law?
While relieving Minster of commerce from his post, Clean- Mohamed Hashi Elmi - for his honest and courageous attempt to safeguard the nations property and recover the missing funds from the nation's treasury, Rayale is keeping the likes of Awil and Ismail, as the finance and interior ministers respectfully, with all the damage they did against the nation in their mismanagement and miss use of public properties and funds.
I must say Rayale is behind all there actions, other wise he should have sacked them long ago. This is another clear sign that Rayale is a corrupt dictator who misuses authority and public funds for his own personal interests.
-Rayale has kept in office 5 ministers rejected by the house of parliament for over 6 months, which is a clear breach of the national constitution. How does he want others respect the law if he, the president is not? If I continue Rayale's shortcomings, it will take me all day, but wish to remind Tani that Arabic adage says ( haddii aad karaamayso ninka fiican waad yeelataa, haddii aad laiimka karaamaysana aduu ku garaacaa). The people have crowned Rayale but instead of belonging to them, it seems he stood against them.
Lastly, Kulmiye is a symbol of somaliland freedom, it is the party of the liberators, you should have been ashamed of accusing the likes of Mujahids Ahmed Mohamed -Silanyo, Abdirahman Aw Ali, Mohamed Kahin, Muse Bihi, and many more in Kulmiye to be begging the wella weyns, without them, and The Almighty ALLAH, our country would have been under those wallaweynis (Thani). Sifir is a man who returned from abroad and very little was know before he was expelled from the party together with Abdulla H. Ali. Your accusation against the rest is a sinful intention you could be asked to prove. So mind your language, we have courts in Somaliland and as your legend Rayale said, it is a crime to accuse Someone against such allegations.
Let us wait and see where the current mess of Rayale ends, but blame it to no one except the likes of you, Awil and Ismail when he faces his fate. The nation will exist, but the cheater will fail and justice will prevail.
Long live Somaliland - press for Accountability and justice
Here Comes Another Spin-Doctor!
Hardly a day passes without coming across a new masterpiece of comedy plied around Cyberspace as a freshly baked new figment of contemporary Somali history! Without getting into the fine details of the subject, here is the most recent installment from the bastion and the breeding ground of Somali nationalism: This article appeared on AllPuntland.com; By a Ali A. Hersi
" Worthington alleges that the southerners made a conscious effort in 1988 to commit "genocide against the dominant Isaq clan....." of the north. The government's savage reaction to the SNM's attack on Burao and Hargeisa is indefensible but no one who is truly knowledgeable about Somalia would in all honesty characterize it as a southern attack on northern Somalis. Mohamed Siad Barre was a southerner, but the government leadership was quite representative of all Somalis. The military and civilian elite that should be blamed, and possibly ought to be tried, for the military regime's misrule and, most particularly, for the grisly reprisals that ensued on the SNM's desperate attacks on Burao and Hargeisa included many northerners too. For instance, out of the 5 members of the ruling Somali Revolutionary Socialist Party's Political Bureau, 2 were always from the north. Many of the current administrative and political leadership in Hargeisa, indeed including most prominently Rayale who was in the late 1880's the commanding officer of the feared National Security Service in Berbera where, according to a report by a more knowledgeable African Rights Watch source, massive violations of human rights such as summary killings were perpetrated, are personally responsible for the atrocities committed during 1988-90.
In fact, much of the bombing that northerners were subjected to were not carried out by Somalis but were the work of aliens said to have been South African pilots, but who in actual fact were British mercenaries from the former segregationist rebel entity that called itself Rhodesia!"
In response, this is a grossly disfigured and distorted narrative of contemporary events. The savagery and the atrocities committed during 1988-1990 against the Isaq clans Were well rehearsed and coordinated effort intended to annihilate the said group from the face of this earth. The government in power at the time and the southern society as a whole are equally and collectively liable for the ensuing human catastrophe. That is an eternal guilt and shame that southern (walaweynian) Somalis have to deal with.
Worthington's characterization of those events as human savagery is a well deserved graphic description befitting and appropriate to the history of the period. The southern society bears the sole responsibility for that episode. The victims at the receiving end of the barbaric atrocities of the Somali government don't share the blame as the writer of the above article implies. History will record those events without bias or prejudice future generations will reflect on these chronicles.
These disease of manipulating numbers and the corresponding political equations arising thereof was not prevalent or contagious epidemic among northerners. Other parts of the old state were famous for that affliction and Hersi is familiar with that part of the history. Without any exceptions, southern society will one day reconcile with the collective indictment of history. Up to this day, only one person named Abdi Warsame Isaq has admitted publicly his participation, as a willing and enthusiastic member of Siad Barre's nazi regime, in the inhumane and despicable crimes committed against defenseless civilian population. The rest of the southern Somalis are still in a perpetual denial. But that will never change the dynamics of this issue.
The chronicles of what has transpired during the three year period 1988-91 is well documented by the international community and the records will be presented at the final negotiating table once southern Somalis set up a government of their own. By the time the Somali National Movement started the war of liberation, the most prominent northerners in the regime were in prison waiting execution. The outcry of the international community and the outpouring of criticism by the human right organizations spared the lives of Omer Arte Qhalib, Ismail Ali Abokor and the group of doctors, teachers, engineers and businessmen who dared to clean up the grounds of Hargeisa Group Hospital. This is an undeniable fact of history and no amount of distortion will eradicate it from the history books.
The Somali National Movement bears no responsibility for the criminal actions and the savage behaviour of the Somali National Army and the Somali Air Force. Unlike the humiliating defeat and the eventual disgrace of the SSDF of Majertenia, the Somali National Movement rejected to capitulate to the demands of the nazi regime. They chose to fight to the end and they succeeded in liberating their country from an alien occupation regime. They did so with their pride and dignity in tact and we will do so in case walaweynian Somalis try to follow the footsteps of Siad Barre.
Contrary to the contention of the person, who wrote the article, it is mostly likely that President Rayale's grandfather was probably a toddler in the 1880's! There was no National Security Service apparatus in Berbera of the 1880's. The writer failed to keep track of the chronology of historically significant dates. This is a clear indication of hasty, illogical, and irrational reasoning. No human being with properly functioning mental faculties would rationalise the behaviour the Somali government in terms of how many northerners were included in that regime.
The most pathetically embarrassing statement in the article is the following: "in fact, most of the bombing that the northerners were subjected to were not carried out by Somalis but were the work of aliens said to have been South African pilots, but who in actual fact were British mercenaries from the former segregationist rebel entity that called itself Rhodesia!" Heaven hold the sky! Aliens from Mars piloted the MiGs of the Somali Airforce that wreaked havoc on the population fleeing from the major metropolitan cities of Hargeisa, Burao, and Berbera.
This is a classical example of a walaweynian intellectual trying in vain to rationalize the brutality of a murderous regime that went berserk. Certainly, this individual is well aware of the fact that his next of kin were awarded the highest national honour in lieu of their gallantry and bravery displayed while bombing civilian targets in the major cities of Somaliland during 1988. It was Siad barre and Mohamed Saeed Morgan who presented gold, silver, and bronze medals to the distinguished Somali Pilots. This is a historical fact and I hope Ali A. Hersi is not an ignorant person and he should not pretend to be one.
In conclusion, the article of Ali Hersi is a typically arrogant and defiant walaweynian mentality that has failed time and again, to face and accept their responsibility as far as the failed Somali Republic is concerned. The disaster that followed the demise of the state is the sole and exclusive responsibility of the family that ran the affairs of the said state up to 27 January 1991. One way or the other, the architects who engineered that disaster should be held accountable for their actions over that thirty-one year period.
To enlighten the distinguished writer of the article, here are few statements that will definitely refresh his memories:
A-The military regime was aided and encouraged to overthrow the civilian government. This hideous and sinister campaign started in 1965 when Siad Barre was promoted roughshod over more qualified and capable military officers. That was a blatant nepotism and it ushered in everything that went wrong with the Somali Republic. This was the beginning of the end of Somalia, as we know it today.
B-The prelude to the next chapter culminated in the assassination of President Abdulrashid Ali Sharmarke. Prior to the parliamentary elections of March 1969, the manipulatively conniving and cunningly invisible hand of the devil failed twice to take the life of Abdulrashid Ali Sharmarke. Just eight months before the election of 1969, a combined anti-personnel/ anti-tank Mine intended to blow up the presidential limousine, took the life of high ranking military Officer while he was setting up the device. This incident occurred on the road between Mogadiscio and Afgoi. The event was cancelled and the second assassination attempt had failed.
C-Unfortunately, the third attempt had succeeded on Tuesday, October 15, 1969! The mind and the Soul of Hersi is tormented by the same demon that sent the Somali state to the grave. I believe that Hersi has a repertoire of information about the graphic details of the preceding events and in the spirit of Somali Generosity I challenge him to spell out his honest version of these Issues.
Certainly, this is a grey area that had never been explored in detail before and Hersi Individuals who are in qualified position to shed some light on the subject. Remember, we are In search of the root causes of the problems that bedeviled our beloved country prior to its Final demise.
Next time I will present the list of the names of the Somali pilots who participated in that human carnage. Once again, Walaweynian Somalis cannot absolve themselves from that collective responsibility. Quilt by association; quilt through kinship. That is an eternal quilt that will never be forgotten or forgiven.
Coffee Shop Reporting By Somaliland.Org
It is regrettable that several present-day Somaliland journalists went headlong into the profession of journalism without proper training or educational background. They are assisted by certain websites, which circulate their malicious coffee shop dispatches. A typical example of these reporters is Abdiraazk Dubad who claims to be the agent of Somaliland.org in Hargeisa.
This reporter collects bits and pieces of fragment information & rumors, skillfully connects them together and posts it to that website, without much analysis or careful editing. Apparently, his main source of information is from the morning Coffee shop gossips and afternoon Kat sessions. In line with his notorious counterpart in San Jose, Ali Gulaid, he portrays a very dismal and dreary picture of the otherwise, normal events in Somaliland.
In his latest coverage from Hargeisa, he narrated the reconciliation of Habarjeclo Kings & Sultans, the proposed conference of Habar yonis in Burao, and the inaugural ceremony of a new Sultan by Ishaaq clan in Hargeisa. These events are normal and it is part of our culture and heritage. There is nothing wrong with it. If the Sultans have cleared their differences, it is a step in the right direction However, Dubad gave us the impression that the sky is falling apart and a civil war is in the offing. He made a mountain out of mole hole.
While Dubad is compiling such malicious articles, he should keep in mind that thousands of Somalilanders abroad are unluckily reading his coffee shop reporting, and unfortunately, some of them may take its face value and believe what he is propagating.
In the short term, these reports will sow seeds of discord and mistrust to the honest Somalilanders in Diaspora. It will harm their unity and cohesion. It will discourage their genuine efforts to seek international recognition, and invest their hard won capital in Somaliland.
Dubad should stop this coffee shop reporting. He should concentrate on unifying issues, rather than concentrating on tribal issues and the exchange of insults between irresponsible politicians.
The Somliand.org website should follow the footsteps of qarannews which prohibited to publish abhorrent articles. They should rather imitate their respectable sister sites of Haatufnews, Somaliland.net, Halgannews, Awdalnews, and Radio Somaliland. Even the websites of our adversaries like Allpuntland.com shies away to publish those poor anti Somaliland articles, which are posted in Somliland.org. It is never too late to mend. Freedom of the press is not a pretext to circulate malicious reporting which may be counterproductive.
Challenging Another Dictatorship In Somaliland
On May 18, 2004, marking the 13th Anniversary of Somaliland Independence from Somalia, the mothers fell again to their knees crying and wailing of the illegal arrests of their innocent children who were scooped on the streets of Hargeisa by the police while expressing their grievances in peaceful demonstration. Equally shocking, they were transferred immediately to Mandera prison cells at midnight by the kangaroo court of the outlaw and extra-constitutional security committee of Rayale's Clique without due process in the court of law- A typical Siyad's dark justice. There are reliable reports that two pregnant girls in the 154 students detained by the police miscarried in the prison cells due to mistreatment. The indiscriminate firing upon the students by the police in the heart of the capital, Hargeisa, maybe conspiratorial attempt by the Ruling Clique to show the world that Somaliland is as violent as Somalia in order to undermine its sovereignty and long-awaited recognition. This act could be just the tip of an iceberg of Somaliland's transition into another dictatorship where law and democracy are buried and one man's rule prevails.
These sad sounds and sirens of wails were commonly heard in Somaliland during Siyad`s brutal campaign against the Somaliland people in the 1980s. When dictatorship delivers to another dictatorship with no light at end of the tunnel after 44 years of independence, then it is justifiable if the Somaliland masses believe that life itself or existence is only fear, injustice, and atrocities, and that poverty, diseases, and ignorance are undefeatable parts of their own creation. True meaning of peace, justice, progress, and prosperity are only mental images to Somaliland nation. Before the current regime, this small nation, in the Horn of Africa, lived a thirty long-year-history (1960-1990) of unratified, disastrous union with Somalia and witnessed only South-led derelict, corrupt civilian governments (1960-1969) followed by Siyad's savage dictatorship (1969-1990) that committed all kinds of atrocities in Somaliland to eliminate an entire nation and replace it with refugees from Western Somali Province in Ethiopia and others just for tribal ambitions.
The slow recuperation of the Somaliland people from the devastations and ravages inflicted by Somalia and the subsequent traumatic and depressive life in Refugee Camps in Ethiopia is shattered by the new threats of the native, corrupt, egomaniac government run by Rayale and his clique. Signs of new dictatorship are again creeping across Somaliland that may kill all hopes for stable, democratic, prosperous, and recognized Somaliland. Somaliland people blamed Somalia for their past calamities but today they should blame themselves for the growing uncertainties of Somaliland's future because they failed to choose the right leader at the right time. They chose Siyad's loyalists over their founding heroes with tested integrity, patriotism, and nationalism and that is why Somalilanders are suffering today from the consequences of their bad choice. There is no question that every Somaliland citizen has the right to be elected president but it is the people's discretionary duty not to elect controversial figures that could embark the nation on disastrous route that endangers the lives and properties of Somaliland citizens and threatens their hard-won sovereignty.
The era of deception and misleadership is over and Somaliland people, due to past experiences, can easily distinguish a good government led by democratic institution that governs with uniform progress, respecting freedom of speech and press, promoting welfare of its citizens, and respecting the rule of law from a dictatorship run by a clique that reigns with terror and fear, chocking all sorts of progress and violating basic human rights through terroristic police control. Dictatorship is a system of government in which one person or small group of people have absolute control in a country with unlimited power that can not be restricted by constitution or by laws. Dictators come to power either through military takeovers like Siyad Barre or through dictatorship-turned-presidency by rigging presidential elections like Dahir Rayale Kahin. When Somaliland people reclaimed their independence in 1991, they, at the same time, unanimously chose to govern the country with democratic system to avoid future dictatorships, to reach quick progress, and to hasten Somaliland diplomatic recognition by the world.
Since Rayale's government came to power in the mid of 2002, everything is deteriorating and falling apart in the country - The economy, defense, security, social services, infrastructures, national unity and territorial integrity etc. The behavior of Rayale's Clique does not only amount to dictatorship but it could be a combination of foreign-imposed dictatorship and treasonous conspiracy well crafted by a secret group with political objective of returning Somaliland to Somalia. This group consists of: President Rayale of Somaliland, Ismail Omer Ghelle of Djibouti, and IGAD officials in cooperation with warlords of Somalia. In light of what is happening in Somaliland today, this covert group is plotting to take the country through three destructive conspiratorial phases. The first phase is to replace democratic system of Somaliland with Rayale's dictatorship to make sure that he stays in power through rigged presidential elections until the above objective becomes reality. The second phase is intended to destroy the essence of Somaliland Constitutional Statehood with tribal influence under Rayale's absolute power and promote widespread corruption to weaken Somaliland politically, socially, economically, and militarily for future merger with Somalia. The third and final phase has three simultaneous steps to bring down Somaliland independence. The first step is to facilitate for Puntland Administration to invade and occupy Sool and Sanag Regions of Somaliland to disintegrate Somaliland Republic; the second is to secretly involve Somaliland in the peace talks of Somalia through the channels of Djibouti's Ghelle to reunify with Somalia, and the third step is to ultimately create tensions and confrontations among Somalilanders, by financing and arming clans against each other, in order to plunge the country into violence, anarchy, and despair making it a failed state similar to Somalia in order to breakdown Somalilanders morally and make them accept unconditionally the outcome of the third phase which is to share another union with Somalia. In the process of these three phases, there is a campaign of concerted efforts by the Clique intended to hypocritically blame opponents and opposition party leaders for creating instability in Somaliland, for fighting Rayale over the presidency, and for underminding international recognition so that the reactionaries can look patriotic in the eyes of the people in order to divert the public attention from their political, conspiratorial sabotage against Somaliland sovereignty. The country, Somaliland Republic, is passing now through the last or final phase to put Somaliland sovereignty to death and force its people to join another unwelcome, humiliating merger with Somalia unless it is salvaged by its people soon.
Evidences of Rayale's Dictatorial Rule
Dictatorships all over the world have the same characteristics and Rayale's rule qualifies for them as
the following descriptions show:
Rigging of presidential elections of April 14, 2003 by wielding the powers of the presidency and the chairmanships of the parliament, Supreme Court, and Election Commission. It is embarrassing how the most important four powers of Somaliland Republic, with which the Republic can be brought down easily, were seized by these four individuals who were loyal to Siyad's Regime: Dahir Rayale Kahin, President of Somaliland Rep; Ahmed Mohamed Aden (Qaybe), President of the House of Parliament, Saeed Farah Ahmed, recent President of the Supreme Court, and Ahmed Ali Adami, the Chairman of the National Election Commission. The blanket amnesty offered by the Congress of Somaliland Council of Elders, held in Burao in 1991, was commendable, but that did not mean to elect leaders or appoint cabinet ministers and other important government officials without public scrutiny and careful descretion. The coming parliamentary elections maybe manipulated dishonestly with public money by the Ruling Clique in order to avoid Rayale's impeachment for ouster by the new parliament.
Abandonment of the Constitution, replacing it with Rayale's personal directives, and disrespecting the system of checks and balances of powers of the Somalilandby influencing the parliament to reconfirm cabinet appointments rejected by this body previously (Most of Current parliament members are corrupt and unpatriotic for being sold out by Rayale, they betray their nation and remain indifferent).
Prevalence of widespread corruption of public funds mismanaged by government officials without transparency, accountability and reliable financial auditing system in governmental entities. Opposition leaders and other public figures have recently accused Rayale's government of allegedly stealing $16M from the people. The top members of the Clique might have deposited this money in Europe. These crippling corruptions have devastated the national economy, defense, internal security, infrastructure, basic social services such as health, education etc.
Basing government appointments and promotions on loyalty to Rayale's Regime, preferring ignorant, inexperienced individuals to educated, experienced people, forming inflated-government cabinet that is very burdensome to the country's economy, and expelling ministers that challenge Rayale's dictatorship or committed to Somaliland cause - Mohamed Hashi Elmi, Minister of Commerce and Industry, was fired recently when he challenged the dictatorship. Suppressing and repressing peaceful demonstrations, firing upon them when come out to streets to express their grievances, inflicting casualties, and carrying out campaigns of unlawful arrests and detentions of Somaliland citizens. These deliberate violations and abuses of human rights drew outcries and condemnations from human rights organizations.
Constant censorship of media, threats and detentions against journalists. (a)plundering land in major cities of the country with public funds by government officials, turning them into landlords, displacing the poor, vulnerable, and the helpless. (b) Destroying the good of the individual claiming falsely to protect the good of the whole. (c) Imposing unlawful emergency and unnecessary curfews to suppress the public and quell the dissent. (d) Making the presidency of the country inaccessible by surrounding it with heavy weapons and guards that prevent political leaders and traditional elders, and the public as well, from seeing the president for national issues- A typical Siyad's presidency. (e) Rayale's consulting with the top members of his Clique on national issues such as Ahmed Mohamed Aden (Qaybe), President of House of Parliament, Hussein Ali Duale (Awil), Minister of Finance, Ismail Aden Osman, Minister of Interior, Abdullahi Mohamed Duale, Minister of Information, and Mohamed Ege, Commander of National Police Force, and distancing himself from the vice president Ahmed Yussuf Yasin. (f) Meddling in the functions of local governments and preventing them from holding their routine local meetings without the approval of the Interior minister, Ismail Aden Osman.
2. Conspiratorial Nature of Rayale's Government
Rayale's government is not only dictatorship but conspiratorial too intended to bring down Somaliland Republic, and the followings are the evidence:
Desecrating the sacred history of SNM struggle (1982-1991), attempting to prevent people from celebrating it, and trying to remove it from Somaliland history knowing that it is the most important part of the country's history. After Somaliland reclaimed its independence in 1991, the new governments were expected to found and promote a Historical Society of The Armed Struggle of SNM to make it a living history for ever for having in hand the three major components of collecting and making history, which are: a) The primary source (People: accounts of SNM veterans such as leaders, officers, and fighters, with real stories of the armed struggle. b) Documents (About SNM foundation, strategic mission, leadership and military wing, accounts of battles and final liberation etc. c) Artifacts (weapons, equipments of communications, uniform, shoes, transport, and cookingwares used in the armed struggle of SNM etc). Equally important was to found the Historical Society of Somaliland History.
Dishonoring SNM veterans and blocking them from participating in the government while filling ranks of the government with pro-Somalia elements whose mission is to undermine Somaliland sovereignty for federalism with Somalia.
Concentrating the power of the Somaliland government in the west of the country, investing in the Western Regions and neglecting the Eastern Regions so Rayale can create an impression that the government belongs to the West of the country in order to devise tensions and confrontations between the two sides intended to bring down Somaliland sovereignty with violence. Somaliland people, both in the west and east, are aware that Rayale's Regime have done nothing for their welfare but killed their hopes for progressive, stable, democratic Somaliland with conspiratorial schemes to destroy Somaliland Republic. Somaliland people are indivisible with same destiny and united to oust Rayale's government to salvage Somaliland Republic.
Letting Puntland's armed militia invade and occupy Las-Anod, the capital of Sool Region since December 2003 and ignoring its ongoing gradual advancement toward Sanag Region thus underming national unity and territorial integrity of Somalilandto disintegrate Somaliland for Somalia's union revival.
Shutting down virtually Berbera Seaport, the lifeline of Somaliland, forcing the Western Regions of the country to use Djibouti Seaport to boost its economy, and the Eastern Regions to use Bossasso Seaport to boost Puntland's economy too. President Ismail Omer Ghelle of Djibouti is behind the virtual closure of Berbera Sea Port and is running Somaliland's internal affairs secretly through Rayale. Ghelle's advocacy for unity is not from the heart but he just hopes that if Somaliland returns to the Union with Somalia there is good chance that Mogadishu will shut down Berbera Seaport forever for Djibouti's economic development.
Scapegoating and blaming opposition leaders and Eastern Regions of the country for the insecurity in the country to cover up the involvement of Rayale's Clique in the political sabotage against Somaliland sovereignty. The silent delay of prosecution against the killers of the five international aid workers murdered in Somaliland recently created growing suspicion in the public that Rayale's government itself might be involved in their deaths to undermine Somaliland diplomatic recognition and its reputation for stability and peace in the Horn of Africa.
Somaliland currency is working only in the Western Regions of the country and its absence in the Eastern Regions created a perception and picture of two different countries.
Considering the above mentioned dictatorial and treasonous characteristics sabotaging Somaliland sovereignty, democratic system, and peace, it is time to oust Rayale's Regime.
No dictator can maintain power through brute force. If he rejects calls of resignation or the current parliament fails to impeach him for quick ouster, which they may not do, then it is the patriotic duty of Somaliland people (Opposition leaders, masses, armed forces officers, intellectuals, traditional elders etc) to challenge the rising Dictatorship of Rayale and bring it down to its knees through popular uprising and civil disobedience for their own survival, and replace it with transitional president, in national Congress, who is honest, patriotic, natiolistic, and committed to Somaliland sovereignty, and then hold national presidential elections within 1-2 years with limited term for presidents to avoid future dictatorships.
LONG LIVE SOMALILAND REPUBLIC.
Source: Togdheer.com, 4 June 2004
Save Somaliland now or never!!
The (ruling clique) men are the remnants of Siyad Barre! The mind set is Afwainistic in the third grade level!
The means and methods used by Dahir Riyale and crowd are Afwainestic as well!
Dragging, hitting and making mothers cry is typical of Siyad Baree's days!
Extra-judicial in passing judgments from dark rooms by individuals is their trademark!
The guy heading the sum doesn't seem up to his responsibilities, who is then responsible of his responsibilities? The surrogates? Qaybe? The attack dogs? Or who else?
Love of virtue is courage. Returning the good is godly. Destroying the human values of good for good is typical of him! Dahir Riyale that is! It was expected from any human being with any goodness in him or in her and particularly Dahir Riyale to love and serve the people and the country which gave him a new life, a life of a kind, one he never dreamed of, for he was supposed to be some where else answering questions! Dahir Riyale was not a humanitarian worker doing humanitarian deeds, during Siyad Barre's regime, he was an NSS BOSS; an agent of torture, death and destruction. Even with out showing the people the mass graves of their men and women he was made president, which he was not qualified in all accounts
I was wondering what he was thinking of his victims, of the mass graves there when he went to Barbara for vacation and business of his own! Selling blots and cashing in !
Dahir Riyale was expected to love the country and the people who accorded him with all that dignity and respect. He was supposed to do and show his allegiance to the people and the country of Somaliland and not to a foreign leader who is the nemesis of Somaliland! On the contrary the man in question has exhibited without any reservations his hatred against the very country he is ruling as President, or if not so the man showed he is a moron! Both of the cases are destructive, thus destroys the hopes and aspirations of the people of Somaliland collectively.
Somaliland is in dire need of change and it does not have the luxury to wait and see its demise and destruction under the hands of Dahir Riyale, Qaybe and the three attack dogs with no conscience and with no care of their people. We reached a juncture where keeping the two and the three (Awil, Islamil, Abdillahiyari) is suicidal! People seem (now) persisting the right and repelling the wrong. On the other side Dahir Riyale, Qaybe and the Arta group are all but at war with the hopes and aspirations of Somaliland.
I never for a moment thought that we witness again after 13 years of struggle, the woos and the weeping of the mothers of Somaliland. Never did I think to live to witness again after liberation, the rounding up of our school kids, our children in general, smashing citizens houses to arrest youngsters accused of expressing their distaste and anger against the infamous Dahir Riyale, verbally-freedom of speech, which according to the law of the land, they could. However we all witnessed or heard about the cruel beating of our children! They, stacked them up in trucks ready to go far away from their houses -"mandera", they call it! By whom? By unkind hands of our own. Five men in a dark room became the judge, the jury and the prosecutor with Dahir Riyale'S nod! Together they broke the law, they threw away the rights of the citizens, they made the constitution a mockery and they stampeded the decency and the law of the land! Together they are traitors and they ought to be accountable of their actions here and in many other occasions. Under these hands we are gone!
There was a time we were de-humanized by the Siyad Barre regime. The conscionable sector of our people, the Mujahedeen made us human beings again. Ironically we are de-humanizing our selves again by the hands of some of our own people, headed by Dahir Riyale an ex-NSS agent of Dictator Barre!
Apathy is the mother of present day dilemma. If people probably used and not miss-used, the faculties Allah bestowed on (them) his servants, Dahir Riyale, Qaibia and Arta gangs could have been curbed, and keep away. Allah gave us the eyes to see, the ears to hear and the mind to think. These were not rightly and properly used, thus the NSS and Arta elements under the clan canopy headed on dismantling Somaliland, demeaning it's citizens, robbing the revenues, raiding our homes. It is 1982 all over again with a difference! Save Somaliland or accept subservience for life! With a phony and funny grand father!
Clanization of politics is a conflict creating mechanism often employed by Dahir Riyale and surrogates. This won't stand longer it only accelerates wide spread discontent. It may well move to the next level, which may well be civil war! Ironically, unfortunately all indicators show that the Dahir Riyale government is engaged in this business ungodly as it is, and that we collectively other than those who are working for In- Gale don't want that to happen; therefore, together we have to reject them and thereof remove them.
Dahir Riyale and surrogates will go ahead with their treasonous mission but we must stop them.
The unfeeling remarks coming form Dahir Riyale's crowd is distasteful in the least, creating conflicts among and between the Somali land communities, conspiring against particular communities, indeed against the nation, lack of concern of the plight of the people, undermining the aspirations of Somaliland, disloyalty or treachery, impairing the well being of the state (to which Dahir Riyale owes allegiance although he constantly shows allegiance to others)! Giving hand or comfort to the enemies of Somali land-as Gale-, unfaithful in guarding, safeguarding, or maintaining and fulfilling the well being of the state and it's citizens. Disappointing the hopes, aspirations and expectations of Somali land. All these happened in the short time Dahir Riyale was there as head of the state. And with no doubt all are treasonous! And the actors of this are traitors in the meanest level!
"Is then one who is on a clear path form his lord no better than one to whom the evil of his conduct seems pleasing, and such as follow their own lusts?" by their ignorance and arrogance. As we see the clique running the show in Somali land these days?
" The unjust think that the godly are wondering in mind. They will find that it is really they who were wondering in mind and mad" even when they are in the plentitude of their power. But they are conspiring against their own! Against Somali land!
It is here! It is to do or forebear not to do. It is to sing or not to sing the blues later! It is now or never!
I Mead,
Ottawa, Canada
African Union Mulls Military Intervention In Somalia
A Somalia military source, speaking on condition of anonymity, told IslamOnline.net Thursday, June 3, that the PSC contacted several top Somali brass, who were never involved in the civil war, to outline a plan to disarm the warring militias once Kenya-hosted peace talks are crowned with the formation of a Somali government.
He said a preliminary meeting will be held next week in the Ugandan capital Kampala to name the generals and policemen who will assist in this program.
He asserted that a plenary official meeting will be held later this month in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa.
According to the source, an African military delegation is due to visit a number of Somali regions for consultations with the local governors.
Former senior military commanders have been living in different parts of Somalia country since ousting the central government in January 1991.
Most of them have engaged in public life except for low and medium-ranking officers who joined tribal militias and have been involved in the civil war.
However, the Somali police have remained independent, with a large number of senior officers living in police barracks.
The U.N. had resorted to former senior military and police leaders in a similar program in the early 1990s, before the U.S.-led military intervention.
The program never saw the light due to the bloody confrontations between the U.S. troops and the Somali militias in October 1993, which prompted the withdrawal of the American forces followed by other international troops.
The idea of African military intervention currently appeals to most of the Somali people to put an end to the chaos and armed conflicts overshadowing Somalia for about 13 years. The African Union launched the PSC on Tuesday, May 25, in the hope it will become a robust guarantor of stability in Africa.
The 15-member body is empowered to mandate peacekeeping missions in conflict areas where ceasefire accords have been signed and to recommend to the assembly of AU heads of state that troops be deployed uninvited in cases of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Minister Edna Aden: Somaliland Women Are Being Brutalized By Your Government, Will You Speak Up On Their Behalf?
Khadra Ibrahim, London, EnglandAs if recent arrests and maltreatment of the protestors were not shocking enough, we learn that among those young people, who were unlawfully detained, beaten and then sentenced in a kangaroo court, were two pregnant young women. I will certainly be justified to lament Somaliland's current disastrous affairs. However, I will not venture into explaining how we got to this disastrous affairs. Instead I like to register my outrage and extreme sadness over the brutality and beating of two young Somali women. We learn through the paper that these young women were brutalized to the point of miscarrying.
To make matters worse, when these young women were brought to hospital, they were chained to their hospital beds, as thought they were killers of the first order. After a reported shock and outrage from the citizens of Somaliland, the injured women were transported back to jail without even being properly treated. This is an outrage. These women could suffer lasting effects; they might never have children because their body was brutalized so badly in a sensitive time which caused miscarriage and bleeding. These young women might very well be dealing with infections that could be the beginning of long lasting health problems. Never mind the psychological and emotional toll the experience might bring.
Therefore, it is shocking that Minister Edna Aden, is silent about this brutality. Edna after all is well aware of the health hazards and lasting affects of torture and beating on pregnant women. As a midwife and an experienced nurse, Edna knows that pregnant women need rest, nourishment and care not beating and brutal treatment. So why then our beloved minister is silent about this, why isn't she demanding the release or at least the treatment of these young women? Why isn't she resigning over this outrage?
Minister Edna, we expect that you will share our outrage over the brutal treatment of young women. This goes against everything that people of Somaliland's liberation movement has fought hard to establish. After long liberation, which we sustained countless losses, we expected that young Somali women will never again be used to terrorize, intimidate and punish their society to submission. This is against everything a free and democratic Somaliland should stand for. What took place is criminal. International law confirms this; it recognizes this sort of treatment as violence, a weapon of war and a form of persecution and torture, especially when perpetrated by soldiers or police in the course of carrying out an interrogation or arrest of women, regardless of where such interrogation or arrest takes place.
Minister Edna, we expected more from you. We expected that you of all people will be up in arms and will demand at least that these young women are offered medical treatment. We expected that you will be scandalized that a government you are part of is inflicting torture on young pregnant women. Clearly, we were mistaken and you are part of this corrupt political system and your slogans were just that slogans.
Will you raise and proof that our initial believe in you were not misplaced. Will you restore our faith in you and proof to us that you truly care about the well-being and the development of Somaliland women. Minister Edna will you speak up against this inhumane treatment of women?
I am hopeful that you will not forget your moral responsibility to these helpless young women?
Africa News, July 9, 2004/BYLINE: Addis Tribune
Somalia;Celebrating 1st July in a New Light: a Somalilander's Perspective
On July 1st 1960, the people Somaliland celebrated a day of destiny. They gave up their sovereignty which they had won four days earlier by their own will.
They had a mission to fulfill and a vision to achieve. Their mission was to establish a strong united government with the South and not to let such historical opportunity slip from their grasp. Their vision was to bring all Somali-speaking people under the blue flag. This day the Somalilanders realized of a much larger vision they shared with the remaining four parts of Greater Somalia; with Somalis in Djibouti, the Reserved Areas of Ethiopia, the Northern Frontier District of Kenya and of course Italian Somalis of the South.
It was natural for Somalilanders at the time to see the Independence of Somaliland as the first step in a long and torturous journey towards the ultimate dream of all Somalis. The realization of Somaliweyn. This dream at the time was part of a general trend in Africa. A trend of unity and brotherhood that prevailed among all Africans emerging from under the yoke of colonialism. One has to recall, however, that when the dream of Somalis was limited to uniting the territory of the Somali-speaking people under one flag, other Africans at the time had even bigger dreams. Dr Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana thought the independence of Ghana in 1957 was not sweet enough unless all Africa was independent and united under one flag and a United States of Africa was created. Thus came the historical meeting of William V.S. Tubman of Liberia and Ahmed Sekou Toure of Guinea with Nkrumah, in Sanniquellie, northern Liberia in 1959, to ink their famous communique of solidarity which later would become the precursor of the Organisation of the African Unity, OAU.
Even at his moment of triumph, as the hour of Ghana's independence struck, Nkrumah couldn't hide his quest for a much greater goal of an independent and united Africa, thus came his words in his independence speech:
"We again rededicate ourselves in the struggle to emancipate other countries in Africa; for our independence is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.
"I believe strongly and sincerely that with the deep-rooted wisdom and dignity, the innate respect for human lives, the intense humanity that is our heritage, the African race, united under one federal government, will emerge not as just another world bloc to flaunt its wealth and strength, but as a Great Power whose greatness is indestructible because it is built not on fear, envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the good of all mankind." Dr Kwame Nkrumah, Independence speech on March 5, 1957.
Negritude, an expression of African identity pioneered by celebrated black intellectuals such as Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal and Martinican poet and statesman Aime Cesaire, also paved the way for a unity among the blacks of the world albeit more of a cultural commonality than political.
African intellectuals and statesmen had the historical responsibility to rise to the need of the moment and the desire of the African people for Independence and unity. It is a historical misjudgment to expect of the Somali people to do otherwise. They too saw the unity of the territory of the Somali-speaking people as a springboard to a unity of the whole of Africa. Dismantling of colonial borders between peoples of the same race and language was for them the start of setting the record straight.
Nowhere was this better expressed than the words attributed to Farah Omaar, a Somalilander of broader vision, " My country is too small to be divided into five parts." Thus sang Somaliland poets and lyric writers among the most notable among them were Timacadde, Balayaca, Jabiye and Ali Sugule to mention but a few.
On 26th June and later on 1st July, the people of Somaliland had lived through one of their sweet dreams, that of independence and unity of at least two parts of the whole. Their jubilation for these two days was sincere and not orchestrated or forced. It was a patriotic and spontaneous outpour of the people's true feelings. Every Somali person, whether inside the two united parts or outside them celebrated and embraced these two days as their own victory.
The fact that such beauty, such patriotism and such genuine feelings of brotherhood had been hijacked, betrayed and destroyed by the Siyad Barre's dictatorial regime should not make the people of Somaliland look at these days with shame and remorse. On the contrary, Somalilanders should be proud of the heroism of their men, women and children who rose to the historical responsibility of the moment, who like Nkrumah saw the independence of Somaliland as not enough and yearned for something bigger and better. Somalilanders should be proud that it was the sacrifices and the patriotism of their fathers that had made part of a Somali dream come true - the birth of the Somali Republic on 1st July 1960.
History is a witness that Somalilanders made the far bigger sacrifices for the sake of Somali unity than our Italian brothers. Gripped by the unity fever, Somalilanders had given up everything. The capital went to the south. So was the posts of the President, Speaker of the parliament, the Prime Minister and key cabinet ministers such as the defense, the foreign office, finance and interior. Even the Armed Forces Chief of Staff and the Commander of the national police force were seen as too big a share to be given to the north.
Despite such injustice, the Somalilanders continued to hang on to their hopes, dreaming of the arrival of the day of reckoning when all Somalis would come under the umbrella of unity and their sacrifice would be rewarded with a fair share of wealth and government. This explains the Northerners' outright rejection of the attempted coup by their military elites in 1961, with the most celebrated Northern playwright Ali Sugule hailing the military's alertness in squashing Hassan Kayd's coup with his famous "Nin lagu seexdow ha seexan," sang by the late Somali melody queen Magool.
Whether the Somalilander's unbelievable sacrifices and proverbial patriotism could be seen as political naivety or visionary cause went awry will be a subject for debate among history students for years to come, but one thing is true that Somalilanders' had invested heavily in the Somali cause and had lost heavily too.
To borrow Nkrumah's words again, Somalilanders dreamed of a Great Somali Unity whose greatness was indestructible because it was to be built not on fear, envy and suspicion, nor won at the expense of others, but founded on hope, trust, friendship and directed to the good of all mankind.
They, however, instead reaped misery, destruction, fear and loss of human dignity. The Somali unity was destroyed by the brutality of the Siyad Barre regime to the people of the north. Even the ensuing civil war among the northern clans was a measure orchestrated by the Barre regime aimed at finishing off whatever its missiles, tanks and planes had missed and a sinister move aimed at sowing long-term discord and never healing spiritual wounds among the Somalilanders.
Thanks to the wisdom of their elders, their shared blood and cultural values, the Somalilanders have overcome their plight, pieced their lives together, rebuilt their villages and towns stone by stone and block by block, reclaimed their sovereignty and created a vibrant and constitutional democracy to the envy of many Africans and to the admiration of the international community.
This shouldn't make Somalilanders, however, negate the dreams and the noble goals for which our fathers and mothers fought. Just like we are doing today, they were trying with the best of their ability and to the best of their knowledge to guarantee a peaceful and better future for their children and grandchildren. Never, should we, therefore, denigrate nor downgrade their efforts and their struggle. To disassociate ourselves from their achievements, is to decry their accomplishments, to demean their intentions, to question their honesty and their integrity and to discredit their intellect and political vision.
Let us view the day of 1st July in its historical perspective and celebrate the bravery, the vision, the patriotism and wholeheartedness with which our people have fought to realize their dream symbolized at the time by 1st July. To shun and reject the historical importance of 1st July, is to say that our fathers and mothers have died in vain, danced in vain, sang in vain and jubilated in vain in their thousands.
No, never our fathers and mothers had fought for the right cause, at the right time and for the right age. Somalilanders today are also fighting for the right cause, at the right time for the right age by reclaiming their sovereignty and chartering their own way for their own future and that of their children. Just the same way as our fathers and mothers thought they were doing. Had they had the prophetic vision and the foresight to see where their achievements would end, they surely wouldn't have taken the road they took. But as fallible human beings, how could they! We also cannot swear the fruits we are sowing today would not be sour someday in the distant future. To put it simply we are trying to do our best. So did our fathers and mothers in their time. Therefore, let us respect their record and their history if we want our children to respect our record and our history as well.
Inter Press Service (Johannesburg) July 7, 2004
Development-Somalia: Khat Dampens Euphoria About Peace
After a marathon round of talks, peace may finally be in sight for Somalia, which has been without central government since 1991. But, some fear that a deeply-rooted practice - the chewing of khat - may undermine the gains of negotiations.
Khat, also referred to as qat or miraa, is a shrub - the leaves of which are chewed or used to make tea. The plant contains a substance that makes the person consuming it feel alert, energetic or euphoric. Too euphoric, say certain Somali women, who allege that men in their communities have become addicted to khat, and are neglecting their families.
"Our men have become lazy over the years because of the widespread trade that forces them to just sit and enjoy the product. Our children have nothing to eat, let alone go to school, because their fathers cannot work," Eng Rukia Osman Mahmoud, an anti-khat activist, told IPS during an interview in Kenya's capital, Nairobi.
Mahmoud is also a delegate to the Somali peace talks being held in Mbagathi, on the outskirts of the city.
She claims that about 75 percent of the eight million people in Somalia chew khat, with men and boys accounting for the largest percentage of this group. The popularity of khat notwithstanding, she and other Somali women are lobbying for a ban on the trade in this narcotic.
"Women and children have suffered for so long, and now that peace is in the air we have to look at ways of reconstructing the country in all aspects," Mahmoud notes.
"This will have to involve everyone, including men, and may be more effective only if a ban has been imposed on the khat trade, because trading in this commodity poses a challenge to rebuilding efforts."
The fact that khat provides an extremely lucrative trade for many (and the only source of income for some) is likely to complicate efforts to outlaw sales of the plant's leaves.
But the women maintain that the disadvantages of khat far outweigh the importance of the profits it yields. The negative effects of khat include hallucinations, schizophrenia, depression and impotence.
"The answer to the khat problem lies in halting all cross border trade of the commodity. Countries supplying the drug to Somalia must also be covered by the ban because most of the khat in Somalia comes from neighbouring countries," Hussein Ali Elmi, spokesman of the Somali Young Turks Association (SYTA), told journalists in Nairobi last Friday, Jul. 2.
Kenya is the biggest supplier of khat to both Somalia and Europe, competing closely with Ethiopia and Yemen, according to Joseph Kaguthi, Coordinator of Kenya's National Agency for the Campaign Against Drug Abuse. Exact figures are hard to come by, but certain Somali businesspeople estimate that the Kenyan-Somali trade in khat is worth more than 300,000 dollars a day.
SYTA is calling on faction leaders who are attending the Nairobi talks to explore alternative income-earning activities that can reduce the country's dependency on khat.
"Somalia is a very fertile country. The new government must throw its weight behind farming and phase out khat trading. I'm sure if farming is given due attention, it may replace khat in income generation," Asha Abdi, another female delegate to the peace talks, told IPS.
Given that farmers may be able to earn far more from khat than food crops, this might be an optimistic view of the situation.
The khat trade is also controlled by faction leaders, who have the muscle and motivation to ensure that it continues unhindered - especially if peace is not to their liking.
Although talks are underway, the ongoing v