Enter your search terms Submit search form

It is time to re-examine global policy towards Somaliland

The young Republic of Somaliland reclaimed its sovereignty in 1991 and Withdrew from the defunct union with Somalia. Incredibly, this infant but Promising country has not been recognized by any other nation.
    We, the Somaliland Forum, an organization that represents the Somaliland Diaspora, are calling on the international community, once again, to review Its approach and policy toward this East African state. We would like to impress on the international community, and bring to its attention, the enormous achievements this young nation has achieved without any outside assistance.
    There is little doubt that the Republic of Somaliland is THE most democratic Country in the Horn of Africa. Last year, the people of Somaliland went to the polls to vote in competitive presidential elections between 3 parties. A Ballot won by the incumbent president of UDUB party by a mere 210 votes. International Observers including the Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR,) and South African monitors, attested to the free and fair conduct of the election. It came as little surprise then that the respected think tank International Crisis Group published in July a report titled: Somaliland: Alternatives to Independence' (www.crisisweb.org) The report addressed the importance of recognizing Somaliland by stating: "The question confronting the international community is no longer whether Somaliland should be recognized as an independent state, but whether there remain any viable alternatives." It continues: "The solution for the time being may be to grant Somaliland some kind of increased international profile without formal recognition -- such as observer status at the UN, African Union and the regional Inter-Governmental Authority in Development (IGAD). "This could help to prepare the ground for eventual negotiations between Somaliland and Somalia," according to John Prendergast, ICG's Special Advisor on Africa.
    The Somaliland Forum fully and absolutely concurs with the ICG's statements. We strongly believe that the international community has for too long ignored the Republic of Somaliland and can no longer continue to do so.
    Therefore, we call on the international community, especially on the United States of America and The European Union, to take the lead on this issue and grant the Republic of Somaliland diplomatic recognition. This would advance Nation-building in what has long been a troubled part of the world and strengthen the democratization process in Somaliland.

More Parent care can lower fail, absentee levels- Education DG

How Somaliland could become self-sufficient'

Producing Consumer Goods Locally
    Today many Third Wold countries such as India, Mexico, and Sri Lanka have industries that produce their consumer goods locally. Likewise, Somaliland can produce consumer goods not only for its consumers but also for that of the entire Horn of Africa in order to exploit the economies of scale. By doing so, the country will be in a position to create jobs for hundreds of thousands of its unemployed people. Moreover, Somaliland will save more hard currency, which it would have otherwise used for imports. Furthermore, the government will collect more revenue in the form of corporate, payroll, value-added and sales taxes.

Setting up Small and Large Scale Industries
    To locally produce our consumer goods, we need to transform our businesses from traditional import-export-oriented to manufactured-oriented. This requires pooling resources for the establishment of corporate businesses. Instead of running individualized business, investors will then have the opportunity to own shares of different companies.

The Problem of Raising Capital
    Establishing manufacturing industries sometimes requires huge capital. The businesses willing to set-up such industries can raise the needed capital by either:
    1. Selling shares or
    2. Joining forces with foreign companies or both.

1) Somaliland Stock Exchange: The Equity Market
    A stock market is a place where shares of companies are traded. The market enables investors that have personal needs to sell their shares without jeopardizing the viability of any company. For instance, when one shareholder sells his shares, a buyer replaces him in shareholding and that leaves the company intact. Only handfuls of businessmen can set-up a stock marker by acting its board of directors while appointing management and brokers under the regulatory oversight of a public sector authority such as the U.S.'s Securities and Exchange Commission.

2) Joint Venture with Foreign Companies
    Local businesses should look for opportunities to attract foreign companies for joint venture. Where this is not possible, still local companies can purchase franchises. Foreign companies and international corporations provide much needed investment, capital and technological know-how.

The Role of the government
    In any market economy, the public sector facilitates the smooth functioning of the private sector and plays no role of producing goods and services unless where there is a market failure. We do not want Somaliland government to own or operate commercial and investment banks, airlines or manufacturing industries. The government should merely create a conducive environment in which businesses can flourish. Specifically, the government should:
    a) Offer tax holidays for businesses willing to set-up manufacturing industries for a period of five, ten or fifteen years depending on the scale and the profitability of that industry.
    b) Adapt protectionism economic policies aimed at deterring import of locally produced goods. This can be achieved by levying heavy import duty on any goods that is locally produced.
    c) Establish a regulatory corporate authority. This body should not be another layer of bureaucracy but an authority that promotes corporate businesses.
    d) Remove the Chamber of Commerce and Industry under the control of Ministry of Commerce. The Chamber of Commerce and Industry should not be a public entity. Rather, it should be a body that represents the business community.

Abdillahi Hussein Daud, Minneapolis, MN, USA (Abdhdaud@yahoo.com)

EU to undertake study of Ethiopia-Somaliland road corridor: official

"The study covers 887 kilometres (550 miles) of road network from Somaliland's Berbera port to the Ethiopian border town of Togwechale," EU official Pascal Joanne told reporters.

He said French consultancy firm, Louis Berger, which started the study nine months ago, is to submit its findings to the European Union in two months and will form the basis for the EU's approval to release funds for the second phase, Joanne added. "The commission will come up with a decision to advance the project into feasibility and designing stage, based on preliminary assessments made by Louis Berger," Joanne said.

Berger is already holding consultations with Ethiopian and Somaliland authorities to integrate their views on the actual situation of the corridor and its future prospects of being used to handle part of Ethiopia's import-export cargo.

Deputy EU delegation head in Ethiopia, Jean-Pierre Pierard, said the Berbera Corridor Infrastructure Programme was part of a strategy to relieve the congested port of Djibouti.

The EU last week shipped 15,000 tonnes of relief food supplies to Ethiopia's hungry through Berbera port in Somalia's northwest breakaway republic of Somaliland and more than 100,000 tonnes of food are expected to be shipped through the same route in the next weeks, relief and government officials said on Friday.

EU to undertake study of Ethiopia-Somaliland road corridor: official

"The study covers 887 kilometres (550 miles) of road network from Somaliland's Berbera port to the Ethiopian border town of Togwechale," EU official Pascal Joanne told reporters.

He said French consultancy firm, Louis Berger, which started the study nine months ago, is to submit its findings to the European Union in two months and will form the basis for the EU's approval to release funds for the second phase, Joanne added.

"The commission will come up with a decision to advance the project into feasibility and designing stage, based on preliminary assessments made by Louis Berger," Joanne said.

Berger is already holding consultations with Ethiopian and Somaliland authorities to integrate their views on the actual situation of the corridor and its future prospects of being used to handle part of Ethiopia's import-export cargo.

Deputy EU delegation head in Ethiopia, Jean-Pierre Pierard, said the Berbera Corridor Infrastructure Programme was part of a strategy to relieve the congested port of Djibouti.

The EU last week shipped 15,000 tonnes of relief food supplies to Ethiopia's hungry through Berbera port in Somalia's northwest breakaway republic of Somaliland and more than 100,000 tonnes of food are expected to be shipped through the same route in the next weeks, relief and government officials said on Friday.

Puzzling Statement by Ethiopian Information Minister

According to IRIN, Ethiopia "has rejected calls by Somaliland for international recognition".

The IRIN article was released yesterday. However, due to IRIN's history of negative and biased reporting about Somaliland, the article should be read with a grain of salt. Although IRIN used the word "rejected", the Ethiopian Information minister only spoke about the wishes of the Ethiopian government and not about policy, still the news is disturbing.

Mr. Simon's statement has already dismayed many Somalilanders. It is understood that Ethiopia has been under pressure lately by Qassim Salad and other anti-Ethiopian elements in the former Italian Somalia, but local observers believe that Ethiopia's answer shouldn't be to alienate a true friend.

The information minister's reply is puzzling given the special relationship between Ethiopia and Somaliland, and the fact that it was made while Somaliland's president and a high delegation were guests of the Ethiopian government.

The Ethiopian information minister's statement is just the latest indication of serious shortcomings in Somaliland's foreign policy.

Instead of making new friends, Somaliland is in danger of losing old ones. A big part of the problem is that Somaliland has not made strong and well-planned efforts to reach out to the world to make its case. Peculiarly enough, Somaliland's delegations abroad never hold press conferences, even in friendly Ethiopia, to explain their case. Ms Edna is an exception, but she is only one person.

The way Somaliland's ministry of Information operates is also scandalous to say the least. The ministry follows the old-style of releasing raw, clumsy propaganda intended to promote or defend the government. Somaliland's public shows a lot of skepticism toward the government's media due to its poor credibility. With the exception of IRIN, the ministry has failed to develop links with the foreign media to attract them into covering big newsworthy events in Somaliland. Not a single foreign TV network arrived in Somaliland to cover the country's two electoral exercises.

Although Somaliland's cause is not popular among Arab governments, yet the ministry of Information could have built contacts in the Arab media. There is no reason why Somaliland doesn't build bridges with the independent media such as Al Jazeera. If Darman could get Al Jazeera's attention, why not Somaliland' Moreover, unlike Somalia, there is an Arabic press in Somaliland which means there are enough people who understand Arabic, which in turn should make it easier to engage Arab media and audiences.

Ethiopian Information Minister Says Somaliland Future Lies Within A United Somalia

His comments came as Dahir Riyale Kahin, president of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, held talks in Addis Ababa with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and key Ethiopian officials. The talks, according to Bereket, focused on two areas - latest developments in Somaliland and security issues surrounding the common border with Ethiopia. Members of the Somaliland delegation have not made any public announcements.

Bereket also dismissed claims that the five-day visit by the Somaliland delegation, which also includes the foreign minister Edna Adan Ismail, undermined the Somali peace talks currently underway in Kenya. The Somaliland authorities have refused to attend the conference, saying it has nothing to do with them.

Bereket said he remained optimistic about the Nairobi-based talks, as long as the rival factions stayed at the negotiating table. "We think they will find a possible way out of the current situation through dialogue and continuous engagement - that is the only way out," he said.

"We don't see walk-outs from such meetings as solutions, nor resorting to armed intimidation," he added. The president of Somalia's Transitional National Government (TNG) Abdiqassim Salad Hassan walked out of the talks last week saying they were heading towards the "dismemberment" of Somalia.

Bereket also dismissed claims that Ethiopia was "meddling" in the talks. "Ethiopia cannot serve as the scapegoat for the failures that he [Abdiqassim] has executed in that meeting." "If you are asking me about the wishes of Ethiopia, it is that we would like to see a united Somalia living peacefully, being led by a responsible state," Bereket stated.

"That is our wish and we will try to the best of our capacity to assist our Somali brothers to achieve this objective - but that remains their task and depends on how they act." "Whether this dream can come true or not is the work of the Somali brothers and sisters," he added.

"The best way forward is continuing the dialogue and reaching agreement based on the accommodation of the interests of different sectors of Somali people."

NOVIB Ordered Out Of Somaliland

NOVIB has been working with four major partner NGOs in Somaliland, namely, Candlelight, HAVOYOCO, NAGAAD and Samo-Talis. The minister of Planning has informed the 4 organizations of the government's decision to expel 7 non-Somalilanders who recently arrived in Hargeisa to participate in a NOVIB sponsored meeting that was being held at Maansoor Hotel.

Mr. Ahmed Haji Dahir stated that the government also decided to ban NOVIB from working in Somaliland. He attributed the decision to what he called NOVIB's involvement in politically motivated anti-Somaliland activities.

At least 5 of the deportees are from Somalia while the remaining two are a Kenyan (Murtaza Jaffer, NOVIB's project coordinator) and a Dutch national. The Somalis were put on a Mugadisho bound plane on Friday. The rest are expected to leave Hargeisa today.

A Somali Civil Society Symposium held in Hargeisa in Feb 2003 and sponsored by NOVIB had attracted the participation of around 300 delegates, said at the time to represent civil society activists in Somaliland and Somalia. Most of the participants however came from Somalia.

4 NGOs Blame Jamhuuriya For Misleading Report On Meeting With NOVIB

The 4 NGOs said the purpose of the meeting was entirely different from what has been reported by Jamhuuriya, adding that the real aim of the gathering at Maansoor Hotel was for a number of NOVIB partners working on Educational projects in Somaliland and Somalia to exchange information on their experiences in the field. They also said the other objective of the meeting was to train civil society activists from these organizations on monitoring and evaluation skills. "Before publishing its story, the newspaper should have verified it with the participants or organizers of the meeting itself but the truth is that they haven't done so," the statement said.

The four Somaliland NGOs described Jamhuuriya's news report on the meeting as a grossly misleading and inaccurate piece of information based on hearsay. The organizations demanded that the newspaper retract and correct its story.

Noting that an increasing number of international organizations are now encouraged by Somaliland's peace and stability to come here, either to work with Somaliland partners or sponsor international conferences, the NGOs have called upon the media to observe journalistic ethics.

EYEWITNESS, Somaliland Needs Strong Social Services

The people of Somaliland -- a breakaway region of northwest Somalia -- have suffered for years, first under colonialism, when Somalia was divided between the French, British and Italians, then under Somali dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in the 1970s and 1980s. They continued to suffer during the civil war that tore Somalia apart from 1988 to 1991, and just when they thought peace and freedom were theirs, after Somaliland declared independence in 1991, the new country descended into chaos in 1994 as opposing factions took up arms.

Today peace appears to be here to stay. The refugees are back from camps in Ethiopia. Land mines have been cleared from the most populated areas. Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, is once again a bustling city where business is thriving. Two universities have been set up: one in Hargeisa and one near Borama, about 50 miles to the west. Many local non-governmental organisations are working to promote development and human rights. Crucially, municipal elections last December and presidential elections in May this year went ahead peacefully and were said to be free and fair by election observers. Somaliland has achieved all this with little outside help. The international community tends to ignore it -- it has not been recognised by any other country as an independent state -- although a recent visit by a delegation from the British government shows that interest is increasing.

In Somaliland, I visited partner projects and development workers of the Catholic Institute for International Relations (CIIR).

CIIR has been working in Somaliland since 1995 through its skillshare programme, International Cooperation for Development.

Among the few international NGOs working in Somaliland, CIIR has one of the most developed programmes, thanks to support from two U.K.-based organisations, Comic Relief and the Community Fund. But we realise that long-term development is only possible if civil society and government institutions are strong.

In order to achieve this four key areas of development need particular attention.

First, the capacity of local NGOs needs to be strengthened. CIIR currently places development workers with local organisations to help them develop their resources and skills.

I had the opportunity to visit one such NGO, called Nagaad, which means "peaceful resting place" in Somali.

Nagaad is an umbrella organisation for the host of women's NGOs that provide services such as health care, education, environmental training, assistance to returnees, microcredit and food support.

It is based in a small building in Hargeisa that was built by the women themselves and testifies to the crucial role women are playing in rebuilding their country.

Second, the country needs to put in place an HIV/AIDS strategy. A survey carried out in 1999 estimated that the HIV/AIDS infection rate was around one percent of those surveyed. Yet HIV/AIDS remains a sensitive topic in Somaliland, where Islam and traditional values are strong.

The HIV/AIDS workers I met try to work within the culture to promote education about the virus, particularly among young people.

They meet religious leaders, teachers and parents first to ensure that everyone is working together before they start instructing youth about HIV/AIDS.

Third, the country needs a structured health system.

I was encouraged to find a development worker from Nepal, Ram Sedhain, had helped set up a health management information system to ensure information and figures about health flow from the community level to the top ministry level.

Finally, education needs to be improved.

Somaliland's youth have been called the "lost generation" because the wars have meant that many could not attend school, let alone university.

I visited an institution four miles out from Borama, called Amoud University.

It was set up in 1998 and teaches medicine, business administration and teacher training to 360 students.

Unfortunately, many of the students plan to leave the country when they finish their course.

There are just not enough jobs for them in Somaliland. Although the economy is doing better than it has for years, there's little major investment.

Everything in Somaliland is being rebuilt from scratch.

It is hard, but it means that with initiative, efficiency, skill and motivation, new structures can be put in place that are sustainable and help bring lasting peace to a nation that has suffered too long.

International Crisis Group Report On Somaliland Democratization And Its Discontents, Part II

The military also embraced a "Greater Somalia" policy of political and military irredentism, which had lapsed in the late 1960s, reviving some of the popular enthusiasm that had underpinned the original union between north and south.

The honeymoon was short lived. The regime's disastrous defeat in the 1977-78 Ogaden War with Ethiopia, its dependence on select branches of the Darod clan for political support, and its increasingly brutal character all contributed to public disillusionment. An attempted coup by Majerteen officers from the northeast of the country triggered brutal government reprisals around the town of Gaalka'yo and led to the formation of the first Somali opposition group, the Somali Salvation Democratic Front (SSDF). But disaffection with the military regime was felt most keenly in the former British Somaliland: public expenditure in the northwest compared unfavorably with other regions (less than 7 per cent of development assistance was allocated to the north), and the government's economic policies seemed to be aimed at curbing the influence of the wealthy Isaaq trading community.

In the aftermath of the Ogaden War, approximately a quarter of a million refugees had been settled in the northwest by the Somali government, with the assistance of UNHCR. Most were ethnic Somalis from the Ogaden branch of the Darod clan, although some were members of the Oromo and other Ethiopian ethnic groups. For several years, traditional competition between the Isaaq and the Ogaden for pasture and water in the southern Haud had been aggravated by the Somali government's provision of arms, ammunition and training to the Ogaden fighters of the Western Somali Liberation Front. Although intended for use against the Ethiopian government, this military assistance was often directed instead against Isaaq civilians in the Haud. Government favoritism towards the Ogaden refugees, who enjoyed preferential access to social services (provided by UNHCR and its Somali government counterpart, the National Refugee Commission), business licenses and government posts, further fuelled Isaaq grievances.

In 1981, a group of mainly Isaaq exiles meeting in London declared the formation of the Somali National Movement (SNM), an armed movement dedicated to the overthrow of the Barre regime. The SNM initially tried to cast itself as an alliance of opposition figures from different clans, but its core membership and constituency was principally Isaaq. The SNM established its first bases in Ethiopia in 1982, and by 1983 it had established itself as an effective guerrilla force in the northwest. In response, government pressure on the Isaaq population, whom it deemed sympathetic to the SNM, took the form of "extreme and systematic repression". Summary arrests, extrajudicial executions, rape, confiscation of private property and `disappearances' all became commonplace as the government sought to deprive the SNM of the support of the Isaaq public. The government also enlisted the support of the non-Isaaq clans of the northwest, attempting - with only partial success - to exploit traditional kinship affiliations.

In 1988, following a meeting in Djibouti between Siyaad Barre and his Ethiopian counterpart, Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam, the Ethiopian government instructed the SNM to cease operations in Somalia and withdraw its forces from the border areas. The SNM, fearing the collapse of its long insurgency, instead attacked the major northern towns of Hargeysa and Burco, triggering the onset of full-scale civil war in the northwest. The government response was fierce: artillery and aircraft bombed the major towns into rubble and forced the displacement of roughly half a million refugees across the border into Ethiopia. Isaaq dwellings were systematically destroyed, while their settlements and water points were extensively mined.

The formation in 1989 (with SNM support) of the southern Somali factions, the Somali Patriotic Movement (SPM) and the United Somali Congress (USC), provided the SNM with allies and helped to relieve some of the pressure on its fighters. In January 1991, as USC advances in and around Mogadishu forced Barre to abandon the capital, the SNM staged its final offensive in the northwest.

The remaining government forces disintegrated and fled, and the vestiges of civil administration collapsed.
D. THE REPUBLIC OF SOMALILAND

Within months of the SNM victory, Somaliland appeared in its third incarnation. On 18 May 1991, a self-proclaimed independent Republic of Somaliland was announced. Since then, it has followed a very different trajectory from southern Somalia. While the collapse of the Siyaad Barre regime plunged the south into civil war and the kind of institutional vacuum that has since come to epitomize the notion of "state failure", Somaliland embarked on a period of increasing political stabilization and economic growth. Since 1991, roughly half a million people have returned to their homes, and tens of thousands of dwellings and businesses have been rebuilt from rubble. The majority of militia have been demobilized or incorporated into national armed forces and tens of thousands of mines and unexploded munitions have been removed from the ground.

Somaliland's social services are in less admirable shape, being heavily dependent on external support. With the help of Western donors, the United Nations and international NGOs, the government has been able to restore rudimentary education and health care services throughout much of Somaliland. All such funding, however, is channeled through international aid agencies since donors are unable to provide assistance directly to a government they do not recognize. Arab and Islamic donors have also played a part in Somaliland's reconstruction, though their funds are by-and-large directed towards the development of a parallel social service system, outside of the government. Most people, however, still depend on private service providers, such as medical clinics, pharmacies and private schools, which have mushroomed without standardization or regulation.

Overall, foreign aid has played a minor part in Somaliland's reconstruction. The figures of the Somalia Aid Co-ordinating Body (the Nairobibased body that co-ordinates assistance to Somalia in the absence of a recognized government) are imprecise, but suggest that less than 20 per cent of that donor aid is directed towards Somaliland, or roughly U.S.$30 million in 2002. Moreover, this figure does not show the high proportion of donor funding that is spent on overhead, Nairobi offices or international personnel. Probably less than half the total volume of aid is actually spent on the ground. The real engine of Somaliland's recovery has been neither the government, nor international assistance, but rather the private sector. Livestock, much of it raised in southern Somalia and eastern Ethiopia, is the backbone of the Somaliland economy, accounting for roughly 90 per cent of export earnings or U.S.$175 million per year. Since 1998, however, a Saudi ban on Somali livestock has severely depressed the livestock trade. The proceeds of the livestock trade are generally used to purchase foodstuffs and luxury items for import, an unknown proportion of which is destined for Ethiopia as both legitimate trade and contraband.

The Somaliland economy is also fuelled by the estimated U.S.$200 million that arrives each year from Somalilanders abroad via hawaala money transfer agents. These remittances are almost entirely destined for private households and have played a vital role in the physical reconstruction of family homes and businesses - a critical function given the scale of devastation visited upon major towns like Hargeysa and Burco during the civil war. Since no international banks are present in Somaliland, the hawaala have come to offer a growing range of financial services, including interest-free accounts, cheque-cashing facilities and business loans. The government's own accomplishments (basic civil administration across roughly 80 per cent of the territory, reasonably disciplined army and police forces and a relatively stable currency), although impressive achievements on a budget of roughly U.S.$20 million per year are, in absolute terms, quite modest. Since 2001, Somaliland has introduced a new and potentially decisive dimension to its quest for statehood: democratization. In May 2001, a new constitution establishing a multi-party electoral system was approved by plebiscite. Local (municipal) elections followed in December 2002 and a fiercely contested presidential election was held in April 2003. With only parliamentary elections remaining until Somaliland's transition to multiparty democracy is formally complete, international interest in this would-be state has grown perceptibly.
III. GOVERNANCE AND DEMOCRATISATION

After more than a century of colonial administration, civilian misrule and military dictatorship, the people of Somaliland are yearning for freedom, justice and representative government. The problem is that Somaliland - like the rest of Somalia - has little experience of democratic rule. Political leaders have instead seemed intent on resuscitating centralized, patrimonial systems of political authority. The behavior of the political elite often smacks of arrogance and paternalism; the rule of law is weak, corruption is endemic and nepotism still pervades political and administrative appointments.

Civil society remains underdeveloped, and the Somaliland public remains by-and-large a passive "taker of government policy - not its maker".

Such constraints have conspired to make Somaliland's pursuit of democracy a long, uphill struggle - a struggle all the more remarkable for its domestic, as opposed to donor driven, origins. Donors have been reluctant to provide even token support for Somaliland's democratic project on the grounds that it might be construed as support for the territory's independence. Ironically, Somaliland's international isolation - past and present - has made a positive contribution to its political evolution. Benign neglect under British rule, and the decidedly less benign neglect of the Barre regime, left the territory's traditions of "pastoral democracy" intact, conferring a vital degree of legitimacy and accountability upon the SNM and subsequent Somaliland administrations. The SNM's failure to obtain significant international sponsorship during the 1980s obliged the movement to develop a popular support base. Present day Somaliland's administrative arrangements are consciously modeled on the small, cost-efficient exemplar of the British colonial administration, reflecting the government's minute revenue stream and its extremely limited opportunities to incur debt.

It is unclear whether Somaliland's unique political system has evolved towards democracy because of the territory's poverty, historical neglect and international isolation, or in spite of them. Yet there is no denying that over the past decade, Somaliland has made significant progress towards a pluralistic political system, a free and critical press, rule of law, and an environment conducive to the respect and promotion of human rights.

Historically, Somaliland's democratization process has unfolded in three phases: the first, which began with the cessation of hostilities, witnessed the establishment of an administration led by a clanbased military faction (the SNM); the second phase involved the transfer of power from the factional government to a more inclusive civil administration; and the third began with a constitutional referendum, which paved the way for multiparty elections.

Drug: The Double Edged Knife (Part 18)

An area in which the advertising industry has managed to play upon our fears is with the mouthwashes. By now we are spending alot of money every year to ward off horrible halitosis. But do those familiar names like Oraldine, Tantum Verde or Citrolin really prevent bad breath' Bad breath, like indigestion, is merely a catch-all phrase for a symptom common to many varied and different problems. A normal, healthy mouth will not have an offensive odor, though it is true almost everyone experiences a furry, scuzzy mouth upon arising. This is typical and will disappear rapidly with talking or after breakfast since it is due to the oral inactivity of sleeping, a period of time when bacteria can act freely on food particles. While it is true that your mouth is loaded with germs (a normal adult probably has around ten million bugs in every drop of saliva), that is the way it supposed to be.

While still a baby you accumulate benign forms of streptococci, diphloccocci, and spirochetes, as well as other exotic varieties of bacteria. But this flora and fauna is important in keeping everything in balance, and without some of them this equilibrium could become upset. Any disturbance of our natural germ population could leave us more sensitive to invading microorganisms. Mouthwashes do upset our normal, resident flora. More important, however, is the question, "Does the random killing of oral bacteria with gargles really prevent halitosis'" well, in the first place there is no way you are going to kill even a fraction of the hundreds of millions of germs in your mouth and throat with a couple of gargles. Even if you killed a large fraction of the bugs, five deep breaths or one good kiss would probably replace in spades anything you might think you had accomplished. But even more important, bad breath does not result from ordinary mouth bacteria. Assuming that your halitosis is not a result of your insecure imagination, it might be due to poor dental hygiene.

Brushing and flossing your teeth will do wonders. If it is not something this simple, then an infection is a likely bet. It might originate deep within the throat, or be as superficial as canker sore. A tooth which is decaying or abscessed will also produce an unpleasant smell. Even certain conditions such as diabetes, lung, or liver disease could result in a distinctive odor. Therefore it is obvious that a mouthwash will do little to correct the underlying condition and at best will only superficially and temporarily change or "freshen" the breath. The other major cause of bad breath comes from eating those delicious meals that contain gobs of garlic and onion. We must confess that every one of us has a preference for salads with raw onions. Will a little Oraldene do anything to calm my dragon mouth' No. the "sweet" smell of garlic does not come from any residual odor lingering in your mouth or throat. From there it circulates all through your body, reaching your lungs, where it is exhaled with each breath you would have to stop breathing in order to really block out the odor, and that is a bit drastic. So skip the mouth wash. A stick of chewing gum or a mint will probably do more to mask the smell that all the breath listerine in Georgia. One remote possibility is that parsley root eaten before and after consumption of garlic will quickly diminish the offensive odor. And don't fall into the trap of believing that "breath freshener mints" will in any way relieve a chronic condition. There is only one thing to do: go see a dentist or a doctor and find out what the underlying condition is that has produced the odor. An abscess or gum disease is a serious situation, which should not go untreated. Bad breath may be your early warning system.

How about sore throats' Surely something as bad-tasting a listering must be good for a sore throat even if it doesn't do anything for bad breath' Wrong again. In the first place, the infection responsible for your sore throat is in such a location that a brief gargle will not amount to much. Even if you bathe the affected tissue for many minutes, you could not kill the bugs responsible. Most sore throats are due to virus infections, which will respond neither to antibiotics nor to mouthwashes. For those sore throats that are due to bacteria, only an antibiotic administered in tablet for or by infection will benefit the affected area. And the only wy anyone can determine whether your sore throat is viral or bacterial in origin is by a throat culture. This is very important for severe, long-lasting infections since the possibility of a strep throat (an infection caused by Group A beta hemolystic strstreptoccus) is dangerous and demands penicillin treatment in order to prevent rheumatic fever or heart or kidney damage. Symptomatic treatment.

To be continued next week.

"Cruel And Useless": Countries need to move beyond legal tools to societal attitudes to combat female circumcision

"We must stop decisively this detrimental phenomenon," Shenouda said. "This tradition has no religious or ethical basis. It is a tragedy, and we have to do a lot to stop it."

Shenouda was one of several guest speakers, including first lady Suzanne Mubarak, who addressed delegates from 28 African and Arab countries as well as representatives from Europe and North America during the conference. Though each country faces varying rates of FGM-from as low as 18 percent of women in Tanzania to more than 90 percent in Somalia and Egypt-each are searching for ways to combat and eradicate FGM.

"FGM is cruel and useless," said European Parliament member Emma Bonino of Italy. "The time has come to say as you do here in Egypt, khalas."

By definition, female circumcision, or FGM, is the removal or alteration of female genitalia. It varies in severity from partial removal of the clitoris to complete removal of the clitoris and adjoining labia as well as the joining of both sides of the vulva together across the vagina. According to the World Health Organization, 120 to 130 million women worldwide are circumcised and approximately 2 million girls annually receive the operation. A majority of these girls, including Egyptian girls, receive the milder forms of FGM.

Though human rights advocates and medical experts have been arguing for years that FGM not only causes severe physical harm but psychological damage as well, many of the 28 mostly African countries where FGM is prevalent have been unable to significantly reduce their rate of FGM, despite a significant number of existing anti-female circumcision laws.

Conference organizers and participants hope the three-day conference, which brought experts from around the world together to coordinate and share legal and grassroots efforts, will begin to bridge the gaps between human rights, the law and deep-rooted traditions.

"There has been progress these past few days," said Fitnat Adjetey from the Ghana-based African Women Lawyers Association. "What's left is literacy and getting the community aware. There's a law, and now there's a need to change."

As part of the European Commission-funded conference, delegates and organizers approved the Cairo Declaration on the Elimination of Female Genital Mutilation, a document they worked on over the three days. Included in the declaration are recommendations focusing on gender equality, legislation, children's rights and criminal law. Though the declaration does not explicitly say what each country must do to eliminate FGM, it describes general provisions that should be reviewed. The declaration suggests that governments should formulate strategies and programs to enforce existing anti-FGM laws, that religious leaders should be informed on the negative impact of FGM and those who support ending it should be incorporated into outreach strategies, that medical practitioners who perform FGM should face maximum criminal penalties and should have their licenses revoked, and that women and girls should have legal remedies available, such as the right to bring civil action to seek compensation or protect themselves from undergoing FGM.

Despite the declaration's emphasis on the legal side of FGM, conference participants recognized that without community advocacy and awareness that focuses on empowering women, the anti-FGM laws will not necessarily deter families from having their daughters undergo circumcision.

"We're here today to tackle legislation and legal tools," Mubarak said in her address. "Yet a law is not enough and will not be the solution. We have to learn to implement the law."

For example, Egypt outlawed FGM in 1997. But recent statistics suggest that 97 percent of married women are circumcised, though the rate sinks to 86 percent among women aged 13 to 19. Furthermore, similar statistics say there is still a 75 percent acceptance of FGM amongst families who have young daughters. Though these numbers are lower for girls who have one or more parent who has received a secondary education, the rate is still one of the highest amongst countries with FGM.

Activists say that not only is the law not being enforced, many families still believe FGM is not violent and is necessary to maintain the chastity and marriage eligibility of their daughters. Though religious leaders in Egypt have spoken out against FGM, including Shenouda and the grand sheikh of Al Azhar, Sheikh Muhammad Sayyed Tantawi-who both agreed at the conference the FGM does not have a religious basis-many Egyptians still believe FGM is their religious duty. Yemen, Djibouti, Egypt, Somalia and Sudan are the only predominantly Muslim countries in the Middle East that practice FGM. The only way then to combat FGM is at the family and community level, the activists say.

"The practice is illegal in Egypt but prevalent in communities," said Moushira Khattab, secretary general of the National Council for Childhood and Motherhood in Egypt. "The compliance to FGM laws ends up in the family, so that's where we need to target our efforts."

Khattab said the council is now embarking on a new campaign to make 60 villages free of FGM in Egypt by 2006. As part of the campaign, the council is working with 12 other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to bring awareness of the dangers of FGM to the grassroots level. Community, governmental, civil and religious leaders will work alongside NGOs to enhance community awareness and advocacy. Regular meetings will be held in the villages and girls and their families will be taught not only about circumcision but about other relevant empowerment issues.

Khattab said she hopes the campaign will be successful in changing people's thoughts about FGM and this change will spread to other villages and areas of Egypt.

Other countries and regions of Africa have initiated similar programs, including Tanzania, which is launching an intensive national educational media campaign, and the Inter-Africa Committee, which is starting a similar Zero Tolerance to FGM campaign in countries such as Ethiopia.

In addition to local and national campaigns, the conference plans to spread its declaration and desire to eliminate FGM worldwide. In addition to delivering the Cairo Declaration to heads of state, national parliaments, the Africa Union, the Arab League and the European Union, representatives plan to deliver the document to the United Nations in New York this fall.

Though nearly a decade has passed since the SNM was in power, its peace and open-door economic policy was followed by all successive Somaliland governments since 1993. The current friendly relations between Somaliland and Ethiopia stand in stark contrast to the past when the two countries were sworn enemies. Despite the fact that both sides have come a long way in the transition from being foes to becoming friends, much more needs to be done in order to develop these bilateral ties to full maturity. Regrettably, the emerging Somaliland-Ethiopian relations seem to place emphasis only on one issue: security of border areas. There has been little effort, if any, to explore other spheres that could benefit both sides, such as trade and investment.

In a post-Sept 11 world, nobody should question the importance of security to the interests and well being of people on either side of the border, the region or even beyond, however even a good level of security cooperation will be hard to sustain in the long term unless reinforced by constructive engagements at the socio-economic and political fronts. The way forward for Somaliland-Ethiopian relations is to stress cooperation at least in potential economic sectors that will produce maximum benefits for the peoples of both countries. As a first step, it will be necessary to remove all kind of barriers impeding the free flow of trade between the two countries. Somaliland with an economy much less than Ethiopia's and with no access to bilateral or multilateral aid, has no restrictions against Ethiopian entrepreneurs bringing goods into Somaliland, a policy that puts this country in a relatively huge trade deficit with its partner. Still, leaders of the two countries need to come up with policies that encourage and not constrain the enterprising spirit of business communities.

Ethiopia should not make its policy toward Somaliland hostage to those so-called politicians from the former Italian colony of Somalia who ritually accuse Addis Ababa of trying to dismember the already defunct "Somali Republic". Because such accusations are politically convenient for those who make them, they will always make those accusations, regardless of what Ethiopia does. Ethiopian leaders know, and we know, that it's the people of Somaliland who fought for reinstating the independence of their country long before the EPRDF assumed power in Ethiopia. And since neither Ethiopia nor Somaliland can escape the fact that they will always be neighbors, the interests of both countries dictate that full diplomatic relations be established between them without any further delay.

A Glance At Issues

Indeed the unnecessary delay in the parliamentary elections does nothing to further public confidence. The parliamentary elections will give us the opportunity to utilize the new breed of young, educated and talented professional Somalilanders. For further evidence of this new professional spirit of the Somaliland public, one only needs to recall that it was they who preserved the peace during hard times. Also through their entrepreneurial spirit they have made this country what it is today. Where there was dereliction and destruction at the time of liberation, there are new business venture and building developments today. Shops are full of goods, from all corners of the globe. New specialized schools have opened up on almost all street corners of Hargeisa. Again all of these remarkable achievements have been achieved as a result of the hard work and dedication of our great Somaliland public.

Another strong concern of mine is the state of our judiciary. In order to preserve its independence, which is crucial, I believe a number of reforms need to be carried out to ensure that we have a modern, transparent, and independent legal branch. I was extremely pleased to hear about the hundreds of recruits who recently volunteered for service within our law enforcements agencies. Again, this shows the great national sprit of our people. But as with the judiciary, reforms are needed also within the police. Sufficient training and resources must as a matter of urgency be channeled towards our law enforcement agencies. Also I believe it is high time for a review to be conducted into the remuneration of our brave law enforcement officers.

Finally, having been informed by a reliable source that our national port of Berbera requires urgent repairs, I was shocked to learn that no funds had been set-aside for that purpose. This is despite the fact that the port of Berbera is our link to the outside world and a source of huge income for our government. It is quite obvious that the current operational structure of the port has failed, and as a matter of our survival, urge full public debate on the matter. There are a number of options that we can explore; each has their own merits, such as appointing a board of directors to manage the port, turning the port management over to the local government, or as in the case of Dubai and Djibouti tendering the management out to a private company to assure revenue maximization and the smooth running of the port.

Hassan Aw Liban, Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Somaliland's Road To Self-Sufficiency

In Somaliland, the Ministry of Planning has the responsibility to set the nation's short and long-term economic development plans. These plans address questions pertaining to the state and the outlook of our national economy in three, five or ten year's time. When sound economic plans are put in place and implemented, one can predict the direction and degree of the national economic progress. Even when a country is unable to achieve its economic goals due to problems beyond its control, it can always ask others for help. However, it is a completely different story when a country does not have any vision to reach its long-term self-sufficiency goals. This is exactly the case for Somaliland. In a ceremony in which he was transferring his post, the former Somaliland's Planning Minister, Mr. Afi, was quoted as saying by a section of the press that the ministry's main responsibility was to register and regulate NGOs. This means Somaliland entrusted its destiny with foreign NGOs and specialized UN agencies. In today's Somaliland, the NGOs and U.N. agencies support, among other things, almost all hospitals, schools, roads and water supply projects. One may ask then: what is the use of our three dozen ministers' Well, the ministers are there to inaugurate UN sponsored conferences, and to unveil plaques of new schools and hospitals built by foreign humanitarian agencies. Like a beggar who is adding up his sadaqa collections at the end of his long day, Somaliland's former Education Minister, Yusuf A. Dualeh, proudly counted, in the last day of his office, the number of schools built by UN agencies during his tenure.

From government ministers to peasant farmers, we have become a nation dependent on assistance. On the upper limit of Somaliland's economic ladder, the cabinet members, and other high-ranking government officials spend big junk of their time recommending their relatives and friends to vacant U.N. and NGOs positions. Other less influential government figures fight over such issue as to who will rent his bungalow or Land Cruisers to those agencies. On the other extreme of the economic ladder, poor farmers in Aw-Barkhadle and elsewhere wait for years for an irrigation engine from NGOs. There is, however, a cost to pay for being a free rider. The biggest cost, for instance, is to swallow your national pride when begging others for assistance. Look at the situation in our public schools. What kind of nation we are when we cannot develop textbooks that reflect our national ideology for our children' The prescribed textbooks in Somaliland do not mention the word `Somaliland'. Why' Since the development and printing of these books are funded by UN agencies, the word `Somaliland' has been willfully omitted. The textbooks that our children read everyday don't contain the name of their country because the UN doesn't recognize Somaliland. The UN is subjecting us to the same humiliation that was meted out to the then America's African slaves who were denied the right to use their own names.
Where are we headed for'

The ruling party, UDUB, miserably and repeatedly failed to turn the economic conditions of the country around, despite having numerous opportunities to introduce real changes. Other than exploiting clan politics, bribing opponents and going after opposition parties, UDUB has no vision to lead the country out of the current economic dependence. The party thinks that it can yet fool the nation by its false promises. President Riyale and his followers should know that they can fool some people for sometime, but they cannot fool all the people all the time. Since cheating in election results is no longer an option, the ruling party must show the people why they should vote for its candidates in the coming parliamentary elections.

However, the problem does not lie with the ruling party alone. The opposition parties have no vision either to challenge UDUB's modus operandi. In the last elections, KULMIYE party missed a golden opportunity by wasting its time and resources on highlighting past liberation struggles, and dancing around the SNM glory, instead of presenting a viable economic policy for Somaliland's economic liberalization and development. The opposition parties must come up with a solution to the country's economic problems, if they have any hope of gaining a lion's share of parliamentary seats for the forthcoming legislative election.
A non-partisan think-tank

Apart from political parties, non-partisan think tanks have a major role to play in transforming country's economic outlook. Just like the way Dr. Hussein Bulhan's Somaliland Academy of Peace and Development has assisted the country in its democratization journey, the country is desperately in need of another think tank that can help it progress towards self-sufficiency. To have credibility, think tanks must remain non-partisan in the country's infant stage of democratization and economic development.

Abdullahi Hussein Daud, Minneapolis, MN, USA,abdhdaud@yahoo.com

Signing The Dotted Lines Could Be Costly

The new Rayale administration was swayed into accepting deported refugees back in to Somaliland. The poorest country in the world, with a high unemployment rate, un-transparent fiscal budget and inadequate health care system, has accepted the return of refugees from Britain without compensation. This unrecognized country with a poor economy and no prospects for improvement, in the near future, has accepted more than it could handle.

As we all know, the people of Somaliland were not as fortunate as the southern Somalis, who were rescued by the planeloads, and resettled in thriving cities with open arms, and considerable assistance. Unlike the people of Somalia, Somalilanders who sought asylum in the western countries went through deplorable processes in which they were stripped off their pride, property and humanity. Indeed they have sacrificed everything for a better future for themselves and their children, and this administration has managed to derail their efforts and hopes.

The few questions I have are: Shouldn't the government consulted and engaged the public and the refugee's themselves' Whey didn't the parliament debate this critical issue' What happened to the democratic principles that are enshrined in the constitution and the unity that has resurrected the people of Somaliland from the death and destruction that they were subjected to'

Thanks to the ministry of rehabilitation, reconstruction and resettlement for its arrogance and deciding by itself an issue that concerns all Somalilanders. Before they start agreeing to and signing the dotted lines, they need to provide the public with a framework for policy supported by a well-thought and socially appropriate measures. There needs to be an engagement from all parties, including the stakeholders- the public. Somaliland's public officials should not think of themselves as all-knowing. We can't afford to allow any group or party to have a monopoly over ideas and solutions that concern the nation as a whole. The government has not initiated a single program or fund for the families that the Mujahidiin left behind, conveniently forgetting that the Mujahidiin are the ones who fought, bled and died for this nation. Rather, the government is trying to appease the British. The Somaliland government needs to prioritize its responsibilities. Before signing this agreement, the refugees were a British burden. But now they are Somaliland's burden. I just hope they received enough financial inducement to bear the burden.

Somalilanders need a government that is transparent, inclusive and open in its policy formulation. What is necessary for our success is a genuine and informed partnership. Only from this partnership can the goals of development and progress for all be attained. And only from those collaborative efforts can we forge a common destiny.

Geleh Ali Gulaid, Ohio state university, geleh@aol.com

Borama Water Agency, Privatization Is A Realistic Approach

Unfortunately, the shareholders are complaining that they do not have documented information regarding what is being done and what is left for the donor agency to complete. It is important for the shareholders to identify the costs and achievements that are resulting from project activities: both the effects and the impact. If there are discrepancies between actual and planned progress, corrective action needs to be taken. Otherwise, nobody would know the fate of the project and shareholders will be kept in the blind. Moreover, the system requires mapping in order to know new connections that should be made, and the pressure as well as the topography, which is very important to the adequate distribution of water for the whole town. On the basis of this information, one could determine the number of reservoirs and pipes needed, as well as the pricing of the water, the cost of production and delivery of a unit quantity of water includes investment to expand the system, tax, operation, and maintenance costs and above all the profitability of the company. Also, the cost should be affordable even by the poorest sections of the society.

Before the actual handing over of the department to the company, the water needs of the town has to be calculated and the future system musts meet the requirements including daily water demand fluctuations for the town and immediate surroundings. There is also the problem of over-staffing which puts the cost-effectiveness of the enterprise in jeopardy. The new water organization must recruit only the number of staff it needs, and this should be done on a professional basis.

If the above issues are not addressed properly, the project's ability to achieve sustainability and deliver water services will be compromised.
Abdirahman Ibrahim (Aleel), dharaaryonis@hotmail.com

The Wisdom Somaliland Is Missing

Our option is to employ white experts for each and every Ministry. For instance, instead of 50 Somali ministers, only 15 Somali skilled Ministers plus 15 non-Somali experts will put us on the map and will bring us some great benefits. This far-fetched idea would even enhance our chances of recognition.

Though no one has the right or the power to force his/her opinion upon Somaliland, the truth can be debated in all circles. Let those who disagree share their views in public.

For those who want to email me in private, and share their views, here is my email address: gollis@sympatico.ca, Ahmed Saeed, Ottawa, Canada

Somaliland's Government Repeats the Same Mistake

Voluntary repatriation is an area of growing interest to major donors and the UNHCR, as the stated "best solution" to the growing refugee population worldwide. Higher profile programmes such as UN sponsored returnees to Namibia and Bosnia serve to emphasize the apparent viability of this new policy direction in international refugee management. However, there is mounting evidence that donor managed repatriations, coordinated as they are by governments and associations of governments, are not always in concert with, nor reflective of, the desires of refugees themselves. At the same time, there are some circumstances that fall entirely outside the criteria for major donor involvement in repatriation.

There are three formal requirements for sponsoring repatriation articulated by the UNHCR executive committee. They are: that the return should be truly voluntary in nature; the refugees be allowed to return to their place of origin and ideally their original homes; and that there must be clear and unequivocal agreement between the government of the host country and the government of the country of origin, both on the modalities of the movement and the conditions of reception (UNHCR 1985f). Somaliland's repatriation is an excellent example of the failure of the international community and the Somaliland government to address the three formal requirements for sponsoring repatriation.

The first failure: Given that many refugee generating situations arise from "internal wars" between governments and organized insurgent movements, for example, (Somali National Movement's war for national liberation which led to the victory of the movement and the rebirth of Somaliland) and given the fact that Somaliland is not yet recognized by the international community, the strict government -to- government context which these criteria stipulate does not adequately account for all repatriation. Therefore, governments and other multilateral institutions lack the legal bases to act independently, unless Somaliland is recognized or given an observer status. (See for example, the recent ICG report 28 July 2003).

The recent agreement between Somaliland and Britain to repatriate Somaliland refugees is, therefore illegal, because the agreement occurred entirely outside donor generated refugee protocols, mentioned above.

The Second Failure: The second formal requirement for sponsoring repatriation is that the return should be truly voluntary in nature. The new Somaliland foreign minister Mrs. Edna Aden expressed the willingness of Somaliland refugees in Britain to return voluntarily to their homeland, in a major speech to the parliament last week. While the foreign minister was busy trying to win votes for her first major foreign policy bill, one of her strong supporters was non other than the current minister of reconstruction, rehabilitation and resettlement Mr. Abdillahi Hussein Iman (Dirawal) who was previously the key player in a similar repatriation agreement between the Governments of Somaliland and Denmark in 1998. This agreement was unfortunately a major foreign policy disaster for both nations, because the 7.8 Million-Dollar Denmark repatriation program was known as the forced repatriation program rather than a voluntary repatriation.

What follows is a newspaper account of the events of 1998 forced refugees repatriation from Denmark. "In the middle of last week and this week, five Somaliland refugees were brought to Hargeisa airport. They included three women and two children. The Republican came to know after an interview with two of the women who arrived at Hargeisa airport on the fourteenth April 1998, that Denmark was responsible for what these two women called "A Forced repatriation". (April 18, 1998 The Republican).

Explaining the in-human conditions that these people suffered, Sahra Mohamed Ali says, "you know, I had a medical report, explaining that I was suffering from a throat problem and that my baby was also not allowed any food that had milk products. The baby was also on medication. I was not allowed to purchase any medicine for my baby and myself. They did not allow me to take my belongings, including clothes, shoes, etc. I had no money either. When I arrived at the airport, Somaliland government officials came to me to meet us, I tried to explain my situation, but to no avail, they in fact laughed at us and thought it was funny. We were thrown to the Airport terminal like dogs with no money and shelter". The Somaliland government denied any hand in the mishandling of the refugees. The Minister of Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Resettlement, Mr. Abdillahi Hussein Iman who incidentally still holds the same post said at that time, "Our agreement with Denmark stipulated that we will be informed on when the deportations will take place, but the Danish government didn't inform us and therefore had begun deporting refugees without our knowledge". (April 18, 1998 The Republican).

In Conclusion, "Those Who Don't Learn From History Are Doomed To Repeat It".

EU ships food aid to Ethiopia through Somaliland port of Berbera

Somaliland's foreign minister Dahir Kahin, who visited Ethiopia recently, confirmed the move to use Berbera, saying: "A lot of food aid is coming to Ethiopia through the port of Berbera."

"Security is not a problem in the region and 15,000 tonnes have arrived in Ethiopia without any a hitch -- a testimony for the credibility and confidence on the security situation," Kahin said.

Ethiopia had never used any ports in former Somalia, as it used its own ports of Massawa and Assab until Eritrea attained independence.

The use of the Eritrean port of Assab stopped when the two countries went to war between 1998-2000, effectively making Ethiopia landlocked.

Before Eritrea's independence from Ethiopia a decade ago, Ethiopia relied completely on the ports of Massawa and Assab and could never think of using any ports in Somalia, with which it has gone to war several times.

But things have changed since with the overthrow in Somalia of dictator Mohamed Siad Barre in 1991, which led to Somalia's northwest region declaring itself the independent republic of Somaliland five months later.

Ethiopia is the only country that has recognised Somaliland and currently has air links and a diplomatic presence in Hargeisa, the capital of the self-declared republic.

Shipments to Ethiopia also pass through the port of Djibouti, but it is usually congested.

Ethiopia has also recently signed a memorandum of understanding with neighbouring Sudan for the use of its Red Sea ports and roads connecting the two countries are currently under construction, the officials said.

SOUTH AFRICAN PAPER SAYS FOREIGN MINISTRY IN FAVOUR OF SOMALILAND'S RECOGNITION

The case is growing for the country to do this on one of the prickliest matters: Somaliland. The former British colony is seeking recognition as an entity free from its paralysed southern neighbour, Somalia.

Law advisers from the South African Department of Foreign Affairs support Somaliland's argument for independence. "It is undeniable that Somaliland does indeed qualify for statehood, and it is incumbent upon the international community to recognize it," read the report that was recently commissioned by Minister of Foreign Affairs Nkosazana Dlamini- Zuma. The government's lawyers agree that "any efforts to deny or delay would not only put the international community at the risk of ignoring the most stable region in the Horn (of Africa), it would impose untold hardship upon the people of Somaliland due to the denial of foreign assistance that recognition entails."

Somaliland stands accused by the AU of the cardinal sin of secession. Absolute recognition of colonial boundaries, logical and historical reality notwithstanding, was a preoccupation of the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

The OAU feared that if ever this can of worms were opened, it would lead to incessant border wars. This does not apply in the case of Somaliland, which broke an inequitable and eventually genocidal union with Somalia 12 years ago without claiming a centimetre more than the territory it had at independence in 1960.

The South African law advisers address this issue too. "The interest of world peace and stability require that, where possible, the division or fragmentation of existing states should be managed peacefully and by negotiation. But where this is not possible, as is the case with Somalia, international law accepts that the interests of justice may prevail over the principle of territorial integrity," they say.

The document on Dlamini-Zuma's desk was supported this week by the assertion from the Brussels-based think tank, the International Crisis Group (ICG), that Somaliland's demand for recognition presents the international community with stark choices. "The question confronting the international community is no longer whether Somaliland should be recognized as an independent state, but whether there remain any viable alternatives," the ICG report says.

It says that the international community could either "develop pragmatic responses to Somaliland's demand for self-determination or continue to insist upon the increasingly abstract notion of the unity and territorial integrity of the Somali Republic."

It warns that the latter course is likely to lead to a new round of civil war in Somalia.

The ICG says an international fact-finding mission should visit Somaliland to assess the situation and "recommend policy options." It also calls on the AU to grant Somaliland "observer status pending a final decision on its international status."

Dlamini-Zuma knows South Africa's decision will be key to the rest of the continent's action. Earlier this year she invited a Somaliland ministerial delegation to South Africa and she has sent senior officials there.

South African businessmen, including Mvelaphanda's Tokyo Sexwale, recently visited Somaliland, which offers interesting mineral resources and, more importantly, the political stability in which to exploit them.

The country's democratically elected President, Dahir Riyale Kahin, this week reiterated his refusal to join the stuttering peace process. His Information Minister, Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale, said Somaliland would welcome any peace deal between the parties "in the former Italian Somalia", but noted that "this has nothing to do with Somaliland."

Du'ale was reacting to media reports that a Kenyan government delegation was on its way to Somaliland to try to convince it to attend the talks in Nairobi. He said any Kenyan delegation to Somaliland was welcome "so long as they are coming to discuss bilateral issues and ways of developing bilateral relations."

He warned, however, that Somaliland "will not entertain any delegation whose objective is to bring us into these talks. Such a mission will not be welcome, and they should not waste their time."

ISLAND OFF SOMALILAND COAST STRUCK BY WARPLANES ON 20 JULY - PAPER REPORTS

The report said: "Explosions were heard on Sunday (20 July) at Somaliland's island of Eibaat (northern Somalia), about 10 km northwest of Seylac. The explosions were caused by an air strike carried out by US warplanes, sources in Seylac said. However there was some confusion as to the real identity of the military aircraft that carried out the bombing. Military forces belonging to France and the US-led coalition against terrorism have troops stationed in nearby Djibouti. "Eibaat is located in an area declared s a marine protected zone. The area has a unique eco-system with a diversity of species and an outstandingly beautiful marine environment including one of the most admirable coral formations in the world." In its commentary, The Somaliland Times said: "Despite initial press reports that it was US warplanes that bombed Somaliland's Eibaat Island (about 10 km off the coast of Seylac town, northern Somalia) last Sunday (20 July), the Somaliland government apparently has not until now been able to confirm the identity of the aircraft that were involved in the attack. This is understandable since Somaliland does not have the capability to detect whether its airspace has been violated, let alone the ability to identify the aircraft flying over its territory. But since Eibaat is located within the proximity of an area heavily guarded by American military, there are good reasons to believe that the warplanes that carried out the bombing were US owned."

"It is of course true that the US is not the only power in the area that has the capability to make an air strike on Eibaat. The French also have such capabilities. But it was the US that has, for the last month, been engaged in intensive joint military exercises in the area, involving units from the three branches of their armed forces deployed in the wider region. Regardless of whoever was responsible for the attack on Eibaat, Somaliland's territorial integrity has been violated and its marine resources damaged by outside military forces. What is disturbing to many Somalilanders is that not only their territory has been violated, but they are unable to establish whom they should hold accountable'"

"The Somaliland public has also been dismayed with the government's slow and inadequate response to the incident. Nobody expected the government to take retaliatory measures, simply because Somaliland does not have the military ability to challenge the powerful western forces stationed at its northwestern borders. Nor would have it been wise for the government to issue a barrage of condemnations. Though the US and France have not yet recognized Somaliland, the American government does not oppose the right of Somalilanders to exercise their self-determination. What is needed now is for the Somaliland government to accelerate its investigation and diplomatic contacts in order to find out the truth about what happened at Eibaat. The people of Somaliland hope that American diplomats and military officials stationed in the region will cooperate with the Somaliland government in its endeavour to solve the mysterious attack on Eibaat Island."

Ethiopia: EU's relief food arrives via Somaliland's port

In an exclusive interview she gave, Ms Dahir Kahin Rayale, the foreign minister name and post as published said, "There is a lot of food aid that is coming to Ethiopia from the port of Berbera and right now the first ship will finish discharging its cargo food aid on Monday."

A total of 100,000 metric tons of food will arrive in Ethiopia from the Berbera Port between now and November. Speaking of the non-existence of security problems at the border, she said, "The first 15,000 metric tonnes of food aid came from Berbera to Ethiopia and not a single truck or a single sack was lost," adding that this has created "credibility and confidence" for future cooperation between the two countries.

"We offer Ethiopia the port of Berbera for its exports. We offer the goodwill and friendship of the people and government of Somaliland and I think we have a very good chance of establishing very good economic cooperation," the foreign minister stated.

Ms Rayale was here the whole of last week as part of a high-level Somaliland delegation that included the country's president, Dahir Rayaleh Kahin. The president held talks with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi on bilateral relations in general and on the use of the Berbera corridor for Ethiopia's imports and exports in particular.

The foreign minister said that the visit was made to "strengthen even more the good relations we have with Ethiopia," adding, "we discussed with Prime Minister Meles how we can launch the Berbera corridor project for trade between the two countries and how we can jointly go about convincing the European Union to finance and finalize the project" that connects the port of Berbera to the borders of Ethiopia.

The Berbera corridor project, estimated to cost little over 60m US dollars, is designed to bring the Somaliland airports of Berbera and Hargeysa and the roads linking it to Ethiopia up to internationally approved levels. The port of Berbera particularly has gained attention with some 40m US dollars earmarked for its expansion.

Ethiopia, which had been using the port of Djibouti, has turned its face towards Somaliland, and it is quite evident that Djibouti would not be happy with it. So far, some 15,000 metric tonnes of food has arrived in the country via Somaliland.

Although there was fear that the relief food might not reach the needy due to the current instability in the area, the Ethiopian foreign minister has said that the whole consignment has reached its destination safely.

Until next Hidar November some 100,000 metric tonnes of relief food secured from the EU will enter through the Somaliland port of Berbera, it has also been learnt that Ethiopia's imports will enter through the same port. Passage omitted .

SOUTH AFRICAN PAPER SAYS FOREIGN MINISTRY IN FAVOUR OF SOMALILAND'S RECOGNITION

The case is growing for the country to do this on one of the prickliest matters: Somaliland. The former British colony is seeking recognition as an entity free from its paralysed southern neighbour, Somalia.

Law advisers from the South African Department of Foreign Affairs support Somaliland's argument for independence. "It is undeniable that Somaliland does indeed qualify for statehood, and it is incumbent upon the international community to recognize it," read the report that was recently commissioned by Minister of Foreign Affairs Nkosazana Dlamini- Zuma. The government's lawyers agree that "any efforts to deny or delay would not only put the international community at the risk of ignoring the most stable region in the Horn (of Africa), it would impose untold hardship upon the people of Somaliland due to the denial of foreign assistance that recognition entails."

Somaliland stands accused by the AU of the cardinal sin of secession. Absolute recognition of colonial boundaries, logical and historical reality notwithstanding, was a preoccupation of the AU's predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

The OAU feared that if ever this can of worms were opened, it would lead to incessant border wars. This does not apply in the case of Somaliland, which broke an inequitable and eventually genocidal union with Somalia 12 years ago without claiming a centimetre more than the territory it had at independence in 1960.

The South African law advisers address this issue too.

"The interest of world peace and stability require that, where possible, the division or fragmentation of existing states should be managed peacefully and by negotiation. But where this is not possible, as is the case with Somalia, international law accepts that the interests of justice may prevail over the principle of territorial integrity," they say.

The document on Dlamini-Zuma's desk was supported this week by the assertion from the Brussels-based think tank, the International Crisis Group (ICG), that Somaliland's demand for recognition presents the international community with stark choices.

"The question confronting the international community is no longer whether Somaliland should be recognized as an independent state, but whether there remain any viable alternatives," the ICG report says.

It says that the international community could either "develop pragmatic responses to Somaliland's demand for self-determination or continue to insist upon the increasingly abstract notion of the unity and territorial integrity of the Somali Republic."

It warns that the latter course is likely to lead to a new round of civil war in Somalia.

The ICG says an international fact-finding mission should visit Somaliland to assess the situation and "recommend policy options." It also calls on the AU to grant Somaliland "observer status pending a final decision on its international status."

Dlamini-Zuma knows South Africa's decision will be key to the rest of the continent's action. Earlier this year she invited a Somaliland ministerial delegation to South Africa and she has sent senior officials there.

South African businessmen, including Mvelaphanda's Tokyo Sexwale, recently visited Somaliland, which offers interesting mineral resources and, more importantly, the political stability in which to exploit them.

The country's democratically elected President, Dahir Riyale Kahin, this week reiterated his refusal to join the stuttering peace process. His Information Minister, Abdullahi Muhammad Du'ale, said Somaliland would welcome any peace deal between the parties "in the former Italian Somalia", but noted that "this has nothing to do with Somaliland."

Du'ale was reacting to media reports that a Kenyan government delegation was on its way to Somaliland to try to convince it to attend the talks in Nairobi. He said any Kenyan delegation to Somaliland was welcome "so long as they are coming to discuss bilateral issues and ways of developing bilateral relations."

He warned, however, that Somaliland "will not entertain any delegation whose objective is to bring us into these talks. Such a mission will not be welcome, and they should not waste their time."

ISLAND OFF SOMALILAND COAST STRUCK BY WARPLANES ON 20 JULY - PAPER REPORTS

The report said: "Explosions were heard on Sunday (20 July) at Somaliland's island of Eibaat (northern Somalia), about 10 km northwest of Seylac. The explosions were caused by an air strike carried out by US warplanes, sources in Seylac said. However there was some confusion as to the real identity of the military aircraft that carried out the bombing. Military forces belonging to France and the US-led coalition against terrorism have troops stationed in nearby Djibouti. "Eibaat is located in an area declared s a marine protected zone. The area has a unique eco-system with a diversity of species and an outstandingly beautiful marine environment including one of the most admirable coral formations in the world." In its commentary, The Somaliland Times said: "Despite initial press reports that it was US warplanes that bombed Somaliland's Eibaat Island (about 10 km off the coast of Seylac town, northern Somalia) last Sunday (20 July), the Somaliland government apparently has not until now been able to confirm the identity of the aircraft that were involved in the attack. This is understandable since Somaliland does not have the capability to detect whether its airspace has been violated, let alone the ability to identify the aircraft flying over its territory. But since Eibaat is located within the proximity of an area heavily guarded by American military, there are good reasons to believe that the warplanes that carried out the bombing were US owned."

"It is of course true that the US is not the only power in the area that has the capability to make an air strike on Eibaat. The French also have such capabilities. But it was the US that has, for the last month, been engaged in intensive joint military exercises in the area, involving units from the three branches of their armed forces deployed in the wider region. Regardless of whoever was responsible for the attack on Eibaat, Somaliland's territorial integrity has been violated and its marine resources damaged by outside military forces. What is disturbing to many Somalilanders is that not only their territory has been violated, but they are unable to establish whom they should hold accountable'"

"The Somaliland public has also been dismayed with the government's slow and inadequate response to the incident. Nobody expected the government to take retaliatory measures, simply because Somaliland does not have the military ability to challenge the powerful western forces stationed at its northwestern borders. Nor would have it been wise for the government to issue a barrage of condemnations. Though the US and France have not yet recognized Somaliland, the American government does not oppose the right of Somalilanders to exercise their self-determination. What is needed now is for the Somaliland government to accelerate its investigation and diplomatic contacts in order to find out the truth about what happened at Eibaat. The people of Somaliland hope that American diplomats and military officials stationed in the region will cooperate with the Somaliland government in its endeavour to solve the mysterious attack on Eibaat Island."

SOMALILAND GOVERNMENT ORDERS DUTCH NGO TO CEASE OPERATIONS

The minister specifically ordered Nagad and Candlelight local agencies to immediately expel NOVIB expatriate members whom they brought in the country.

NOVIB began in 2002 by doing research, collecting data as well as conducting awareness programme in the former Somali Republic by assigning some people opposed to the Republic of Somaliland. NOVIB called the project "Mapping Somali Civil Society." Secondly, experts 80 per cent of whom were from Southern Somalia were invited to Nairobi by NOVIB to make assessment on Somali Civil Society. The total number of organizations said to be able to do this work were up to 500 organizations. Unfortunately, Somaliland was allotted only 80 organizations, while Mogadishu was given twice that number.

The so-called research by NOVIB was, in fact, inimical to the sovereignty of Somaliland. Somaliland's civic society rejected to have cooperation with those in Somalia in a NOVIB-sponsored meeting held at Mansoor hotel. In that meeting, civil society groups in Somaliland said development funds intended for the former Somali Republic should be shared between civil society groups representing Somaliland and Somalia (Passage omitted). Source: UNICEF, 6 Aug 2003

UNICEF Somalia Review Jul 2003

Local support for peace talks...

In Mogadishu, renowned Somali poet Mohamed Ibrahim Warsame, alias Hadrawi, launched a march for peace. Named the "Hadrawi Peace Rally", it is an initiative by Somali artists in support of peace. The concept of the march has extended to other towns including Kismayo and has been warmly received by residents.

Political and security update...

Somaliland leader Dahir Rayale Kahin appointed a new cabinet comprising 25 ministers, five state ministers and 12 vice ministers. The appointments are subject to the approval of Somaliland's House of Representatives. In Puntland, differences were reported between leader Abdullahi Yusuf and his deputy Mohamed Abdi Hashi over a cabinet reshuffle.

Throughout the month, the regions of Somaliland and Puntland were relatively stable.

Health programme update...

Five-day training workshops to provide management skills for members of 21 regional health boards were conducted in Borama, Gebilay and Berbera towns of Awdal, Galbeed and Sahil regions respectively.

UNICEF, in collaboration with Somaliland health authorities, organized a week long training workshop for community health workers (CHWs) in Las Anod, Sool region. The training sought to enhance the skills of CHWs in providing proper case diagnosis, treatment and provision of health education. Treatment protocols and registers in the Somali language were provided to participants. A second training session spanning three weeks was carried out in Las Anod for 12 participants working out of health posts. The participants received copies of treatment protocols in Somali while the health posts were provided with basic furniture, medical instruments and supplies. An Integrated Management of Childhood Illnesses (IMCI) package has also been translated into Somali and is ready for use.

The second round of Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI activities took place in Somaliland from 11-16 July. In Puntland, EPI activities were carried out in Allula, Bargal, Burtinle, Bossaso Dangorayo, Gardo, Galkayo, Garowe and Qandala towns during the last week of May 2003.

A two-day workshop on social mobilization for EPI was conducted in Burao, Somaliland. The workshop drew some 30 participants, among them religious leaders, health workers and local leaders. The workshop aimed at dispelling myths and clarifying the importance and benefits of vaccines.

Some 20 Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs) were trained at the Edna Adan Maternity Hospital in Hargeisa, Somaliland. UNICEF also provided practical training in the Central Maternal and Child Health (MCH) Centre in Burao. The training was undertaken in collaboration with local authorities and trainers in the region. One aim of the training was to facilitate the establishment of a referral system between the TBAs and the Edna Adan Maternity Hospital and two Maternal Child Health (MCH) centres in Burao.

Nutrition programme update...

During the month, UNICEF conducted integrated interventions to curb the effects of drought and malnutrition in the Sool plateau of Sanaag and Sool regions. The interventions included the provision of supplementary feeding for malnourished children and immunization of children under five years against the six childhood killer diseases including measles, tuberculosis, polio, diphtheria, pertussis and tetanus.

A week's training was held in Sheikh town, Sahil region of Somaliland for 10 community health workers. Among other issues, the training focussed on child growth and development, infant and young child feeding and maternal nutrition. The purpose of the training was to enhance the role of community health workers in identifying and dealing with the nutrition problems. In Puntland, Health and Nutrition messages were disseminated through local media - Radio Midnimo and Radio Galkayo and both the Yool and Yamasyka newspapers. UNICEF supports this dissemination through agreements with respective media outlets that run until February 2004.

Gender update...

The appointment by Somaliland leader Dahir Rayale Kahin of women to head two important posts in the local administration was one of the highlights of the reporting period.

In Somaliland, local authorities and other local women's leaders organized a meeting on gender issues attended by religious leaders, members of parliament and intellectuals. At the meeting, the women emphasized their right to more representation in local leadership as stipulated in Islamic religion.

Their proposals have lead to healthy but heated debate among various groups in society with views aired in local media.

Water and Environmental Sanitation update...

In Somaliland, a company to run the Borama Water Supply System was formed and a board elected. The Boon Water Supply Project was meanwhile completed and officially commissioned.

In Somaliland, hygiene promotion materials were developed and translated into the Somali language.

Education highlights...

Some 212 teachers and head-teachers from primary schools in Togdheer, Hargeisa and Awdal regions of Somaliland attended an 18-day refresher training workshop in Borama focussing on the new curriculum. So far, nearly 2,200 teachers in Somaliland have been trained in the new education curriculum covering science, mathematics, social studies and the Somali language. In addition, they have been trained in issues related to gender, Education Management Information Systems (EMIS) and HIV/AIDS. The teachers trained in July were the last group to attend Phase I of the in-service teacher training. UNICEF will support all teachers that have attended Phase I to attend Phase II next year and Phase III in 2005. Following the completion of all phases, the Somaliland health authorities will issue certificates to the teachers.

Youth...

Construction and rehabilitation of six primary schools and three playgrounds in Somaliland is nearing completion. Three of the schools and the playgrounds are in Hargeisa. About 25 schools, playgrounds and resource centres will be rehabilitated or constructed before the end of 2003. In 2002, there was no new intake in almost all primary schools in major towns in Somaliland because of limited space.

HIV/AIDS prevention and control...

The first issue of KOOR, a youth magazine that focuses on HIV/AIDS issues, was released in July. Some 2,050 copies were printed and distributed to youth in schools, private and public institutions, as well as relevant administration offices, including health, education, information, family affairs and social development. Copies of the magazine were also sent to Puntland for distribution there.

Some 90 teachers were sensitized on basic facts about HIV/AIDS during two workshops in Hargeisa.

Robert Kihara, Assistant Communication Officer e-mail: rkihara@unicef.org OR Julia Spry-Leverton, Communication Officer Tel: 254-2-623958/ 623950/ 623862/ 623959/ 350410 Fax: 254-2-520640/ 623965

For further information on UNICEF, visit its website at http://www.unicef.org/

Somaliland leads charge for African women

The foreign minister of the Somaliland has told the BBC she believes a number of Africa's problems would be eased if there were more women leaders on the continent. Edna Adan Ismail said much of Africa's suffering, especially that stemming from military conflict, would be eased if women were at the top and allowed to approach the issues from their own perspective.

"I think more social areas would be better developed if women were in more decision-making positions because these are the areas that really touch women and their families and their children," Ms Ismail told BBC World Service's Africa Live. programme.

She said more women leaders would lead to an emphasis on health, education, sanitation and water on the continent.

"I think that there would be more tolerance, there would be less violent military movements," she said.

"Certainly problems would be solved by diplomatic channels rather than by seeking a military solution.

"There would be fewer military coup d'etats and military takeovers.

"I think the world would be a much better place."

The foreign minister of the breakaway republic of Somaliland is well known in her country, having been married to the late President Mohammed Egal.

'Great bounds'

Meanwhile Kenya's shadow labour minister Orie Rogo Manduli described the increased involvement of women in the political process as "completely and absolutely overdue".

"All candidates promise a rosy future, but when elected to office another story emerges", Elias Abdi, US

Can women solve Africa's problems'

"It is only when political parties start to take their women more seriously, and give their women greater responsibility and participation in the parties, that the parties will really mean anything," she said.

"In this country, Kenya, a party that has done that in a very small measure has leapt great bounds and done very well.

"It is obvious now that Africa needs women at the top."

She said she felt the time was approaching when there would be a massive influx of women into top government positions throughout Africa.

"Women have been ready - they have been ready forever," she said.

"This time round we want it, and we are demanding that we are given the opportunity to run things."

Advice and support

One of those who has been already tipped to go into power in the future is nine-year-old Chine Mwanere - speaker at the Nigerian children's parliament.

Miss Mwanere, who has gained a reputation as an accomplished speaker despite her young age, added her voice to the campaign to see more women in power.

"We can see that in most countries in Africa, women are beginning to attain a higher level of education in all types of endeavour," she said.

"Secondly we can see the majority of the people in the population are women.

"They are the drawers of water, collectors of firewood, protectors of the environment - they are the mothers of the children and wives of the husbands.

"Therefore they are the pillars of the family and pillars of the nation."

She said women's' networking skills would be immeasurably useful in positions of responsibility.

The minister specifically ordered Nagad and Candlelight local agencies to immediately expel NOVIB expatriate members whom they brought in the country.

NOVIB began in 2002 by doing research, collecting data as well as conducting awareness programme in the former Somali Republic by assigning some people opposed to the Republic of Somaliland. NOVIB called the project "Mapping Somali Civil Society." Secondly, experts 80 per cent of whom were from Southern Somalia were invited to Nairobi by NOVIB to make assessment on Somali Civil Society. The total number of organizations said to be able to do this work were up to 500 organizations. Unfortunately, Somaliland was allotted only 80 organizations, while Mogadishu was given twice that number.

The so-called research by NOVIB was, in fact, inimical to the sovereignty of Somaliland. Somaliland's civic society rejected to have cooperation with those in Somalia in a NOVIB-sponsored meeting held at Mansoor hotel. In that meeting, civil society groups in Somaliland said development funds intended for the former Somali Republic should be shared between civil society groups representing Somaliland and Somalia (Passage omitted).

Somalia; Puntland Denies Interfering in Somaliland's Affairs

A statement issued by the Somaliland authorities on Monday warned Puntland's leader Col Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad to stay away from the disputed regions of Sool and Sanaag. "We will not tolerate his threats against parts of Sool and Sanaag regions," it said, adding that Abdullahi Yusuf "will bear full responsibility for the consequences" of his actions.

But Dahir Mire Jibril, a spokesman for Abdullahi Yusuf, told IRIN that Puntland "does not consider Sool and Sanaag as part of Somaliland".

"Sool and Sanaag are part and parcel of Puntland, and the people there do not consider themselves part of Somaliland," he stressed.

Dahir added that the recent elections in Somaliland "during which no voting took place in either region, are proof of that".

He warned the Somaliland authorities "not to foment instability in these stable regions".

Both Somaliland and Puntland claim the two regions, which geographically fall within the borders of the former British Somaliland, but where most of the resident clans are associated with Puntland.

Somalia; Somaliland Rejects Attempts to Bring It Into Peace Talks

According to a statement issued on Sunday by the office of the region's president, Dahir Riyale Kahin, Somaliland is not a party to the Somali peace talks.

And the Somaliland information minister, Abdillahi Muhammad Du'ale, told IRIN on Monday that Somaliland would welcome any peace deal between the parties "in the former Italian Somalia", but noted that "this has nothing to do with Somaliland". The statement described as "a surprise" comments by Kenya's Ambassador Bethwel Kiplagat, who is chairing the peace conference, that the talks concern the whole of Somalia. The draft charter includes Somaliland within the boundaries of Somalia.

However, the Somaliland regional government's statement said Somaliland's borders were those it inherited from the British, and "are recognised by the African Union and the UN".

The information minister, who was reacting to media reports that a Kenyan government delegation was on its way to Somaliland to try and convince it to attend the Nairobi talks, told IRIN that any Kenyan delegation to Somaliland was welcome "so long as they are coming to discuss bilateral issues and ways of developing bilateral relations".

He warned, however, that Somaliland "will not entertain any delegation whose objective is to bring us into these talks".

"Such a mission will not be welcome, and they should not waste their time," he stressed. "We have made our position very clear on numerous occasions and it is well known to IGAD [Inter-Governmental Authority on Development] and the international community."

The Somaliland statement also warned Col Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmad, president of the neighbouring self-declared autonomous region of Puntland to stop interfering in Somaliland affairs.

"We will not tolerate his threats against parts of Sool and Sanaag regions," it said, adding that Abdullahi Yusuf "will bear full responsibility for the consequences" of his actions.

Both Somaliland and Puntland claim the two regions, which geographically fall within the borders of the former British Somaliland, but where most of the resident clans are associated with Puntland.

KENYAN OFFICIAL SAID TO OFFER SOMALILAND "FINAL INVITATION" TO SOMALI PEACE TALKS

Mr Omino attended the peace conference (in Nairobi's Mbagathi suburb) and expressed his optimism on the formation of a new (Somali) government following the peace and reconciliation conference.

The chairman of the peace talks, (Ambassador Bethwel) Kiplagat, said a delegation headed by Mr Omino, will visit Hargeysa (Somaliland's administrative HQ) as urgently as possible. The delegation will offer Somaliland a final invitation letter (after its rejection of the previously ones) to take part in the peace conference in Kenya.

BRUSSELS-BASED THINK TANK SAYS RECOGNITION OF SOMALILAND ONLY VIABLE OPTION

The question confronting the international community is no longer whether Somaliland should be recognized as an independent state, but whether there remain any viable alternatives," the report said. It added that the international community could either "develop pragmatic responses to Somaliland's demand for self-determination or continue to insist upon the increasingly abstract notion of the unity and territorial integrity of the Somali Republic. "It warned that the latter course was likely to lead to a new round of civil war in Somalia.

Somaliland, a former British protectorate, declared unilateral independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991, but has received no international recognition.

The ICG report made a number of recommendations, including the dispatch of an international fact-finding mission to assess the Somaliland issue and "to recommend policy options." It also called on the African Union to consider a legal review of the territory's case and grant it "observer status pending a final decision on its international status."

(Full report available at:- http://www.crisisweb.org/ )

Somaliland: Democratisation and Its Discontents

Recent developments have made the choice faced by the international community considerably clearer: develop pragmatic responses to Somaliland's demand for self-determination or continue to insist upon the increasingly abstract notion of the unity and territorial integrity of the Somali Republic - a course of action almost certain to open a new chapter in the Somali civil war.

Somaliland's presidential election of 14 April 2003 was a milestone in the self-declared, unrecognised republic's process of democratisation. Nearly half a million voters cast ballots in one of the closest polls ever conducted in the region: when the last votes had been counted and the results announced on 19 April, the incumbent president, Dahir Rayale Kahin, had won by only 80 votes.

A former British protectorate in the Horn of Africa, Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of the Somali Republic in May 1991, following the collapse of the military regime in Mogadishu. Although unrecognised by any country, Somaliland has followed a very different trajectory from the rest of the "failed state" of Somalia, embarking on a process of internally driven political, economic and social reconstruction. Somaliland's democratic transition began in May 2001 with a plebiscite on a new constitution that introduced a multiparty electoral system, and continued in December 2002 with local elections that were widely described as open and transparent. The final stage of the process - legis