That Freedom Shall not Perish

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The overthrow of Said Barre in 1991 led to a de facto division of Somalia, with the self-proclamation of the northern Republic of Somaliland on 18 May 1991. The international community and the United Nations, which upholds the territorial integrity of Somalia, have firmly rejected the partition of Somalia and so far no single country in the world has recognized Somaliland.

Somaliland is populated by various tribes: Gedabuursi and Isse in the Awdal Region, Habar Awal (Isaaq) in the South-West Region, Habar Jecllo, Habar Yonis, Isse Muse (all Isaaq) and Dhulbahante (Darood) in Togdheer Region. The Isaaq clans of Habar Yonis, Habar Jecllo and Isse Muse together with Darood clans of Dhulbahante and warsangeli are in Sanaag region. Sool Region is mostly Dhulbahante (Darood). Members of any of these tribes can also be found living in all corners of Somaliland, especially in the urban centers like Hargeisa, Berbera and Borama. Furthermore, there are other tribes from the whole spectrum of Somali population, however small, in number that lived there since time immemorial.

The non-Isaaq tribes of Somaliland, such as the Gedabuursi, Isse, Dhulbahante and Warsangeli did not participate in the armed liberation struggle for independence by the SNM against the brutal regime of Mohamed Siad Barre. In fact, most of these tribes were armed and mobilized as local militias. They waged a merciless war against the Isaaqs and their movement (SNM).

Mr. Dahir Riyale Kahin (from Gedabuursi tribe ), who is now the president of Somaliland, and his speaker of the "exclusive" men only" rubber stamp parliament, Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Aden (from Dhulbahante tribe), were part of the violent campaign to crash and exterminate the SNM. Mr.Riyale was a senior officer in the notorious Secret Service NSS that carried out killings and torture of the civilians suspected of being supporters of the SNM guerrilla movement. Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Aden (Qaybe) aided in the war effort of the regime and successfully negotiated with Menghistu Haile Mariam, the former dictator of Ethiopia, the expulsion of SNM from their bases in Ethiopia.

Non-Iaaq tribes (and some Isaaqs) of Somaliland do not share the separations of some separatists who would like to break up Somalia. The Dhulbahante and Warsangeli will never accept to be separated from their Darood blood brothers in Puntland, Somalia. They do not want to become like the Kurds of Iraq and Turkey, a minority in Somaliland and a minority in Somalia and lose their historic hegemony in Somali politics. The Gedibuursi tribesmen in the Diaspora also have been very vocal in their opposition to the secessionists.

A country exists because its people want it to exist. That is its only moral basis for being. If part of its population actually desires to separate, they obviously have the fundamental right to do so. It remains important, however, to expose the fallacy and danger in the notion that Somalia is divisible by unconstitutional or extra-legal action. There are not a dozen people outside the special interest group in Hargeisa and Berbera who believe that if Somalia is divisible, Somaliland is not. Equality of rights in a constitutional democracy requires the full application of democracy - not a resort to unconstitutional methods. We must provide the constitutional means by which every person living in [Somaliland ] can decide whether to remain Somali or join a tribally defined Republic. The end result of any such redrawing of boundaries should be that as few persons as possible are forced to live on the "wrong" side of the new international frontier."

The remnants of Siad Barre Regime (or Faqash) are ruling Somaliland today. The potential for catastrophe in their agenda, for everyone concerned, is very high. They see the current crisis in Sool and Sanaag regions as an opportunity to use the ill- treated SNM fighters as a battering ram against the peoples of Sool and Sanaag. They are whipping up anti-Southern chauvinism and hysteria. People who monitor Radio Somaliland, the voice of the regime in Hargeisa, are reporting an alarming Rwanda-like propaganda inciting people to take arms against their fellow countrymen.

If war breaks out, and it seems inevitable, genocide of unprecedented swiftness could be conducted with the approval of the state apparatus The killing will swiftly spread from Hargeisa to all corners of the counry. There are reports of people from the Dhulbahnte and Warsangeli tribes fleeing their homes in Hargeisa and other urban areas because of fear. People should reject the reactionary campaign by the remnants of Siad Barre regime and seek peaceful solution to the conflict.

I would like to call upon Mr. Kofi Anan, the General Secretary of the United Nations, and Mr. George W. Bush, the President of the United States, to send immediately to the region whatever it takes to prevent genocide worse than the one in Rwanda.

Puntland forces were sent there when unconfirmed reports emerged about the presence of Somaliland troops in areas very close to Laas Caanood in Sool region.

Forces loyal to the two administrations have been based in villages very close to Laas Caanood town since December last year, when the dispute over the ownership of Sool and Sanaag regions between the two sides was sparked off.

Residents of Laas Caanood and Ariadeye have expressed their anxiety over the military movements between the two sides.

The militiamen managed to hijack the vehicles and kidnap three men yesterday morning in the Somali region of Ethiopia. The three kidnapped men, who are from Burco (Somaliland), are now held in a house in Buuhoodle under the control of the militiamen.

The suspect which these militiamen are demanding to be released is among five suspects arrested by the Somaliland authorities in connection with the attack.

Elders are now trying to solve the problem but no solution is expected soon.

Reports released after their return say the ministers signed an agreement with a British company to begin oil exploration in Somaliland. The company contracted is the same one that conducted the oil exploration in Sudan .

The visit of the ministers and the agreement which they signed with the company have not yet been confirmed, although it is known the Somaliland ministers were invited to the UK by British companies.

During their stay there, the officials will hold talks with the German authorities on ways of bolstering relations between the two countries.

Meanwhile, the Somaliland's finance minister, Hon Awil Ali Du'ale, also left today Hargeysa Airport for Ethiopia. The visit is related to bilateral ties and cooperation between the two countries.

For the last 48 hours these lorries have been trying to cross the border between the two administrations in order to supply food to the drought stricken people in Sool Region. Somaliland officials escorting the lorries said that they could not manage to pass where Puntland troops were based. The troops expressed concern about the issue.

Elders in Sool Region are now trying to solve the matter and said that they are expecting a permission from Puntland officers in Sool to allow the trucks deliver the aid food to the needy people.

Puntland and Somaliland have been in a dispute over the ownership of Sool and Saanag regions that is claimed by both.

Now it's not clear what ramifications this would have to the president, since Mohammed Hashi was one of the few respected cabinet members in Riyale's Government. Mohammed Hashi joined the government in Jun 2003, as Minister of Commerce and Industries.

We advise British nationals currently in Somaliland to consider leaving. If they decide to stay, they should restrict their movements to Hargeisa, stay in doors, keep themselves informed of developments and take precautions, until the security situation becomes clearer.

There is a high threat from terrorism in Somalia.

SAFETY AND SECURITY

Terrorism

There is a high general threat to Western, including British, targets from terrorism in Somalia, as there is in a number of countries in East Africa and the Horn. The bomb attacks in Riyadh, Casablanca and Istanbul show that the terrorist threat remains real.

We advise against all travel to Somalia, including all areas of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. A Kenyan woman working for a German Government aid organisation was shot dead in an ambush on the Hargeisa-Berbera Road, on 19 March. A German colleague with her was injured in the attack for which the motive has not yet been established. The European Commission and many international NGOs are pulling their expatriate staff out of Somaliland. The UN is evacuating all but a minimum of essential staff from Somaliland. We advise British nationals currently in Somaliland to consider leaving. If they decide to stay, they should restrict their movements to Hargeisa, stay in doors, keep themselves informed of developments and take precautions, until the security situation becomes clearer.

Two British nationals were shot dead in Sheikh in Somaliland on 20 October 2003. The motive for the murders has not been determined. An Italian aid worker was murdered in Borama near the border with Ethiopia, on 5 October 2003.

In Kenya (Somalia's southern neighbour), there was a car bomb attack on a hotel near Mombasa on 28 November 2002, in which at least fifteen people died, and an unsuccessful attempt to shoot down an Israeli charter plane on the same day.

These incidents highlight the threat posed by terrorism in East Africa and the Horn of Africa and the capacity of terrorist groups to carry out attacks. You should be particularly vigilant in public places such as hotels, restaurants, markets and tourist sites (see: Security and General Tips and Risk of Terrorism).

Crime

We advise against all travel to Somalia including all areas of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. A Kenyan worker for a German Aid organisation was killed on 19 Marchomaliland (se Terrorism section above). Two British nationals were shot dead in Sheikh (Somaliland) on 20 October 2003. There is a dangerous level of criminal activity by numerous bodies of armed militia in Southern Somalia, especially in Mogadishu. As a result there is a significant level of armed robbery and there have been a number of incidents of kidnapping for ransom.

We are looking into unsubstantiated reports that extremist elements are planning to kidnap Europeans and other expatriates employed by Non-Governmental Organisations in Somalia. We have no further information at the moment. Outbreaks of clan fighting remain frequent. Hostilities in Iraq have also led to some anti-Western sentiment.

Attacks of piracy and armed robbery against ships in and around Somalia's waters are frequent and continuing. Mariners are advised to be vigilant and take appropriate precautions.

Mr Riyale said the factory could employ thousands of jobless Somalis. He said the factory will start its production by cooperating with other countries, adding that if production commenced, the factory could supply cement to all countries in the Horn of Africa.

The president further said the Berbera cement factory would meet the need for cement in all countries in the region due to its good quality.

While visiting the Berbera port town, President Riyale said his government aims at improving activities at the port to make it highly competitive in the region.

Early this year, members of the British Parliament's Select Committee on International Development visited Hargeysa, the seat currently of the secessionist rebel administration of "Somaliland" and capital during the colonial era of the former British Somaliland Protectorate. They declared, albeit hypocritically, intention of this British Parliamentary delegation was to study the humanitarian and development needs of this relatively peaceful portion of Somalia, to determine how, according to the delegation's report, the British government can best realize "...(all ellipsis as published) the millennium development goals for the poor people of Somaliland..."

On their way home, back from Hargeysa, the British parliamentarians stopped in Nairobi and told Somalis at the Embakathi (Mbagathi) Conference that their visit related solely to development, flatly denying any intent on their part to sponsor the extension of recognition by the government of the United Kingdom to the breakaway territory.

This unfortunately was an unabashed falsehood but it served the purpose of allaying the suspicions of the credulous Somalis, if only fleetingly. As before, the Somalis fell for the deceitful words of the delegation largely because the British government's envoy to the Mbagathi peace conference was playing at that time a very prominent role in fresh IPF-IGAD (IGAD Partners Forum - Inter-Governmental Authority on Development) mediation efforts among Somali faction leaders that they had brought together for a retreat at a hotel in Nairobi, Kenya. The "honourable" parliamentarians have finally revealed their true intention with talks full of misrepresentations that they have delivered in parliament - which was to lobby on behalf of the secessionists in Hargeysa,. The "honourable" parliamentarians' passionate appeal for recognition by the British government of the treasonous act of secession effected in the northern regions of Somalia, essentially seeks, purposely or unwittingly, to harm the Somali people (passage omitted).

"Mean-spirited British attack"

Immaterial of whether Britain recognizes Somaliland or not, the reports of the parliamentary delegation will be seen by the Somalis as one more mean spirited British attack against them. Happily, for the Somalis and also for the future of Anglo-Somali relations, it appears that members of this parliamentary delegation have not convinced the British government with their strong appeals for the recognition of Somaliland. The response of the secretary of state for international development, Hilary Penn, to these presentations might have saved the situation. After carefully weighing the arguments presented in favour of recognition for the breakaway territory, the secretary responded with a much more perceptive analysis of the situation and in the end wisely counselled caution because "the people in the rest of Somalia have just as much need of peace and stability, and just as much of a right to a better life, as the people of Somaliland. It is indeed very clear from this exchange why the secretary of state is a minister and these parliamentarians are not!

Treaties signed in 1880s

Be that as it may, the British indeed seem to harbour inexplicable hostility toward the Somali people. In fact one can trace the roots of the current Somali crisis to their origins in less than honest protection treaties that the British had signed in the 1880s with unsuspecting elders of Somali clans. The treaties were simply unfavourable to the Somalis. The Somali elders who were not schooled in the intrigues of European diplomacy could not comprehend the political implications of the treaties, which were hidden from them in European diplomatic lingo with which they were not familiar. They, therefore, unknowingly signed away their sovereignty. Because of their truly inauspicious founding on treaties that the British apparently never intended to honour, Anglo-Somali relations never bode well for the Somalis. As it turned out, British enterprise in the Horn of Africa, which began with these infamous treaties, has been persistently harmful to the Somalis. This chapter of modern Somali history makes a dreary narrative of cruel British guile and repeated machinations against Somali interests, flagrantly violating in spirit and letter the treaties on which Anglo-Somali relations were based. A few of the many incidents of betrayal that the Somalis suffered at the hands of the British will suffice to clearly illustrate this point:

(1) In a series of treaties they signed with the traditional leaders of Somali clans during 1884-1886, the British promised to protect the territories belonging to these clans from external aggression in exchange for the privilege, solely granted to British citizens, of freely carrying on trade in the respective territories of the contracting clans. Additionally, the Somali clans also pledged not to ever offer their territories for occupation, or protection, to any other power. The trusting and politically rather naive Somalis were by and large faithful to the terms of the contractual agreements they had entered into with the British authorities who, unhappily for the Somalis, acted with cavalier disregard for what they had promised the Somalis. With characteristic duplicity, the British secretly agreed, through a series of bilateral agreements with France, Italy and Ethiopia during 1888-1897, to illegally cede portions of the territories they had covenanted with the Somali clans to protect. This cruel British perfidy became known to the Somalis when work on the demarcation lines separating the five colonial territories to which the land of the Somalis was divided, was begun on the ground in the 1930s;

(2) During the 2nd World War, all of the Somali territories, with the exception of the French enclave known as French Somaliland came under the control of British Military Administration. The Somalis, seeing in the rule of the British Military Administration a golden opportunity for them to get back together the dismembered Somali people and their land, began to vigorously agitate for national reunification. The British, however, lulled the Somalis to sleep with the Bevin Plan, which they put forth in 1946 with less than sincere effort and subsequently abandoned, to the Somalis' utmost disappointment. Instead of making amends for the damage that their secret agreements with other powers caused the treaties they had entered into with the Somalis, the British simply ignored the Somalis' call for national reunification and once more gave instalments of Somali territory to Ethiopia in 1942, 1948 and 1954;

"Cruel disregard" for results of plebiscite held in Kenya

(3) When the Somalis of the Northern Frontiers District (NFD) demanded union with the Somali Republic in the early 1960s, the British once more cruelly pretended to be paying attention to the Somalis' cry for justice. The then Colonial Secretary appointed an independent commission that was asked to determine the wishes of the people in the NFD by conducting a plebiscite in the territory, to see if the Somali inhabitants of the NFD desired to be reunited with their kith and kin in the Somali Republic or preferred to remain in the future independent Republic of Kenya. The inhabitants of the NFD voted with an overwhelmingly majority of 86 per cent in favour of cession from Kenya. Astonishingly, however, the British government acted with an utterly cruel disregard for the result of the plebiscite and simply decreed that the NFD would remain in Kenya.

In case this is of comfort to them, the Somalis should know that they are not the first, or the only people, to have been hurt by Britain's diplomatic double-dealing. In all likelihood though, the Somalis, because of their lack of familiarity with diplomatic trickery, suffered from British perfidy more than any other nation on earth. At a time when truthfulness was considered the cornerstone of successful diplomatic relations, a British statesman, whose name eludes me now, made a remark that shocked most of his contemporaries, possibly signalling the dawning of a new era in diplomatic history, an era in which hard-nosed realism and struggle for power would replace the idealistic notions of truthfulness and morality in international relations. When he was possibly confronted with proof of British dishonesty toward one ally or the other, this British politician instantly shot back with the famous rejoinder that Britain had 'permanent interests and no permanent friends'. This politician's remark, in effect admitting that deception figured in Britain's diplomatic practice, reinforced other European powers' conviction that the British could not be trusted, and earned the United Kingdom the unflattering nickname of 'The Perfidious Albion'. According to this British politician credited with coining the above quote, the benefits accruing to Great Britain from her relations with other countries, rather than devotion to the observation of any general rule of morality, would determine how friendly or unfriendly Britain was to be to any particular country. If that is the case, why has Britain's attitude to the Somalis been so consistently hostile? What have the Somalis done to deserve Britain's eternal enmity? What is the pleasure that the British get from purposely hurting the Somalis?
Dr Ali A Hersi, Nairobi, Kenya

That might be about to change. Exploration firms are taking a fresh look at the Indian Ocean coast stretching from Madagascar to Kenya, hoping to defy conventional industry wisdom that says the region has some gas but little oil.

"East Africa is likely to become one of the world's hottest oil exploration frontiers in the next few years," said Chris Matchette-Downes of JEBCO Seismic, which has reviewed geological data taken from east Africa's coast.

"I've seen a lot of evidence for oil," he said. "I think we're just beginning to see a realisation of that."

Long overlooked by an industry that has traditionally focused on west African producers like Nigeria and Angola further south, the eastern seaboard has drawn renewed interest from both oil majors and smaller firms hoping to strike it lucky.

Driven partly by increasing difficulty in finding fresh fields in time-worn exploration zones like the Gulf of Mexico and North Sea, companies are tapping new technology that makes offshore surveying more efficient.

While west African fields are ideally placed to serve US markets across the Atlantic, explorers hope new finds in the east will meet ready demand from across the Indian Ocean, in Japan, India, Singapore and other parts of Asia.

Royal Dutch/Shell is searching off Tanzania, Australia's Woodside Petroleum off Kenya, and US-based Vanco Energy off Madagascar, while the Malaysian state oil firm Petronas is looking for offshore oil and gas in Mozambique.

Sudan has been pumping growing quantities of oil for several years, and Canada's Heritage Oil Corp. has drilled exploration wells in Lake Albert on the border between Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Experts say huge finds might lie off the coast of anarchic Somalia - for anyone who dares to try.

Governments are keen to promote the energy potential of the Indian Ocean coast, sensing a chance to bolster economies reliant mainly on commodities like tea and coffee or tourism.

"For the first time in maybe 10 years we are having a lot of people making enquiries," said Peter Thuo, acting exploration manager at the state-run National Oil Corporation of Kenya, which markets Kenyan exploration rights. "There might be a lot of undiscovered resources."

Elusive elephants
The relatively low cost of exploration rights off east Africa has encouraged some firms to take a gamble - even if the risks of drawing a blank are high.

In Kenya, Woodside is hoping to replicate its strike in deep waters off the west African country of Mauritania in 2001, an area which it says shares similar geology to its exploration zone off Kenya's coast.

"For less than five or six million dollars we've got access to an area offshore east Africa that's about double what we've got in Mauritania," said Woodside spokesman Rob Millhouse. "It's a huge area where we can go and look, drill a hole if we like, and if we don't like, walk away."

While firms hope to strike what the industry refers to as an "elephant" - a large, oil bearing geological structure - firms are willing to admit that east Africa may provide more frustration than elation.

Gas fields have so far proved more numerous - including Songo Songo off Tanzania and a $1.2 billion project operated by Johannesburg-listed Sasol which began piping natural gas to South Africa from Mozambique in February.

Even if oil is discovered, drillers can only hope to make money if they find reserves which are big enough to be commercially viable.

"We recognise there's a potential for hydrocarbons to be there based on regional geological exploration," said Simon Buerk, spokesman for Shell, which has exploration rights off Tanzania. "The risks are quite high as well because this particular acreage is relatively unexplored."

Despite advances in seismic survey technology in the past decade, a lack of exploration wells in the region makes it harder to interpret raw data, making expensive exploration wells a more risky proposition than in more established zones.

Insecurity
Beyond the lack of data, some of the region's potential strikes remain off limits on security grounds.

Oil exploration in Sudan has been hindered by civil war, although talks between the government and southern rebels have raised hopes of a lasting peace in oil production zones.

Industry experts say the western Ethiopian region of Gambella may contain oil deposits, but hundreds of people were killed in ethnic clashes in December and January in the worst outbreak of violence there for years.

Somalia may have perhaps the greatest potential offshore reserves, but it also the most challenging prospect - having fragmented into fiefdoms run by rival warlords since the overthrow of military ruler Siad Barre in 1991.

But just as Woodside's strike in Mauritania helped fuel interest in less fashionable exploration areas in West Africa like Liberia and Sierra Leone, experts say a find off east Africa could draw more risk-takers to an overlooked region.

"Relative to other parts of Africa, it's very quiet," said Andrew Latham, a consultant at Wood Mackenzie.

"The average company thinks that the balance of probability is that there are no oil reserves, and it would take a discovery to change that position."

"The journalist should be released immediately as he only exercised his freedom of expression," Haatuf's editor Yusuf Abdi Gabobe told AFP by telephone from Hargeisa, Somaliland's capital.

A police officer in Hargeisa, who asked not to be named, said the journalist had been detained because he "speculated" on the relationship between the president and the vice president. He said the journalist would be charged in court soon.

The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on Monday expressed concern over the detention of the the journalist.

In a statement released on Monday, CPJ said those arrested were Abdishakur Yusuf Ali, the editor-in-chief of the independent War-Ogaal newspaper in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, and Abdirrahman Haji Dahir, a reporter for the independent daily Haatuf in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, northwestern Somalia.

Abdishakur was arrested in Bosaso, the commercial capital of Puntland, on 21 April, for publishing an article accusing a cabinet minister of selling food donated by the international community, the CPJ said, quoting local journalists.

Meanwhile, Abdirrahman was arrested on Monday in the Somaliland port city of Berbera in connection with an article mentioning differences between Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin and his vice-president, Ahmad Yusuf Yasin, the statement said, again citing local journalists.

A statement from the vice-president's office says the BBC Somali Service reported yesterday the existence of differences between him and the Somaliland president. He also said the Haatuf newspaper (Somali newspaper in Somaliland) has also been publishing similar reports in the past days.

The vice-president said: "I would like to make very clear that such reports are baseless and fabricated." He further denied the existence of such reports and stressed that he was working with the Somaliland president without any problem for the interest of the nation.

The vice-president said differences have always destroyed nations and never brought about any development. Somaliland achieved great strides of developments in the past 13 years because of the unity and consultation of its leaders and people, the vice-president added.

"I would like to urge the Somaliland people that they should be very careful with rumours and speculations," the vice-president said. Instead, he said, they should uphold unity of the nation and the greater interest of the country.

Reports say Mr Daad arrived at the Somaliland port town of Berbera today where Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin is also on an official visit. Mr Daad is accompanied by a strong group of militiamen loyal to him.

When the Radio Midnimo reporter in Sool Region contacted him today while he was in Berbera, Mr Daad declined to comment on his defection to Somaliland.

Supporters of Mr Daad who had been putting pressure on the Puntland administration to reinstate Mr Daad are reportedly very bitter about his defection to Somaliland.

People in Laas Caanood town were busy today discussing the reasons for Mr Daad's defection to Somaliland.

This is not the first time a senior official in Puntland's Sool Region has defected to Somaliland. The Puntland minister of education, Hasan Dhiilood, also recently defected to Somaliland.

Abdishakur Yusuf Ali, editor-in-chief of the independent War-Ogaal newspaper in Bossasso, Puntland, was arrested on April 21, because of an article accusing Puntland Finance Minister Abdirahman Mohamud Farole of corruption, said local journalists. The article claimed that Farole had sold off food aid donated by the international community.

Abdishakur has not been formally charged.

Meanwhile Abdirahman Haji Dahir, a reporter for independent Somaliland daily Haatuf, was arrested early this morning in the port city of Berbera because of an article that mentioned differences between Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin and his vice president, said local journalists.

CPJ sources said that by evening local time Dahir was still detained at Berbera's main police station but had not been formally charged. They said police questioned him, asking if he was the author of an article that appeared in the April 15 edition of Haatuf. The article discussed the reasons for Kahin's current visit to Berbera. It also discussed alleged differences between Kahin and Vice President Ahmed Yusuf Yassin over the need for a cabinet reshuffle.

This was in response to a statement made recently by the interim Somali president (Abdiqasim Salad Hasan) who said the attackers did not hail from southern Somalia.

The Somaliland officials said some men who had carried out attacks in Ethiopia Kenya and Somaliland in the past, were living in Mogadishu. The officials said one man who had attacked a WFP vehicle in Somaliland was now one of Abdiqasim's guards and drives a technical (gun-mounted Toyota Landcruiser). "If Abdiqasim is speaking the truth let him hand over his driver Farhan Adow, who is in Mogadishu and Afgooye-based Hasan Hafis for carrying out attacks in Ethiopia and Somaliland", said the officials.

The Ethiopian troops, who were based at Dacmo area on the border between Sool and Ethiopia, have crossed the border and have arrived at Dabataag and Dharkaangeeye areas in Sool Region, where two Somali clans fought recently.

Since their arrival, the Ethiopian troops have not met anyone and some residents say the arrival of the Ethiopian troops is an attempt to mediate between the two Somali clans that fought there. There are some others who claim the Ethiopians are preventing the clashes not to spread into Ethiopian territory.

Meanwhile calm is reported in the areas where two Somali sub-clans fought last week. Efforts led by traditional elders to resolve the problem are still going on. This is not the first time for clan fighting to flare up in Sool Region's Dabataag area.

The situation in Laas Caanood is reportedly calm apart from the rumours about the dispute between Somaliland and Puntland. There are fears that the dispute might escalate into a war between the two sides. Last year fighting was feared to break out between the two parties, but tensions subsided when Ethiopia intervened. Somaliland opposition political parties have also asked President Dahir Riyale Kahin to take back Somaliland troops or close the border as he previously promised to do.

Following the ruling, the government prosecutor launched an immediate appeal asking the court to keep Buurmadow in incarceration while that appeal is pending. Buurmadow's defense also said they will appeal against the ruling. Despite not being convicted of any crime prior to the court ruling, Buurmadow was kept in custody since 26 January when a group of policemen led by the police commander Mr. Mohmamed Egeh Elmi claiming to have arrest warrant, detained him at his hotel room just hours after speaking to the press.

The Socio-Economic Survey 2002 is the outcome of a multi-sectoral nationwide household survey, compiling baseline demographic and socio-economic data to address some of the critical needs and gaps, and to establish a socio-economic database for better policy formulation and planning.

The survey covers the areas of demographics and housing; employment and income; basic services; communication; participation of women and environmental concerns. It was implemented with the support and participation of functional Somali administrations as well as international partners.

The Somalia Watching Brief aims to set up data collection systems, strengthen Somali statistical institutions, and support the establishment of a statistical database to monitor the macro-economic and socio-economic conditions.

The Socio-Economic Survey 2002 is the first in a series of joint World Bank/UNDP statistical reports. The data collection and statistical capacity building will be further strengthened under the joint World Bank/UNDP re-engagement strategy for Somalia, with the collaboration of other development partners.

Mandera Police Academy Graduation

On a rainy 7 December 2003, 30 young women and 100 young men graduated from the Mandera Police Academy in what is an injection of new blood into the Somaliland Police Force.

The challenging six months training course covered community policing, basic police training, non-violent disarmament, physical fitness, self-defence, marching and theory. 45 of the cadets also took a computer-training course.

The graduation ceremony was presided over by Somaliland Vice-President Ahmed Yusuf Yasin and UNDP Resident Representative, Maxwell Gaylard.

Remittance companies remit approximately US $750 million into Somalia annually from the Somali Diaspora. Without a formal banking system in place, the remittance industry provides the sole means of transferring funds from the Diaspora for daily subsistence, investment and commerce.

Somali Financial Services Association launched

UNDP, supported by DFID and in collaboration with KPMG Kenya held a conference in London 3-4 December 2003 on the Somali remittance industry, at which the Somali Financial Services Association was launched.

International financial regulators from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and the United States, and all fourteen members of the nascent Association attended the two-day conference which provided an opportunity to discuss the obstacles facing the sector, progress achieved and the way forward to achieve full compliance with host country regulations. It also discussed the opportunities for remittance companies to engage in micro-finance activities as a way to further develop the Somali economy.

The Association aims to provide both advocacy and technical support to the industry while also serving as a conduit between members and authorities in foreign countries on issues such as legislation. It will also serve as a rehabilitation of the New Hargeisa Police Station and the Central Police Station in Hargeisa. The stations are located within the city, and now have separate reporting desks for men and women and segregated cells for adults and juveniles, abiding by international custodial regulations. The stations also have secure armouries to enhance weapon control.

New Hargeisa Police Station will house the Internal Affairs division that will be staffed by some of the Mandera Police Academy graduates.

MDGS WATCH

A preliminary baseline Millennium Development Goals Report is currently being drafted with national and international stakeholders, and will be published by mid- 2004.

The Legal Clinic was officially opened by Somaliland Vice President, Ahmed Yusuf Yasin on 7 December 2003.

Legal Clinic opened at the University of Hargeisa

The Faculty of Law at the University of Hargeisa in collaboration with UNDP has opened the first legal clinic in Somaliland, with the dual aims of improving access to justice and providing law students with an opportunity to apply the theories obtained in their legal studies.

The University of Hargeisa Faculty of Law legal clinic will serve as a means to provide the economically deprived, vulnerable groups of Somaliland with free, accessible, high quality legal representation. Furthermore, it will provide the students with a more detailed and practical understanding of Somaliland law and of the real legal problems faced by advocates engaged in client representation.

This is how it works: The student identifies and researches the legal issues of a prospective case, then the student and the clinical director, a trained lawyer, make an assessment of the merits of the case which results in a decision whether to accept or deny representation. The prospective client is then advised of the decision at a subsequent meeting with the student and the director.

If the clinic is unable to accept the case, the individual in need of representation will be referred to an appropriate alternative source of assistance such as the Somaliland Bar Association. If the clinic accepts the case, the prospective client and the director will sign an agreement, and all legal services are free.

Twenty students including one female have been participating in the inaugural clinic that began operating in January.

A six-month stint at the legal clinic will be compulsory for all third year Law students at the University, ensuring that the students all get valuable work experience, and that the more marginalized groups in society have a means to pursue justice.

Custodial Corps training

14 custodial corps personnel from all over Somaliland have completed a one-month training course in custodial management. The course included admission and custody of prisoners; prisoners' properties; accommodations and classification of prisoners (convicted, criminal, civil, juvenile, young and women prisoners), keeping of keys, transfer of prisoners. Further training was in human rights in prisons encompassing international Human Rights standards for law enforcement, maintaining human dignity, health rights of prisoners, HIV in prison, prisoners contacts with outside world, complaints and inspections procedures, treatment of special categories of prisoners and persons under detention without sentence.

The training was in response to a technical needs assessment completed at the Hargeisa Prison and Custodial Corps. Four trainers received training and they in turn trained their subordinates, supervised by a UNDP Somalia consultant. It is intended that the new graduates will train other custodial corps in their respective locations

The contamination at Ayaha valley "...can be classified as an example of a catastrophe of mass proportion." KEPHIS Report, 2003

The contamination puts the population's health at risk.

Cleaning up an environmental disaster

The Ayaha Valley is four kilometres south of Hargeisa. It has a beautiful view of the city and before the civil war was considered a rather nice place to take the family out for the day. It was also where the regional battle against migratory locusts was plotted and executed from as it was the headquarters of the Desert Locust Control Organisation for East Africa (DLCO-EA). It was a hive of activity - aircraft carrying chemicals flying i n and out, suave pilots in their sunglasses waging war against this most devastating of pests. Plans were made and decisions taken that affected the entire Horn region.

Then the civil war of 1988 to 1990 intervened.

The DLCO was extensively bombed and ultimately destroyed, pouring more than 80,000 litres of suspected pesticide into the ground and drums that were used for water storage and building houses.

More than a decade later, with 7,000 returnee families (2,000 people) living in the area, the land is heavily contaminated and poses a risk to the settlers as well as the upcoming residential areas and the city of Hargeisa. Over the years, several samples of the soil and water in the Ayaha Valley have been taken by various organisations, but no measures have been taken to address the issue of contamination, until now.

The municipality of Hargeisa requested UNDP Somalia and FAO to conduct an environmental survey and evaluation of the area to determine the extent of chemical contamination in the entire valley. UNDP Somalia contracted the Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service (KEPHIS) to assess the area and level of pesticide contamination in the valley surrounding the former DLCO compound, and to sample and analyse water and soil samples from the contaminated area.

The KEPHIS consultants concluded that there was a "high concentration of organo-chlorines pesticides detected in the soil samples (indicating) high contamination of the Ayaha Valley. The contamination can be classified as an example of a catastrophe of mass proportion."

The report went on to say that though no pesticides were detected in the five water samples, the pesticides are "persistent chemicals which can last in the environment for a long time and can cause acute chronic diseases which can damage the nervous system in human beings. Some may eventually cause cancer." Deformities in maternity cases and high abortion rates have been reported in the area. The report categorically states, "settling returnees or other residents near the ex-DLCO compound is dangerous and should be avoided until the whole area is cleaned and free of chemicals."

Further recommendations were that a fence be built immediately to prevent both humans and livestock entering the area and that the people living around the contaminated compound and downstream should be relocated. In addition, a roof should be built over the compound to prevent rainfall washing the chemicals downstream, fortified by a waterproof concrete slab. Finally, a proper clean-up of the area was described as "essential" and further, an analysis and monitoring of blood and/or breast milk from residents was seen as necessary to ascertain the health of residents living in the Valley.

UNDP Somalia has actively campaigned with the authorities against any further settlement in that area and has already addressed the initial recommendations by building a fence around the contaminated area and a roof to prevent runoff. In discussions among stakeholders different approaches to deal with the problem have been suggested from public awareness media campaigns to forcibly removing the returnees until the area can be cleaned up.

Whichever path the Somalilanders choose to follow, the fact that the issue is being discussed openly and questions being asked, demonstrates their will to address this problem, and also that it is never too late to start.

A rights-based approach to human development ensures that poor and vulnerable groups have their needs met by providing relief aid and basic services while creating sustainable systems that merge with already existing infrastructures.

Rights-based programming

UNDP Somalia is now working towards implementing a rights-based approach to development, in a bid to get an inclusive, cohesive, holistic, multi-agency, multi-sectoral and sustainable approach to development initiatives and interventions.

A rights-based approach to development is inspired by basic human rights and human development principles that endeavour to ensure that poor and vulnerable groups have their basic needs met by providing relief aid and basic services - and also by creating more sustainable systems that merge with already-existing infrastructures in the area in the hope that they can become self-sufficient thereby negating the need for more assistance.

Rights-based programming also hinges on the participation of the civil society, international agencies, local authorities and the private sector where appropriate.

This idea has been practically applied by the Reintegration of Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons (RRIDP) Programme which has an integrated approach to Human Rights, Health, Education, Production Systems (economic activities), Environmental Rehabilitation and Participation.

An instance of this is illustrated by the newly established legal clinic attached to the University of Hargeisa Law Faculty. It is aimed at giving law students the opportunity to practice their theory, and also allows the poor, disenfranchised, vulnerable groups, such as the IDPs and returnee refugees access to justice they would otherwise be unable to afford. The legal clinic is supported by the UNDP Rule of Law and Security Programme.

In health, the RRIDP Programme is concentrating on staffing the already-existing clinics as opposed to building new ones which would remain unutilised due to lack of staff and medical equipment and drugs. Together with WHO, the RRIDP programme aims to establish local systems, eventually decentralizing health services and primary health care.

In education, in close cooperation with UNESCO, the main aim is to ensure standardization of schools in the different communities to ensure sustainability and institutionalisation.

With ILO, the RRIDP programme aspires to improve local economic activities for the IDPs and returnee refugees by creating a broader economic environment, local business employment and productive management and direct support to starting entrepreneurs.

The environmental interventions include encouraging community-based programmes to rehabilitate water sources and protect ecologically fragile zones, as well as identifying and evaluating alternative agricultural practices that are beneficial and sustainable.

The strengthening of local administrative bodies is also key to rights-based programming. They need to be able to provide basic services and perform required duties, as well as be equipped to make decisions on priorities, usage of local resources, suggesting uses of international assistance and taking initiatives or contracting required services.

Ultimately, human development is about giving people access and choices so that they can have a decent living and provide for themselves and their families, in the hope that the coming generations will be self-sustaining regardless of their parents experience as IDPs or returnee refugees.

All references to Somaliland pertain to the self-declared but unrecognised Republic of Somaliland. All references to Puntland pertain to the self-declared Puntland State of Somalia.

Produced by UNDP Somalia Information Office and the Data and Information Management Unit: UNDP Somalia, Centenary House, P.O. Box 28832 - 00200, Nairobi +254 20 444 8434 - 8 www.so.undp.org www.unsomalia.net. Contact: sandra.macharia@undp.org for additional information

PROJECT CODE: P04-SM09
PILLAR:
APPEALING AGENCY: UNDP

IMPLEMENTING PARTNERS: UN Office for Project Services (UNOPS), Somaliland Police Force

OBJECTIVES: Clear unexploded ordinance (UXO) and stray mines from the region and expand capacity to cover all regions of Somaliland
PROJECT BUDGET: $380,000

PROJECT DURATION: 2004

FUNDS REQUESTED (SHORTFALL): $380,000

TARGETEDBENEFICIARIES:

Objectives

Since 2002, the police in Somaliland have had two explosive ordinance disposal (EOD) teams trained under a UNDP project as part of the mine-action component of the Rule of Law and Security Programme. These EOD teams have cleared over 15,000 items, including mines, and have significantly impacted the problem of UXO. Once properly equipped, the teams proved extremely cost-effective and assumed a high degree of "ownership" of their activities.

As 60 percent of casualties in Somaliland are due to tampering with UXO and mines, and since the long-term problem in many post-conflict countries is UXO, the EOD teams are vital to a sustainable solution to the area's mine/UXO challenge.

Somaliland authorities would like to expand EOD capacity with an additional three teams. The present teams cover Hargeisa, Berbera, Boroma and Borao but have plenty of work in the Hargeisa and Berbera regions. It is proposed that three new teams be trained, one each for Borao, Boroma and Sool regions to provide better regional coverage. Training will be conducted centrally in Hargeisa by EOD experts engaged by UNOPS.

Budget Items, in US$	Aug-Dec 2004	2005	2006
Staff	18,000	18,000	18,000
Capital Costs	200,000	4,000	4,000
Operational Costs (including technical advice and support costs)	123,500	15,000	15,000
Overhead	38,500	4,000	4,000
Total	380,000	41,000	41,000

Contact: John Dingley, UN Mine Action Chief Technical Advisor, Rule of Law and Security Programme, Hargeisa, Somalia, Tel: +252828 3702/3; e-mail: john.dingley@undp.org

Localized rainfall reported in parts of north and central regions during late March and early April is encouraging but it is still too early to be indicative of good Gu rains.

Sool Plateau, North Nugal and South Bari, and parts of North Mudug and South Nugal remain in a state of humanitarian emergency. In some areas destitute pastoralists have congregated steadily to form camps in villages, along roads, and at permanent water points in Sool and Nugal. Water shortages, depleted pastures and exorbitant water prices still affect much of the region. See Regional highlights on page 3.

In response to localized rainfall, better off pastoralists have begun to move with their livestock in search of improved pasture and water. See Table 1 below of rainfall by area and related livestock movements.

Purchasing power of the poor in Bakol, Hiran, and Bay is significantly below normal as compared to the three year average. Unskilled laborers, dependent on sorghum purchases to meet their staple food needs have reduced purchasing power as compared to 3-year average, see page 2.

The harsh Jilaal season prevailed throughout most of Somalia in March except for localized rainfall reported in parts of Awdal, Galbeed, Sool and Nugal regions, see Table 1. In the first dekad of April a wider coverage of light to moderate rainfall was reported from the field in north and central regions.
Table 1 : Overview of Recent Rainfall and Livestock Movements in North and Central Regions (Up to First Week of April)

Region	Rainfall	Start Date	Livestock Movement
Galbeed and Awdal	Both regions received substantial amounts of rainfall but earlier than usual.	Rains began on 20 March in Awdal and western parts of Galbeed which is earlier than usual. Awdal received three days of rain in the third week of March. Both regions received rain between 28-31/03/04 and more rain received between 2-4/03/04	Livestock from Hawd of Hargeisa started to return from coastal areas to their home areas. Other pastoralists from these two regions are on their permanent settlements.
Togdheer	All drought affected areas received moderate rainfall.	Togdheer regions and the area along the border received moderate to heavy rains at the end of March.	Those livestock that had moved early to highland areas started to move towards the plains and rained areas.
Bari	Iskushuban district received moderate rains although it is not a potential grazing area. Some areas of Qardo district such as Waiye also received rains.	Rains fell in the first few days of Apri.	Livestock from Sool Plateau of Sanaag remain stuck in Benderbeyla district, their animals are emaciated and unable to walk and the pastoralists have lost pack animals. Water trucking is in progress
Sool	In Taleh district and Sarmanyo village and its environs received tow days of rains.	During the third week of March (Todob) rains were reported in this area.	These rains attracted livestock from Sool Plateau of Sanaag. Overgrazing in areas receiving some rain is expected due to overstocking.
Nugal	Some rains were reported in Sool o f southern Bari and reached 76 Km North of Qardho.	Rains started third week of March. Light rains were also reported in north western Hawd of Burtinle and in adjoining areas along Ethiopian border.	Livestock started to move to the rained areas to satisfy their need for water which is their main problem.
Sanaag	Rainmovementsn Carmale, Ballibusle and Hadaftimo villages.	Rains fell in the third week of March and first days of April.	Livestock movemets were observed towards the rains areas.
Mudug	Rains were received around Galkayo town.	Rains fell in the first few days of April	Livestock are benefitting from the rain water.
Galgadud	Light rains were received around Dharab/Mareb, Guricel and Balanballe districts.	Rains fell in the first week of April	Livestock started to move to the rained areas in search of pasture and water.

Source URL: http://www.unsomalia.org/FSAU/index.htm

As an African delegation from the Horn of Africa, which has just experienced its presidential democratic election (the first since 1968), we are most proud to have been associated with the people of South Africa. It was a landmark occasion. For the first time since 1994, a Somaliland electoral observer delegation has observed a South African election and received accreditation as observers from the South African Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).

We thank the IEC, the government of South Africa, our facilitators Dr Chris Landsberg of the prestigious Centre for Policy Studies and the University of South Africa and, the people of South Africa for allowing us to be part of your critical history in the making.

A detailed report of our observations and experiences in consolidating democracy will be made available to the IEC, as well as the various institutions supporting this delegation.

We wish the people of South Africa and the African National Congress the very best for their future. We are confident that South Africa is the democracy capital of Africa.

DETAILS OF OBSERVER TEAM:

On voting day, 16th April, and the 15th of April, we note the following:

The 16 observers were deployed to the following areas: Soweto, Mamelodi, Houghton, Wierda Park, Centurion, Coblyn Park, Pretoria, IEC Result Centre, Pretoria

Our observers were able to observe voting in 16 polling stations. Observers attended the opening, closing and counting at the polling stations. Polling stations opened on time and voting got underway as planned. Our delegation members were fortunate to be the only international observers present, when President Thabo Mbeki and Nelson Mandela casted their votes. In general the observer delegation concluded that the voting process was systematic, peaceful, free and fair.

For further details, contact the operations center at + 27 82 880 8603 (082 880 8603). More details on Somaliland's experience see: www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo18/success.html

Question: Somaliland is not an internationally recognized country. Yet you have recently traveled to Belgium and England. How were you received there? Whom did you meet? What were the outcomes of your encounter?

Answer: Well, I met several ministers in the United Kingdom, and I have addressed the House of Commons in Britain. I was mainly talking about our case, because we have taken independence from Great Britain in 1960. And we were mainly asking for the renewal of their trust on us. That was the main theme of our visit in England. And they were very assertive. Although we didn't take the full answer at that time, we hope things will change in the future.

Q: Are you asking for recognition or any other thing?

A: Recognition and how to establish bilateral agreement. Because everybody who wants to come to our country says that we are not recognized. So we have asked the support of the British Government in this respect.

Q: What about in Belgium?

A: We met the officials of Inter-parliamentary Union, EU Commission, the House of Senate and Parliament of Belgium. We were talking the same issue.

Q: What was the response of the European Union?

A: They were very receptive. We will be waiting for the answer. They have listened to us cautiously and understandably.

Q: Were you satisfied?

A: Yes. I was satisfied; because this was the first time the international community heard our voice.

Q: Was this your first travel to Europe?

A: Yes.

Q: We have also gathered that you have met Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. What issues did you raise and was the discussion fruitful?

A: This is not the first time that I met Meles. We are always received warmly when we come to Ethiopia, because this is a brotherly country. This time we shared issues that concern our area. Although we are not recognized by Ethiopia we share security, border and many other things. So we talk about these and new developments in our area. We just correspond on that and we have good understanding when we come here.

Q: Did you discuss anything particular this time?

A: We always discuss about our destiny as one of our major issues.

Q: So you're still looking for recognition?

A: Yes, we still hope that it will come to a conclusion with time.

Q: When?

A: In the near future.

Q: How do you rate your relationship with Ethiopia?

A: It's good. We have no better friend than Ethiopia.

Q: Is your friendship mutual?

A: Yes.

Q: In what ways?

A: Security, trade.... And now we want to strengthen the trade relations between the two countries. We are building the corridor between Berbera and Ethiopia. So we have a lot of business that we can do together.

Q: What benefits do you get from Ethiopia?

A: They always treat us as brothers, as young brothers. They help us better than any other country in the area.

Q: What is the picture of your trade relationship? Can you elaborate on that?

A: It is growing. Ethiopians come to Berbera and send their goods through Berbera and bring their goods from Berbera. It is open for them.

Q: What is your role in the fight against terrorism?

A: You have heard that we have captured a lot of people that tried to infiltrate Ethiopia. They are now in our custody. They are members of the ONLF.

Q: How many are they?

A: About thirty. They have been trained in Eritrea. Luckily we have captured them. And they are now in court; because we don't accept anyone to attack our neighbors.

Q: What about other terrorists?

A: Terrorism is a global issue and every nation has the right to fight against terrorists; because they are against the interest of all people, every community and all nations. So we are committed to fight terrorists.

Q: Are you trying to control Islamic terrorists as well?

A: Whether Islamic or not, we will fight them. They are all the same. Terrorism has no religion. A terrorist is a terrorist.

Q: Do you have any form of cooperation to stop terrorism?

A: Yes. I think we can work with Djibouti and Ethiopia. We will jointly work with Djibouti and Ethiopia, because these are the two neighbors we have now. On the other side there is no country, no government that functions. Although they are members of the UN and EU, there is no government there.

Q: So do you intend to assist the political evolution in Somalia?

A: It is their problem. We were united in 1960 but we have with drawn from that union. We will not go back to the union. This is their problem. They have to solve their problem, as we have solved our problem.

Q: Do you consider any form of integration if peace prevails in Somalia?

A: No, it is the will of the people. I cannot judge the will of the people. In 1960, the Somaliland people decided to form the union. And now the people have rejected the union.

Q: How did you gauge the interest of the people?

A: It was the will of the people. They held referendum in May 2001, and 97% of the population of Somaliland voted not to go with the union. Somaliland is not the first African country to withdraw from union. We are not the first Africans. There are many African countries that withdrew from union. Gambia and Senegal, Egypt and Syria, and there are many examples. So what we are doing is not new to Africa.

Q: Is that the reason why you don't help in the peace process of Somalia?

A: If we were recognized, we will invite them and solve their problem. That is the hope we have.

Q: In what way can you solve their problem?

A: We will call them. We know each other. We will tell them the truth. They cannot cheat us as they cheat the other people.

Q: Are you in any way trying to help them?

A: How can we help them? There are about 50 warlords. Everyone has his area. Who do we reconcile? To whom do we talk? We don't know.

Q: Why does your country still remain unrecognized?

A: Africans should answer this question. We have made a success story in our country, because under the rules, we have built a country, a free country, and a democratic country, which is governed by a rule of law. Africans should give credit to this success story made by their own people; because in Africa, there are conflicts everywhere. We believe that we are the only people who solved their problem in an African way, by their own tradition. So our brothers Africans should give us credit for that.

Q: How long do you think this will last?

A: I think our brothers will come to the right conclusion and accept the reality on the ground.

Q: Do you mean the African Union?

A: Our African brothers, the African countries.

Q: Have you appealed to the African Union?

A: Yes. We will appeal to each country, and we have met with the AU Chairman. We have stated our case and everything. We hope they will answer.

Q: Did they give you any promise?

A: Some countries have promised, but we will see this in the future.

Q: So you're still in the dark.

A: We are still in the dark for any reason that we don't know. We are only hostage for a country that doesn't exist. We, however exist, we exist.

Q: So you think, Somali is a hindrance?

A: It doesn't exist. But I exist as a country. I am a hostage for a country that does not exist.

Q: Is your country faring well despite the prevailing condition?

A: Yes.

Q: How are you faring economically?

A: We are trying our best. We have held two elections without any help from the international community. So you can imagine how we are trying our best, although we have meager resources. We try our best to do whatever business we can in our country, as regards security, running the offices, making elections for our people, taking referendum for our country. We have achieved this. We have demobilized our forces. It's a greater achievement that is never practiced by many African countries.

Q: Is your country contributing to the efforts being exerted to stop the movement of the smugglers to and out of Ethiopia?

A: Smugglers, travel everywhere. They come from Ethiopia; they come from our country. We are trying our best. But to fight smugglers, we have to make entry points for the two countries, so that we can take custom fees from the people. We will close all the walls and they cannot penetrate through the walls. So we are preparing to overcome this problem with Ethiopia, with the Ministries of Finance of Somaliland and Ethiopia. We are making arrangements so that the people can trade freely on both sides; they can go through the customs and custom free. Some technicians have come to Ethiopia from Somaliland to make arrangements with their counterparts here.

Q: There have been reports of UN Agencies operating in your country. What have they been doing there?

A: These are NGOs.

Q: What do they do?

A: Small projects, rehabilitation of schools and just some small things.

Q: Which UN agencies are operating in Somaliland?

A: Many international organizations; UNDP, UNHCR, EU, UNICEF, WHO. Question: Can they move freely?

A: They can. They even travel during the night.

Q: According to media reports, there have been reports of insurgency in your country.

A: Yes. Those people killed the expatriates. Luckily, we have captured them.

Q: What was it all about?

A: We don't know. They are terrorists. They want to destabilize our country, because we are practicing the rule of law in our country. They want to make our country the same as those in Mogadishu. They have been sent from Mogadishu.

Q: Who supported them?

A: Al-Qaida and all that.

Q: Are they now fully controlled?

A: To certain extent, yes. We have captured the main organs operating in our country.

Q: When was that?

A: While I was away from the country. Another four were captured while I was in the country.

Q: Do you have anything to tell me?

A: No, thank you for the interview. I would like to thank the Ethiopian people, the Ethiopian government. That's what I want say.

The conference/exhibition aims is to highlight the potential and existing opportunities for companies locally and internationally to get involved in the exploitation and developments of Somaliland Geosciences and all related activities.

Yussuf, said This is the first ever such conference/exhibition that is being held in Hargesia, Somaliland in relation to exploitation of resources. We anticipate very wide participations both locally and internationally.

The Somaliland Government via Somaliland Ministry of Water & Mineral Resources strongly support this event and will be a key leading partner and participant.

The Somaliland Chamber of Commerce, UK Representative, fully supports and endorses this exciting forthcoming conference/exhibition, and wishes the organisers every success with this historical forthcoming event.

We strongly encourage investors, international aencies, academic institutions, knowledgeable individuals and any willing contributors to participate in this noble idea.

We welcome contribution of technical papers/presentations, exhibition of products and technology and sponsors.

This conference/exhibition is the beginning of A new era for Somaliland's diaspora and the likeminded individuals and companies to work strategically in partnership for building and utilising Somaliland's resources.

The organising Committee can assist with obtaining visas and securing accommodations and transport for non-Somalilanders during the conference/exhibitions. As this is the busy period for travellers from and to Somaliland, please convey your interest at the earliest moment.

For further inquiries and contributions, please contact: Qasim Sheikh Yussuf, Minister of Water & Mineral Resources

Abdulrahman Yussuf, Chairman of Somaliland Geosciences Board, Email:- somalilandgeosciences@hotmail.com

Abdikarim Abdi Adan, UK Representative of Somaliland Chamber of Commerce, email: abdikarim@somalilandchamberofcommerce.com

ISSUED BY MR. ABDULRAHMAN YUSSUF, ON BEHALF OF SOMALILAND GEOSCIENCES BOARD

The colonel may want to fix his health problems in London, but it seems very likely that he will run into legal problems there because a case for the murder of Sultan Ahmad Mahammad Mahamud (Hurre) had been filed against him in the UK. Sultan Hurre was murdered on Aug.17, 2002 by Col. Abdillahi Yusuf's militia. Sultan Hurre's family contends that Col. Abdillahi Yusuf gave the order to kill Sultan Hurre.

Col. Abdillahi Yusuf's legal and health problems come on the heels of his failure to steer the Nairobi conference in a direction favorable to him.

Since Somaliland has inadequate resources to fight terrorism, it should be more aggressive in approaching governments that are likely to assist it in this matter. It is also essential to explain to Somalilanders that terrorists are not common criminals and should be treated as a unique and separate category akin to mass murderers. In other words, terrorists are a threat to our very existence as a nation and should be treated as such. Somaliland's task may be made easier by the fact that many of the radical fundamentalists as well as Abdiqasim Salad Hasan's agents (whether they are secular or use a religious cover) are known.

Other areas that need urgent attention:

Serious preparations should be made for the parliamentary elections. The reason for delaying the elections was supposed to have been that more time would be available for preparation, but that is not what happened and a lot of time was wasted. This must be corrected and preparations should start soon. The parliamentary election campaign should not be long (2 months maximum), and Somalilanders should be aware that this is the final step in meeting the requirements for international recognition and not a time for pursuing selfish or parochial interests.

The military and police should have ranks and a clear chain of command. Otherwise, it would be easy for undifferentiated armed individuals to degenerate into tribal militias.

President Rayale should start laying the groundwork for achieving a diplomatic breakthrough in North America similar to the one he accomplished in the UK and Europe. It would take a lot of work but it could be done with the help of Somaliland's diaspora.

The Somaliland government's policy of 'dalku waa dal Somaliyeed, ummadda Somaliyeedna walaalanahay oo waa dalkoodii', gives any Somali-speaking individual, including those with ulterior motives to destabilize the nation, a free access to the country. This open border policy is contrary to Somaliland's independence and its sovereignty. If this is the case, that any Somali can come to Somaliland, without any traveling document and without checking in through the immigration office, then, why are we reclaiming our Independence? What is the use of being a separate nation, if the same people we were running from in the first place, could just walk into the country and do the same damage they have been doing to their country?

Somaliland's government failed to put in place measures for curtailing the movement of Somalis into the country, but instead talk without action. It is almost six months since the interior minister ordered the expulsion of foreigners without proper documentation from the country but no action has been taken so far. The inconsistent message from the authority destroys the purpose of watching out for individuals with hidden agenda and frustrates those citizens willing to guard the safety of the humanitarian workers. As we all know, many European nations are designating Somaliland to be a drop-off land for Somali deportees, thus increasing the country's crime rate and jeopardizing the lives of both citizens and expatriates alike. Should that occur, it is going to be a risk we cannot afford, and something must be done to stop it.

If Somaliland's government is not willing to stop the influx of Somalis into the country, then citizens must take matters into their hands and protect the country. We need to form citizen militia army vested with the authority of policing the countryside and the power to investigate and scrutinize any and all aliens wandering in the countryside. It is the best surveillance system we can afford this time. Our tradition of making our guests feel at home while in Somaliland, our tradition of putting at ease anyone in our land, our tradition of respecting human lives as sacred, and our tradition of protecting our guests from any harm, has been hampered by the government's refusal to expel all Somalians from the country. This free-for-all-Somalis policy has failed to sort out the Somali terrorists with malicious agenda, from those with genuine and honest plans to immigrate. The only way Somaliland could protect humanitarian workers is by deporting all Somalis from the country first, then put in a place mechanism of sorting out those eligible to return from the terrorist. We should not compromise this plan and commence its implementation at once without any delay.

In less than a year and half we lost five foreigners in our country, and the government has done nothing to capture the perpetrators and it has no preventive measurements in place from future terrorist actions. Contrary to Ismail Aden, the interior minister's recent interview with Reuter, there are no active or sleeping terrorist cells in Somaliland. These were infiltrators from Somalia. It was shocking news to hear from the Somaliland interior minister this untrue, unsupported false statement. Somalilanders are peace-loving people and abhor such people and their unholy action. Terrorist groups never existed in Somaliland because we would not tolerate such group to exist in our land. These individuals and groups came from Somalia, and were in Somaliland, where they were able to commit such heinous crimes, because the Somaliland government failed to protect its borders. The question is: how should we protect ourselves from such influx of Somalis from Somalia and Ethiopia, given the failure of our government?

Because we believe in a Somaliland that stands for freedom, we will not fail in reaching our goal. Should we allow such few evil people to hinder our success, then we may as well pack up our bags and go to Somalia to join the so-called reconciliation meeting in Kenya and share left-overs with pigs as the others are doing. Success is not achieved without paying a price, and we are not afraid of paying that price, we just have to be wise in paying that price. We are confident that we will succeed. We will face obstacles head on, and we will conquer it and achieve our target, eliminating al-Itixaad and its dogs from Somaliland.

The saying goes, when everything else fails hug your teddy! And when your government fails you, turn to your tradition and culture. If we search our history, we will find the answer: the traditional Somali 'Illaalo force' or 'scout corps'. By implementing this traditional volunteer police force, we could achieve our goal with minimal financial burden to the country. This type of force will require discipline with the goal and mission of doing civil service. True discipline and consistent application would accomplish our goal, the goal of cleaning Somaliland out of terror, returning its peace and tranquility.

It is a time to establish traditional Illaalo force or Scout corps, volunteer groups of local men, with the purpose of patrolling surrounding areas of their towns and villages for any suspicious activities. They will post sentry to all roads both going in and going out of their villages. By grouping themselves into squads of three to five men, and into four hours of ground patrol shifts, the Illaalo sentry scouts system will enhance the country's security.

Currently all NGOs pay funds appropriated for the security of their personnel directly to Somaliland government. However, these funds from the NGOs must be paid to the elders who will in return compensate individual Illaalo members for their time and service. All the towns will share by dividing funds from NGOs equally, and each town will pay their Illaalo force under their own payroll method, established locally without outside influence. Illaalos are local and all their rules and regulations are local.

Each town will recruit about ten to fifteen volunteer men who will receive intensive military, tactical and intelligence-gathering techniques. This group will go through at least three months of rigorous training. Their training will include, but will not be limited to handling weapons, marksmanship, physical and mental conditioning, and land navigation techniques. These men will graduate as special forces and work in small units, equivalent to the United States naval seal units, or the army's special delta forces. They will learn how to identify and report suspicious activities and suspects, apprehend, and transport them. They will practice and learn the theory of one-shot-one-kill applying to all kinds of target practice. These forces will be perfect in hitting any target within the range of their weapon no matter its speed. They would master different kind of weaponry and martial arts. The Somaliland Illaalo force would consist of volunteers not under the chain of command of Somaliland Armed Forces, but under local civilian traditional leaders. They are neither responsible to the police force nor to the Army, not even to the president but only to the elders of their village. In all purposes they are civilians. Illaalo forces will have no authority to arrest and search any Somalilander without proper cause; however, as everyone else, they will have the right of citizen arrest power. They will be taught the Somaliland constitution, and all its implications.

In order to increase and maximize the effectiveness of the Illaalo force, an agreement must be developed among neighboring towns, with information-sharing policy and working closely with each other. If a suspicious vehicle passes through a town and its Illalo forces could not obtain adequate information in determining its status, they will simply inform their counter parts in the next town to watch out for such vehicle and its occupants. If that vehicle does not reach that town within estimated time frame, an immediate search alert to all law enforcement agencies and other Illaalo forces must be placed in order.

If we had in place such forces, when recently the criminals stopped their vehicle pretending to having an engine trouble, the Illaalo would have approached them before the GTZ staff did, thus preventing the death of the young Kenyan and the injury sustained by the German.

To keep this force in readiness, minimize any abuse of the authority entrusted in them, prove that the system works as it is designed to function, and their capability of handling situations in an acceptable manner, system-testing measures have to be put in place. If the learning organization method is used and applied, at any given point we will be able to check, and correct for any errors and at the same time strengthen all weak points and enhance the strong points. An elite military personnel units behaving as civilians will conduct covert operations to breach the Illaalo system and test the over-all function of the forces, both their mental and physical condition of handling crises as well their intelligence-gathering and land- navigation skills. To avoid any public panicking another mechanism of retrieving back any alert message because of this test operation in a timely manner would be put in place. The outcome and result of the illaalo performance during any testing operation would be released to the public. This is to build public confidence and increase morale of the individual illaalo member.

Traditional Illaalo force was used by the British administration, and prior to that all clans had Illaalo force to safeguard their herds. It worked well in the past, and if used properly, it will work now. The recent heroic, unparalleled patriotism, and valor of Dhoqoshay's residents have proved that when Somalilanders feel violated, they put responsibility on themselves, and will abort the evil-doers' sick plans.

Dear Somalilanders, it is about a time that we make a decision. Now is the time to take control of our security. Now is the time to set forward a challenge and venture to the possibilities of curtailing terrorist activities. It is now or never, to eliminate the evil- doers and demons from our land. Let us look ahead, toward where we are going, and what is holding us back. Let us make the decision, set a goal and stay focused on that goal, the goal of eliminating evil terrorists out of our home. Those terrorists who frustrated us, who placed obstacles and trouble in our road to success. Let us take control of our destiny; let us decide our future. That decision starts with taking back what is ours, and Somaliland is ours, and ours only. It does not belong to anyone but to us, to the people of Somaliland.

God bless our land.

And yet it was with the development of efficient, large ships that trade - and global wealth - began to multiply. This was compounded in the late 19th and early 20th centuries as two great manmade canals - the Suez and Panama - took advantage of the mechanization of ships to create a stable, rapid and increasingly reliable heavy freight capability.

Several great maritime arteries today are the definitive choke-points for international trade, and therefore international stability and wealth: the Suez-Red Sea sea-lane; the Panama Canal; and two natural waterways, the Danube River system and the Strait of Malacca.

It could be argued that the global economies were damaged significantly and measurably when, in 1967, the Suez Canal was closed during the Six Day War between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Equally, there was another great economic hiatus when, in 1984, Libya's Mu'ammar al-Qadhafi ordered the laying of floating ocean mines in the Red Sea from the minelayer Ghat, a move which caused insurance companies to refuse to allow merchant vessels, including oil tankers, from transiting that sea lane leading to and from the Suez Canal, forcing traffic around the long and arduous Cape of Good Hope sea route.

Equally, European economies - literally all of them except those of Scandinavia - suffered to one degree or another, and still do, as a result of the decision by the then-US Administration of Pres. William Clinton in 1999 to bomb the bridges in Serbia, crossing the Danube. This damage still has not been completely repaired, and European economies are still recovering. Yet little is discussed about the vital nature of this arterial waterway.

Today, we take the great arterial sea and waterway trade for granted and focus more on the impact of air transportation. Indeed, the role of avi