That Freedom Shall not Perish

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The overthrow of Said Barre in 1991 led to a de facto division of Somalia, with the self-proclamation of the northern Republic of Somaliland on 18 May 1991. The international community and the United Nations, which upholds the territorial integrity of Somalia, have firmly rejected the partition of Somalia and so far no single country in the world has recognized Somaliland.

Somaliland is populated by various tribes: Gedabuursi and Isse in the Awdal Region, Habar Awal (Isaaq) in the South-West Region, Habar Jecllo, Habar Yonis, Isse Muse (all Isaaq) and Dhulbahante (Darood) in Togdheer Region. The Isaaq clans of Habar Yonis, Habar Jecllo and Isse Muse together with Darood clans of Dhulbahante and warsangeli are in Sanaag region. Sool Region is mostly Dhulbahante (Darood). Members of any of these tribes can also be found living in all corners of Somaliland, especially in the urban centers like Hargeisa, Berbera and Borama. Furthermore, there are other tribes from the whole spectrum of Somali population, however small, in number that lived there since time immemorial.

The non-Isaaq tribes of Somaliland, such as the Gedabuursi, Isse, Dhulbahante and Warsangeli did not participate in the armed liberation struggle for independence by the SNM against the brutal regime of Mohamed Siad Barre. In fact, most of these tribes were armed and mobilized as local militias. They waged a merciless war against the Isaaqs and their movement (SNM).

Mr. Dahir Riyale Kahin (from Gedabuursi tribe ), who is now the president of Somaliland, and his speaker of the "exclusive" men only" rubber stamp parliament, Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Aden (from Dhulbahante tribe), were part of the violent campaign to crash and exterminate the SNM. Mr.Riyale was a senior officer in the notorious Secret Service NSS that carried out killings and torture of the civilians suspected of being supporters of the SNM guerrilla movement. Mr. Ahmed Mohamed Aden (Qaybe) aided in the war effort of the regime and successfully negotiated with Menghistu Haile Mariam, the former dictator of Ethiopia, the expulsion of SNM from their bases in Ethiopia.

Non-Iaaq tribes (and some Isaaqs) of Somaliland do not share the separations of some separatists who would like to break up Somalia. The Dhulbahante and Warsangeli will never accept to be separated from their Darood blood brothers in Puntland, Somalia. They do not want to become like the Kurds of Iraq and Turkey, a minority in Somaliland and a minority in Somalia and lose their historic hegemony in Somali politics. The Gedibuursi tribesmen in the Diaspora also have been very vocal in their opposition to the secessionists.

A country exists because its people want it to exist. That is its only moral basis for being. If part of its population actually desires to separate, they obviously have the fundamental right to do so. It remains important, however, to expose the fallacy and danger in the notion that Somalia is divisible by unconstitutional or extra-legal action. There are not a dozen people outside the special interest group in Hargeisa and Berbera who believe that if Somalia is divisible, Somaliland is not. Equality of rights in a constitutional democracy requires the full application of democracy - not a resort to unconstitutional methods. We must provide the constitutional means by which every person living in [Somaliland ] can decide whether to remain Somali or join a tribally defined Republic. The end result of any such redrawing of boundaries should be that as few persons as possible are forced to live on the "wrong" side of the new international frontier."

The remnants of Siad Barre Regime (or Faqash) are ruling Somaliland today. The potential for catastrophe in their agenda, for everyone concerned, is very high. They see the current crisis in Sool and Sanaag regions as an opportunity to use the ill- treated SNM fighters as a battering ram against the peoples of Sool and Sanaag. They are whipping up anti-Southern chauvinism and hysteria. People who monitor Radio Somaliland, the voice of the regime in Hargeisa, are reporting an alarming Rwanda-like propaganda inciting people to take arms against their fellow countrymen.

If war breaks out, and it seems inevitable, genocide of unprecedented swiftness could be conducted with the approval of the state apparatus The killing will swiftly spread from Hargeisa to all corners of the counry. There are reports of people from the Dhulbahnte and Warsangeli tribes fleeing their homes in Hargeisa and other urban areas because of fear. People should reject the reactionary campaign by the remnants of Siad Barre regime and seek peaceful solution to the conflict.

I would like to call upon Mr. Kofi Anan, the General Secretary of the United Nations, and Mr. George W. Bush, the President of the United States, to send immediately to the region whatever it takes to prevent genocide worse than the one in Rwanda.

Puntland forces were sent there when unconfirmed reports emerged about the presence of Somaliland troops in areas very close to Laas Caanood in Sool region.

Forces loyal to the two administrations have been based in villages very close to Laas Caanood town since December last year, when the dispute over the ownership of Sool and Sanaag regions between the two sides was sparked off.

Residents of Laas Caanood and Ariadeye have expressed their anxiety over the military movements between the two sides.

The militiamen managed to hijack the vehicles and kidnap three men yesterday morning in the Somali region of Ethiopia. The three kidnapped men, who are from Burco (Somaliland), are now held in a house in Buuhoodle under the control of the militiamen.

The suspect which these militiamen are demanding to be released is among five suspects arrested by the Somaliland authorities in connection with the attack.

Elders are now trying to solve the problem but no solution is expected soon.

Reports released after their return say the ministers signed an agreement with a British company to begin oil exploration in Somaliland. The company contracted is the same one that conducted the oil exploration in Sudan .

The visit of the ministers and the agreement which they signed with the company have not yet been confirmed, although it is known the Somaliland ministers were invited to the UK by British companies.

During their stay there, the officials will hold talks with the German authorities on ways of bolstering relations between the two countries.

Meanwhile, the Somaliland's finance minister, Hon Awil Ali Du'ale, also left today Hargeysa Airport for Ethiopia. The visit is related to bilateral ties and cooperation between the two countries.

For the last 48 hours these lorries have been trying to cross the border between the two administrations in order to supply food to the drought stricken people in Sool Region. Somaliland officials escorting the lorries said that they could not manage to pass where Puntland troops were based. The troops expressed concern about the issue.

Elders in Sool Region are now trying to solve the matter and said that they are expecting a permission from Puntland officers in Sool to allow the trucks deliver the aid food to the needy people.

Puntland and Somaliland have been in a dispute over the ownership of Sool and Saanag regions that is claimed by both.

Now it's not clear what ramifications this would have to the president, since Mohammed Hashi was one of the few respected cabinet members in Riyale's Government. Mohammed Hashi joined the government in Jun 2003, as Minister of Commerce and Industries.

We advise British nationals currently in Somaliland to consider leaving. If they decide to stay, they should restrict their movements to Hargeisa, stay in doors, keep themselves informed of developments and take precautions, until the security situation becomes clearer.

There is a high threat from terrorism in Somalia.

SAFETY AND SECURITY

Terrorism

There is a high general threat to Western, including British, targets from terrorism in Somalia, as there is in a number of countries in East Africa and the Horn. The bomb attacks in Riyadh, Casablanca and Istanbul show that the terrorist threat remains real.

We advise against all travel to Somalia, including all areas of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. A Kenyan woman working for a German Government aid organisation was shot dead in an ambush on the Hargeisa-Berbera Road, on 19 March. A German colleague with her was injured in the attack for which the motive has not yet been established. The European Commission and many international NGOs are pulling their expatriate staff out of Somaliland. The UN is evacuating all but a minimum of essential staff from Somaliland. We advise British nationals currently in Somaliland to consider leaving. If they decide to stay, they should restrict their movements to Hargeisa, stay in doors, keep themselves informed of developments and take precautions, until the security situation becomes clearer.

Two British nationals were shot dead in Sheikh in Somaliland on 20 October 2003. The motive for the murders has not been determined. An Italian aid worker was murdered in Borama near the border with Ethiopia, on 5 October 2003.

In Kenya (Somalia's southern neighbour), there was a car bomb attack on a hotel near Mombasa on 28 November 2002, in which at least fifteen people died, and an unsuccessful attempt to shoot down an Israeli charter plane on the same day.

These incidents highlight the threat posed by terrorism in East Africa and the Horn of Africa and the capacity of terrorist groups to carry out attacks. You should be particularly vigilant in public places such as hotels, restaurants, markets and tourist sites (see: Security and General Tips and Risk of Terrorism).

Crime

We advise against all travel to Somalia including all areas of the self-declared Republic of Somaliland. A Kenyan worker for a German Aid organisation was killed on 19 Marchomaliland (se Terrorism section above). Two British nationals were shot dead in Sheikh (Somaliland) on 20 October 2003. There is a dangerous level of criminal activity by numerous bodies of armed militia in Southern Somalia, especially in Mogadishu. As a result there is a significant level of armed robbery and there have been a number of incidents of kidnapping for ransom.

We are looking into unsubstantiated reports that extremist elements are planning to kidnap Europeans and other expatriates employed by Non-Governmental Organisations in Somalia. We have no further information at the moment. Outbreaks of clan fighting remain frequent. Hostilities in Iraq have also led to some anti-Western sentiment.

Attacks of piracy and armed robbery against ships in and around Somalia's waters are frequent and continuing. Mariners are advised to be vigilant and take appropriate precautions.

Mr Riyale said the factory could employ thousands of jobless Somalis. He said the factory will start its production by cooperating with other countries, adding that if production commenced, the factory could supply cement to all countries in the Horn of Africa.

The president further said the Berbera cement factory would meet the need for cement in all countries in the region due to its good quality.

While visiting the Berbera port town, President Riyale said his government aims at improving activities at the port to make it highly competitive in the region.

Early this year, members of the British Parliament's Select Committee on International Development visited Hargeysa, the seat currently of the secessionist rebel administration of "Somaliland" and capital during the colonial era of the former British Somaliland Protectorate. They declared, albeit hypocritically, intention of this British Parliamentary delegation was to study the humanitarian and development needs of this relatively peaceful portion of Somalia, to determine how, according to the delegation's report, the British government can best realize "...(all ellipsis as published) the millennium development goals for the poor people of Somaliland..."

On their way home, back from Hargeysa, the British parliamentarians stopped in Nairobi and told Somalis at the Embakathi (Mbagathi) Conference that their visit related solely to development, flatly denying any intent on their part to sponsor the extension of recognition by the government of the United Kingdom to the breakaway territory.

This unfortunately was an unabashed falsehood but it served the purpose of allaying the suspicions of the credulous Somalis, if only fleetingly. As before, the Somalis fell for the deceitful words of the delegation largely because the British government's envoy to the Mbagathi peace conference was playing at that time a very prominent role in fresh IPF-IGAD (IGAD Partners Forum - Inter-Governmental Authority on Development) mediation efforts among Somali faction leaders that they had brought together for a retreat at a hotel in Nairobi, Kenya. The "honourable" parliamentarians have finally revealed their true intention with talks full of misrepresentations that they have delivered in parliament - which was to lobby on behalf of the secessionists in Hargeysa,. The "honourable" parliamentarians' passionate appeal for recognition by the British government of the treasonous act of secession effected in the northern regions of Somalia, essentially seeks, purposely or unwittingly, to harm the Somali people (passage omitted).

"Mean-spirited British attack"

Immaterial of whether Britain recognizes Somaliland or not, the reports of the parliamentary delegation will be seen by the Somalis as one more mean spirited British attack against them. Happily, for the Somalis and also for the future of Anglo-Somali relations, it appears that members of this parliamentary delegation have not convinced the British government with their strong appeals for the recognition of Somaliland. The response of the secretary of state for international development, Hilary Penn, to these presentations might have saved the situation. After carefully weighing the arguments presented in favour of recognition for the breakaway territory, the secretary responded with a much more perceptive analysis of the situation and in the end wisely counselled caution because "the people in the rest of Somalia have just as much need of peace and stability, and just as much of a right to a better life, as the people of Somaliland. It is indeed very clear from this exchange why the secretary of state is a minister and these parliamentarians are not!

Treaties signed in 1880s

Be that as it may, the British indeed seem to harbour inexplicable hostility toward the Somali people. In fact one can trace the roots of the current Somali crisis to their origins in less than honest protection treaties that the British had signed in the 1880s with unsuspecting elders of Somali clans. The treaties were simply unfavourable to the Somalis. The Somali elders who were not schooled in the intrigues of European diplomacy could not comprehend the political implications of the treaties, which were hidden from them in European diplomatic lingo with which they were not familiar. They, therefore, unknowingly signed away their sovereignty. Because of their truly inauspicious founding on treaties that the British apparently never intended to honour, Anglo-Somali relations never bode well for the Somalis. As it turned out, British enterprise in the Horn of Africa, which began with these infamous treaties, has been persistently harmful to the Somalis. This chapter of modern Somali history makes a dreary narrative of cruel British guile and repeated machinations against Somali interests, flagrantly violating in spirit and letter the treaties on which Anglo-Somali relations were based. A few of the many incidents of betrayal that the Somalis suffered at the hands of the British will suffice to clearly illustrate this point:

(1) In a series of treaties they signed with the traditional leaders of Somali clans during 1884-1886, the British promised to protect the territories belonging to these clans from external aggression in exchange for the privilege, solely granted to British citizens, of freely carrying on trade in the respective territories of the contracting clans. Additionally, the Somali clans also pledged not to ever offer their territories for occupation, or protection, to any other power. The trusting and politically rather naive Somalis were by and large faithful to the terms of the contractual agreements they had entered into with the British authorities who, unhappily for the Somalis, acted with cavalier disregard for what they had promised the Somalis. With characteristic duplicity, the British secretly agreed, through a series of bilateral agreements with France, Italy and Ethiopia during 1888-1897, to illegally cede portions of the territories they had covenanted with the Somali clans to protect. This cruel British perfidy became known to the Somalis when work on the demarcation lines separating the five colonial territories to which the land of the Somalis was divided, was begun on the ground in the 1930s;

(2) During the 2nd World War, all of the Somali territories, with the exception of the French enclave known as French Somaliland came under the control of British Military Administration. The Somalis, seeing in the rule of the British Military Administration a golden opportunity for them to get back together the dismembered Somali people and their land, began to vigorously agitate for national reunification. The British, however, lulled the Somalis to sleep with the Bevin Plan, which they put forth in 1946 with less than sincere effort and subsequently abandoned, to the Somalis' utmost disappointment. Instead of making amends for the damage that their secret agreements with other powers caused the treaties they had entered into with the Somalis, the British simply ignored the Somalis' call for national reunification and once more gave instalments of Somali territory to Ethiopia in 1942, 1948 and 1954;

"Cruel disregard" for results of plebiscite held in Kenya

(3) When the Somalis of the Northern Frontiers District (NFD) demanded union with the Somali Republic in the early 1960s, the British once more cruelly pretended to be paying attention to the Somalis' cry for justice. The then Colonial Secretary appointed an independent commission that was asked to determine the wishes of the people in the NFD by conducting a plebiscite in the territory, to see if the Somali inhabitants of the NFD desired to be reunited with their kith and kin in the Somali Republic or preferred to remain in the future independent Republic of Kenya. The inhabitants of the NFD voted with an overwhelmingly majority of 86 per cent in favour of cession from Kenya. Astonishingly, however, the British government acted with an utterly cruel disregard for the result of the plebiscite and simply decreed that the NFD would remain in Kenya.

In case this is of comfort to them, the Somalis should know that they are not the first, or the only people, to have been hurt by Britain's diplomatic double-dealing. In all likelihood though, the Somalis, because of their lack of familiarity with diplomatic trickery, suffered from British perfidy more than any other nation on earth. At a time when truthfulness was considered the cornerstone of successful diplomatic relations, a British statesman, whose name eludes me now, made a remark that shocked most of his contemporaries, possibly signalling the dawning of a new era in diplomatic history, an era in which hard-nosed realism and struggle for power would replace the idealistic notions of truthfulness and morality in international relations. When he was possibly confronted with proof of British dishonesty toward one ally or the other, this British politician instantly shot back with the famous rejoinder that Britain had 'permanent interests and no permanent friends'. This politician's remark, in effect admitting that deception figured in Britain's diplomatic practice, reinforced other European powers' conviction that the British could not be trusted, and earned the United Kingdom the unflattering nickname of 'The Perfidious Albion'. According to this British politician credited with coining the above quote, the benefits accruing to Great Britain from her relations with other countries, rather than devotion to the observation of any general rule of morality, would determine how friendly or unfriendly Britain was to be to any particular country. If that is the case, why has Britain's attitude to the Somalis been so consistently hostile? What have the Somalis done to deserve Britain's eternal enmity? What is the pleasure that the British get from purposely hurting the Somalis?
Dr Ali A Hersi, Nairobi, Kenya

That might be about to change. Exploration firms are taking a fresh look at the Indian Ocean coast stretching from Madagascar to Kenya, hoping to defy conventional industry wisdom that says the region has some gas but little oil.

"East Africa is likely to become one of the world's hottest oil exploration frontiers in the next few years," said Chris Matchette-Downes of JEBCO Seismic, which has reviewed geological data taken from east Africa's coast.

"I've seen a lot of evidence for oil," he said. "I think we're just beginning to see a realisation of that."

Long overlooked by an industry that has traditionally focused on west African producers like Nigeria and Angola further south, the eastern seaboard has drawn renewed interest from both oil majors and smaller firms hoping to strike it lucky.

Driven partly by increasing difficulty in finding fresh fields in time-worn exploration zones like the Gulf of Mexico and North Sea, companies are tapping new technology that makes offshore surveying more efficient.

While west African fields are ideally placed to serve US markets across the Atlantic, explorers hope new finds in the east will meet ready demand from across the Indian Ocean, in Japan, India, Singapore and other parts of Asia.

Royal Dutch/Shell is searching off Tanzania, Australia's Woodside Petroleum off Kenya, and US-based Vanco Energy off Madagascar, while the Malaysian state oil firm Petronas is looking for offshore oil and gas in Mozambique.

Sudan has been pumping growing quantities of oil for several years, and Canada's Heritage Oil Corp. has drilled exploration wells in Lake Albert on the border between Uganda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Experts say huge finds might lie off the coast of anarchic Somalia - for anyone who dares to try.

Governments are keen to promote the energy potential of the Indian Ocean coast, sensing a chance to bolster economies reliant mainly on commodities like tea and coffee or tourism.

"For the first time in maybe 10 years we are having a lot of people making enquiries," said Peter Thuo, acting exploration manager at the state-run National Oil Corporation of Kenya, which markets Kenyan exploration rights. "There might be a lot of undiscovered resources."

Elusive elephants
The relatively low cost of exploration rights off east Africa has encouraged some firms to take a gamble - even if the risks of drawing a blank are high.

In Kenya, Woodside is hoping to replicate its strike in deep waters off the west African country of Mauritania in 2001, an area which it says shares similar geology to its exploration zone off Kenya's coast.

"For less than five or six million dollars we've got access to an area offshore east Africa that's about double what we've got in Mauritania," said Woodside spokesman Rob Millhouse. "It's a huge area where we can go and look, drill a hole if we like, and if we don't like, walk away."

While firms hope to strike what the industry refers to as an "elephant" - a large, oil bearing geological structure - firms are willing to admit that east Africa may provide more frustration than elation.

Gas fields have so far proved more numerous - including Songo Songo off Tanzania and a $1.2 billion project operated by Johannesburg-listed Sasol which began piping natural gas to South Africa from Mozambique in February.

Even if oil is discovered, drillers can only hope to make money if they find reserves which are big enough to be commercially viable.

"We recognise there's a potential for hydrocarbons to be there based on regional geological exploration," said Simon Buerk, spokesman for Shell, which has exploration rights off Tanzania. "The risks are quite high as well because this particular acreage is relatively unexplored."

Despite advances in seismic survey technology in the past decade, a lack of exploration wells in the region makes it harder to interpret raw data, making expensive exploration wells a more risky proposition than in more established zones.

Insecurity
Beyond the lack of data, some of the region's potential strikes remain off limits on security grounds.

Oil exploration in Sudan has been hindered by civil war, although talks between the government and southern rebels have raised hopes of a lasting peace in oil production zones.

Industry experts say the western Ethiopian region of Gambella may contain oil deposits, but hundreds of people were killed in ethnic clashes in December and January in the worst outbreak of violence there for years.

Somalia may have perhaps the greatest potential offshore reserves, but it also the most challenging prospect - having fragmented into fiefdoms run by rival warlords since the overthrow of military ruler Siad Barre in 1991.

But just as Woodside's strike in Mauritania helped fuel interest in less fashionable exploration areas in West Africa like Liberia and Sierra Leone, experts say a find off east Africa could draw more risk-takers to an overlooked region.

"Relative to other parts of Africa, it's very quiet," said Andrew Latham, a consultant at Wood Mackenzie.

"The average company thinks that the balance of probability is that there are no oil reserves, and it would take a discovery to change that position."

"The journalist should be released immediately as he only exercised his freedom of expression," Haatuf's editor Yusuf Abdi Gabobe told AFP by telephone from Hargeisa, Somaliland's capital.

A police officer in Hargeisa, who asked not to be named, said the journalist had been detained because he "speculated" on the relationship between the president and the vice president. He said the journalist would be charged in court soon.

The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) on Monday expressed concern over the detention of the the journalist.

In a statement released on Monday, CPJ said those arrested were Abdishakur Yusuf Ali, the editor-in-chief of the independent War-Ogaal newspaper in the self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, northeastern Somalia, and Abdirrahman Haji Dahir, a reporter for the independent daily Haatuf in the self-declared republic of Somaliland, northwestern Somalia.

Abdishakur was arrested in Bosaso, the commercial capital of Puntland, on 21 April, for publishing an article accusing a cabinet minister of selling food donated by the international community, the CPJ said, quoting local journalists.

Meanwhile, Abdirrahman was arrested on Monday in the Somaliland port city of Berbera in connection with an article mentioning differences between Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin and his vice-president, Ahmad Yusuf Yasin, the statement said, again citing local journalists.

A statement from the vice-president's office says the BBC Somali Service reported yesterday the existence of differences between him and the Somaliland president. He also said the Haatuf newspaper (Somali newspaper in Somaliland) has also been publishing similar reports in the past days.

The vice-president said: "I would like to make very clear that such reports are baseless and fabricated." He further denied the existence of such reports and stressed that he was working with the Somaliland president without any problem for the interest of the nation.

The vice-president said differences have always destroyed nations and never brought about any development. Somaliland achieved great strides of developments in the past 13 years because of the unity and consultation of its leaders and people, the vice-president added.

"I would like to urge the Somaliland people that they should be very careful with rumours and speculations," the vice-president said. Instead, he said, they should uphold unity of the nation and the greater interest of the country.

Reports say Mr Daad arrived at the Somaliland port town of Berbera today where Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin is also on an official visit. Mr Daad is accompanied by a strong group of militiamen loyal to him.

When the Radio Midnimo reporter in Sool Region contacted him today while he was in Berbera, Mr Daad declined to comment on his defection to Somaliland.

Supporters of Mr Daad who had been putting pressure on the Puntland administration to reinstate Mr Daad are reportedly very bitter about his defection to Somaliland.

People in Laas Caanood town were busy today discussing the reasons for Mr Daad's defection to Somaliland.

This is not the first time a senior official in Puntland's Sool Region has defected to Somaliland. The Puntland minister of education, Hasan Dhiilood, also recently defected to Somaliland.

Abdishakur Yusuf Ali, editor-in-chief of the independent War-Ogaal newspaper in Bossasso, Puntland, was arrested on April 21, because of an article accusing Puntland Finance Minister Abdirahman Mohamud Farole of corruption, said local journalists. The article claimed that Farole had sold off food aid donated by the international community.

Abdishakur has not been formally charged.

Meanwhile Abdirahman Haji Dahir, a reporter for independent Somaliland daily Haatuf, was arrested early this morning in the port city of Berbera because of an article that mentioned differences between Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin and his vice president, said local journalists.

CPJ sources said that by evening local time Dahir was still detained at Berbera's main police station but had not been formally charged. They said police questioned him, asking if he was the author of an article that appeared in the April 15 edition of Haatuf. The article discussed the reasons for Kahin's current visit to Berbera. It also discussed alleged differences between Kahin and Vice President Ahmed Yusuf Yassin over the need for a cabinet reshuffle.

This was in response to a statement made recently by the interim Somali president (Abdiqasim Salad Hasan) who said the attackers did not hail from southern Somalia.

The Somaliland officials said some men who had carried out attacks in Ethiopia Kenya and Somaliland in the past, were living in Mogadishu. The officials said one man who had attacked a WFP vehicle in Somaliland was now one of Abdiqasim's guards and drives a technical (gun-mounted Toyota Landcruiser). "If Abdiqasim is speaking the truth let him hand over his driver Farhan Adow, who is in Mogadishu and Afgooye-based Hasan Hafis for carrying out attacks in Ethiopia and Somaliland", said the officials.

The Ethiopian troops, who were based at Dacmo area on the border between Sool and Ethiopia, have crossed the border and have arrived at Dabataag and Dharkaangeeye areas in Sool Region, where two Somali clans fought recently.

Since their arrival, the Ethiopian troops have not met anyone and some residents say the arrival of the Ethiopian troops is an attempt to mediate between the two Somali clans that fought there. There are some others who claim the Ethiopians are preventing the clashes not to spread into Ethiopian territory.

Meanwhile calm is reported in the areas where two Somali sub-clans fought last week. Efforts led by traditional elders to resolve the problem are still going on. This is not the first time for clan fighting to flare up in Sool Region's Dabataag area.

The situation in Laas Caanood is reportedly calm apart from the rumours about the dispute between Somaliland and Puntland. There are fears that the dispute might escalate into a war between the two sides. Last year fighting was feared to break out between the two parties, but tensions subsided when Ethiopia intervened. Somaliland opposition political parties have also asked President Dahir Riyale Kahin to take back Somaliland troops or close the border as he previously promised to do.

Following the ruling, the government prosecutor launched an immediate appeal asking the court to keep Buurmadow in incarceration while that appeal is pending. Buurmadow's defense also said they will appeal against the ruling. Despite not being convicted of any crime prior to the court ruling, Buurmadow was kept in custody since 26 January when a group of policemen led by the police commander Mr. Mohmamed Egeh Elmi claiming to have arrest warrant, detained him at his hotel room just hours after speaking to the press.

The Socio-Economic Survey 2002 is the outcome of a multi-sectoral nationwide household survey, compiling baseline demographic and socio-economic data to address some of the critical needs and gaps, and to establish a socio-economic database for better policy formulation and planning.

The survey covers the areas of demographics and housing; employment and income; basic services; communication; participation of women and environmental concerns. It was implemented with the support and participation of functional Somali administrations as well as international partners.

The Somalia Watching Brief aims to set up data collection systems, strengthen Somali statistical institutions, and support the establishment of a statistical database to monitor the macro-economic and socio-economic conditions.

The Socio-Economic Survey 2002 is the first in a series of joint World Bank/UNDP statistical reports. The data collection and statistical capacity building will be further strengthened under the joint World Bank/UNDP re-engagement strategy for Somalia, with the collaboration of other development partners.

Mandera Police Academy Graduation

On a rainy 7 December 2003, 30 young women and 100 young men graduated from the Mandera Police Academy in what is an injection of new blood into the Somaliland Police Force.

The challenging six months training course covered community policing, basic police training, non-violent disarmament, physical fitness, self-defence, marching and theory. 45 of the cadets also took a computer-training course.

The graduation ceremony was presided over by Somaliland Vice-President Ahmed Yusuf Yasin and UNDP Resident Representative, Maxwell Gaylard.

Remittance companies remit approximately US $750 million into Somalia annually from the Somali Diaspora. Without a formal banking system in place, the remittance industry provides the sole means of transferring funds from the Diaspora for daily subsistence, investment and commerce.

Somali Financial Services Association launched

UNDP, supported by DFID and in collaboration with KPMG Kenya held a conference in London 3-4 December 2003 on the Somali remittance industry, at which the Somali Financial Services Association was launched.

International financial regulators from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and the United States, and all fourteen members of the nascent Association attended the two-day conference which provided an opportunity to discuss the obstacles facing the sector, progress achieved and the way forward to achieve full compliance with host country regulations. It also discussed the opportunities for remittance companies to engage in micro-finance activities as a way to further develop the Somali economy.

The Association aims to provide both advocacy and technical support to the industry while also serving as a conduit between members and authorities in foreign countries on issues such as legislation. It will also serve as a rehabilitation of the New Hargeisa Police Station and the Central Police Station in Hargeisa. The stations are located within the city, and now have separate reporting desks for men and women and segregated cells for adults and juveniles, abiding by international custodial regulations. The stations also have secure armouries to enhance weapon control.

New Hargeisa Police Station will house the Internal Affairs division that will be staffed by some of the Mandera Police Academy graduates.

MDGS WATCH

A preliminary baseline Millennium Development Goals Report is currently being drafted with national and international stakeholders, and will be published by mid- 2004.

The Legal Clinic was officially opened by Somaliland Vice President, Ahmed Yusuf Yasin on 7 December 2003.

Legal Clinic opened at the University of Hargeisa

The Faculty of Law at the University of Hargeisa in collaboration with UNDP has opened the first legal clinic in Somaliland, with the dual aims of improving access to justice and providing law students with an opportunity to apply the theories obtained in their legal studies.

The University of Hargeisa Faculty of Law legal clinic will serve as a means to provide the economically deprived, vulnerable groups of Somaliland with free, accessible, high quality legal representation. Furthermore, it will provide the students with a more detailed and practical understanding of Somaliland law and of the real legal problems faced by advocates engaged in client representation.

This is how it works: The student identifies and researches the legal issues of a prospective case, then the student and the clinical director, a trained lawyer, make an assessment of the merits of the case which results in a decision whether to accept or deny representation. The prospective client is then advised of the decision at a subsequent meeting with the student and the director.

If the clinic is unable to accept the case, the individual in need of representation will be referred to an appropriate alternative source of assistance such as the Somaliland Bar Association. If the clinic accepts the case, the prospective client and the director will sign an agreement, and all legal services are free.

Twenty students including one female have been participating in the inaugural clinic that began operating in January.

A six-month stint at the legal clinic will be compulsory for all third year Law students at the University, ensuring that the students all get valuable work experience, and that the more marginalized groups in society have a means to pursue justice.

Custodial Corps training

14 custodial corps personnel from all over Somaliland have completed a one-month training course in custodial management. The course included admission and custody of prisoners; prisoners' properties; accommodations and classification of prisoners (convicted, criminal, civil, juvenile, young and women prisoners), keeping of keys, transfer of prisoners. Further training was in human rights in prisons encompassing international Human Rights standards for law enforcement, maintaining human dignity, health rights of prisoners, HIV in prison, prisoners contacts with outside world, complaints and inspections procedures, treatment of special categories of prisoners and persons under detention without sentence.

The training was in response to a technical needs assessment completed at the Hargeisa Prison and Custodial Corps. Four trainers received training and they in turn trained their subordinates, supervised by a UNDP Somalia consultant. It is intended that the new graduates will train other custodial corps in their respective locations

The contamination at Ayaha valley "...can be classified as an example of a catastrophe of mass proportion." KEPHIS Report, 2003

The contamination puts the population's health at risk.

Cleaning up an environmental disaster

The Ayaha Valley is four kilometres south of Hargeisa. It has a beautiful view of the city and before the civil war was considered a rather nice place to take the family out for the day. It was also where the regional battle against migratory locusts was plotted and executed from as it was the headquarters of the Desert Locust Control Organisation for East Africa (DLCO-EA). It was a hive of activity - aircraft carrying chemicals flying i n and out, suave pilots in their sunglasses waging war against this most devastating of pests. Plans were made and decisions taken that affected the entire Horn region.

Then the civil war of 1988 to 1990 intervened.

The DLCO was extensively bombed and ultimately destroyed, pouring more than 80,000 litres of suspected pesticide into the ground and drums that were used for water storage and building houses.

More than a decade later, with 7,000 returnee families (2,000 people) living in the area, the land is heavily contaminated and poses a risk to the settlers as well as the upcoming residential areas and the city of Hargeisa. Over the years, several samples of the soil and water in the Ayaha Valley have been taken by various organisations, but no measures have been taken to address the issue of contamination, until now.

The municipality of Hargeisa requested UNDP Somalia and FAO to conduct an environmental survey and evaluation of the area to determine the extent of chemical contamination in the entire valley. UNDP Somalia contracted the Kenya Plant Health Inspectorate Service (KEPHIS) to assess the area and level of pesticide contamination in the valley surrounding the former DLCO compound, and to sample and analyse water and soil samples from the contaminated area.

The KEPHIS consultants concluded that there was a "high concentration of organo-chlorines pesticides detected in the soil samples (indicating) high contamination of the Ayaha Valley. The contamination can be classified as an example of a catastrophe of mass proportion."

The report went on to say that though no pesticides were detected in the five water samples, the pesticides are "persistent chemicals which can last in the environment for a long time and can cause acute chronic diseases which can damage the nervous system in human beings. Some may eventually cause cancer." Deformities in maternity cases and high abortion rates have been reported in the area. The report categorically states, "settling returnees or other residents near the ex-DLCO compound is dangerous and should be avoided until the whole area is cleaned and free of chemicals."

Further recommendations were that a fence be built immediately to prevent both humans and livestock entering the area and that the people living around the contaminated compound and downstream should be relocated. In addition, a roof should be built over the compound to prevent rainfall washing the chemicals downstream, fortified by a waterproof concrete slab. Finally, a proper clean-up of the area was described as "essential" and further, an analysis and monitoring of blood and/or breast milk from residents was seen as necessary to ascertain the health of residents living in the Valley.

UNDP Somalia has actively campaigned with the authorities against any further settlement in that area and has already addressed the initial recommendations by building a fence around the contaminated area and a roof to prevent runoff. In discussions among stakeholders different approaches to deal with the problem have been suggested from public awareness media campaigns to forcibly removing the returnees until the area can be cleaned up.

Whichever path the Somalilanders choose to follow, the fact that the issue is being discussed openly and questions being asked, demonstrates their will to address this problem, and also that it is never too late to start.

A rights-based approach to human development ensures that poor and vulnerable groups have their needs met by providing relief aid and basic services while creating sustainable systems that merge with already existing infrastructures.

Rights-based programming

UNDP Somalia is now working towards implementing a rights-based approach to development, in a bid to get an inclusive, cohesive, holistic, multi-agency, multi-sectoral and sustainable approach to development initiatives and interventions.

A rights-based approach to development is inspired by basic human rights and human development principles that endeavour to ensure that poor and vulnerable groups have their basic needs met by providing relief aid and basic services - and also by creating more sustainable systems that merge with already-existing infrastructures in the area in the hope that they can become self-sufficient thereby negating the need for more assistance.

Rights-based programming also hinges on the participation of the civil society, international agencies, local authorities and the private sector where appropriate.

This idea has been practically applied by the Reintegration of Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons (RRIDP) Programme which has an integrated approach to Human Rights, Health, Education, Production Systems (economic activities), Environmental Rehabilitation and Participation.

An instance of this is illustrated by the newly established legal clinic attached to the University of Hargeisa Law Faculty. It is aimed at giving law students the opportunity to practice their theory, and also allows the poor, disenfranchised, vulnerable groups, such as the IDPs and returnee refugees access to justice they would otherwise be unable to afford. The legal clinic is supported by the UNDP Rule of Law and Security Programme.

In health, the RRIDP Programme is concentrating on staffing the already-existing clinics as opposed to building new ones which would remain unutilised due to lack of staff and medical equipment and drugs. Together with WHO, the RRIDP programme aims to establish local systems, eventually decentralizing health services and primary health care.

In education, in close cooperation with UNESCO, the main aim is to ensure standardization of schools in the different communities to ensure sustainability and institutionalisation.

With ILO, the RRIDP programme aspires to improve local economic activities for the IDPs and returnee refugees by creating a broader economic environment, local business employment and productive management and direct support to starting entrepreneurs.

The environmental interventions include encouraging community-based programmes to rehabilitate water sources and protect ecologically fragile zones, as well as identifying and evaluating alternative agricultural practices that are beneficial and sustainable.

The strengthening of local administrative bodies is also key to rights-based programming. They need to be able to provide basic services and perform required duties, as well as be equipped to make decisions on priorities, usage of local resources, suggesting uses of international assistance and taking initiatives or contracting required services.

Ultimately, human development is about giving people access and choices so that they can have a decent living and provide for themselves and their families, in the hope that the coming generations will be self-sustaining regardless of their parents experience as IDPs or returnee refugees.

All references to Somaliland pertain to the self-declared but unrecognised Republic of Somaliland. All references to Puntland pertain to the self-declared Puntland State of Somalia.

Produced by UNDP Somalia Information Office and the Data and Information Management Unit: UNDP Somalia, Centenary House, P.O. Box 28832 - 00200, Nairobi +254 20 444 8434 - 8 www.so.undp.org www.unsomalia.net. Contact: sandra.macharia@undp.org for additional information

PROJECT CODE: P04-SM09
PILLAR:
APPEALING AGENCY: UNDP

IMPLEMENTING PARTNERS: UN Office for Project Services (UNOPS), Somaliland Police Force

OBJECTIVES: Clear unexploded ordinance (UXO) and stray mines from the region and expand capacity to cover all regions of Somaliland
PROJECT BUDGET: $380,000

PROJECT DURATION: 2004

FUNDS REQUESTED (SHORTFALL): $380,000

TARGETEDBENEFICIARIES:

Objectives

Since 2002, the police in Somaliland have had two explosive ordinance disposal (EOD) teams trained under a UNDP project as part of the mine-action component of the Rule of Law and Security Programme. These EOD teams have cleared over 15,000 items, including mines, and have significantly impacted the problem of UXO. Once properly equipped, the teams proved extremely cost-effective and assumed a high degree of "ownership" of their activities.

As 60 percent of casualties in Somaliland are due to tampering with UXO and mines, and since the long-term problem in many post-conflict countries is UXO, the EOD teams are vital to a sustainable solution to the area's mine/UXO challenge.

Somaliland authorities would like to expand EOD capacity with an additional three teams. The present teams cover Hargeisa, Berbera, Boroma and Borao but have plenty of work in the Hargeisa and Berbera regions. It is proposed that three new teams be trained, one each for Borao, Boroma and Sool regions to provide better regional coverage. Training will be conducted centrally in Hargeisa by EOD experts engaged by UNOPS.

Budget Items, in US$	Aug-Dec 2004	2005	2006
Staff	18,000	18,000	18,000
Capital Costs	200,000	4,000	4,000
Operational Costs (including technical advice and support costs)	123,500	15,000	15,000
Overhead	38,500	4,000	4,000
Total	380,000	41,000	41,000

Contact: John Dingley, UN Mine Action Chief Technical Advisor, Rule of Law and Security Programme, Hargeisa, Somalia, Tel: +252828 3702/3; e-mail: john.dingley@undp.org

Localized rainfall reported in parts of north and central regions during late March and early April is encouraging but it is still too early to be indicative of good Gu rains.

Sool Plateau, North Nugal and South Bari, and parts of North Mudug and South Nugal remain in a state of humanitarian emergency. In some areas destitute pastoralists have congregated steadily to form camps in villages, along roads, and at permanent water points in Sool and Nugal. Water shortages, depleted pastures and exorbitant water prices still affect much of the region. See Regional highlights on page 3.

In response to localized rainfall, better off pastoralists have begun to move with their livestock in search of improved pasture and water. See Table 1 below of rainfall by area and related livestock movements.

Purchasing power of the poor in Bakol, Hiran, and Bay is significantly below normal as compared to the three year average. Unskilled laborers, dependent on sorghum purchases to meet their staple food needs have reduced purchasing power as compared to 3-year average, see page 2.

The harsh Jilaal season prevailed throughout most of Somalia in March except for localized rainfall reported in parts of Awdal, Galbeed, Sool and Nugal regions, see Table 1. In the first dekad of April a wider coverage of light to moderate rainfall was reported from the field in north and central regions.
Table 1 : Overview of Recent Rainfall and Livestock Movements in North and Central Regions (Up to First Week of April)

Region	Rainfall	Start Date	Livestock Movement
Galbeed and Awdal	Both regions received substantial amounts of rainfall but earlier than usual.	Rains began on 20 March in Awdal and western parts of Galbeed which is earlier than usual. Awdal received three days of rain in the third week of March. Both regions received rain between 28-31/03/04 and more rain received between 2-4/03/04	Livestock from Hawd of Hargeisa started to return from coastal areas to their home areas. Other pastoralists from these two regions are on their permanent settlements.
Togdheer	All drought affected areas received moderate rainfall.	Togdheer regions and the area along the border received moderate to heavy rains at the end of March.	Those livestock that had moved early to highland areas started to move towards the plains and rained areas.
Bari	Iskushuban district received moderate rains although it is not a potential grazing area. Some areas of Qardo district such as Waiye also received rains.	Rains fell in the first few days of Apri.	Livestock from Sool Plateau of Sanaag remain stuck in Benderbeyla district, their animals are emaciated and unable to walk and the pastoralists have lost pack animals. Water trucking is in progress
Sool	In Taleh district and Sarmanyo village and its environs received tow days of rains.	During the third week of March (Todob) rains were reported in this area.	These rains attracted livestock from Sool Plateau of Sanaag. Overgrazing in areas receiving some rain is expected due to overstocking.
Nugal	Some rains were reported in Sool o f southern Bari and reached 76 Km North of Qardho.	Rains started third week of March. Light rains were also reported in north western Hawd of Burtinle and in adjoining areas along Ethiopian border.	Livestock started to move to the rained areas to satisfy their need for water which is their main problem.
Sanaag	Rainmovementsn Carmale, Ballibusle and Hadaftimo villages.	Rains fell in the third week of March and first days of April.	Livestock movemets were observed towards the rains areas.
Mudug	Rains were received around Galkayo town.	Rains fell in the first few days of April	Livestock are benefitting from the rain water.
Galgadud	Light rains were received around Dharab/Mareb, Guricel and Balanballe districts.	Rains fell in the first week of April	Livestock started to move to the rained areas in search of pasture and water.

Source URL: http://www.unsomalia.org/FSAU/index.htm

As an African delegation from the Horn of Africa, which has just experienced its presidential democratic election (the first since 1968), we are most proud to have been associated with the people of South Africa. It was a landmark occasion. For the first time since 1994, a Somaliland electoral observer delegation has observed a South African election and received accreditation as observers from the South African Independent Electoral Commission (IEC).

We thank the IEC, the government of South Africa, our facilitators Dr Chris Landsberg of the prestigious Centre for Policy Studies and the University of South Africa and, the people of South Africa for allowing us to be part of your critical history in the making.

A detailed report of our observations and experiences in consolidating democracy will be made available to the IEC, as well as the various institutions supporting this delegation.

We wish the people of South Africa and the African National Congress the very best for their future. We are confident that South Africa is the democracy capital of Africa.

DETAILS OF OBSERVER TEAM:

On voting day, 16th April, and the 15th of April, we note the following:

The 16 observers were deployed to the following areas: Soweto, Mamelodi, Houghton, Wierda Park, Centurion, Coblyn Park, Pretoria, IEC Result Centre, Pretoria

Our observers were able to observe voting in 16 polling stations. Observers attended the opening, closing and counting at the polling stations. Polling stations opened on time and voting got underway as planned. Our delegation members were fortunate to be the only international observers present, when President Thabo Mbeki and Nelson Mandela casted their votes. In general the observer delegation concluded that the voting process was systematic, peaceful, free and fair.

For further details, contact the operations center at + 27 82 880 8603 (082 880 8603). More details on Somaliland's experience see: www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/pubs/umrabulo/umrabulo18/success.html

Question: Somaliland is not an internationally recognized country. Yet you have recently traveled to Belgium and England. How were you received there? Whom did you meet? What were the outcomes of your encounter?

Answer: Well, I met several ministers in the United Kingdom, and I have addressed the House of Commons in Britain. I was mainly talking about our case, because we have taken independence from Great Britain in 1960. And we were mainly asking for the renewal of their trust on us. That was the main theme of our visit in England. And they were very assertive. Although we didn't take the full answer at that time, we hope things will change in the future.

Q: Are you asking for recognition or any other thing?

A: Recognition and how to establish bilateral agreement. Because everybody who wants to come to our country says that we are not recognized. So we have asked the support of the British Government in this respect.

Q: What about in Belgium?

A: We met the officials of Inter-parliamentary Union, EU Commission, the House of Senate and Parliament of Belgium. We were talking the same issue.

Q: What was the response of the European Union?

A: They were very receptive. We will be waiting for the answer. They have listened to us cautiously and understandably.

Q: Were you satisfied?

A: Yes. I was satisfied; because this was the first time the international community heard our voice.

Q: Was this your first travel to Europe?

A: Yes.

Q: We have also gathered that you have met Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. What issues did you raise and was the discussion fruitful?

A: This is not the first time that I met Meles. We are always received warmly when we come to Ethiopia, because this is a brotherly country. This time we shared issues that concern our area. Although we are not recognized by Ethiopia we share security, border and many other things. So we talk about these and new developments in our area. We just correspond on that and we have good understanding when we come here.

Q: Did you discuss anything particular this time?

A: We always discuss about our destiny as one of our major issues.

Q: So you're still looking for recognition?

A: Yes, we still hope that it will come to a conclusion with time.

Q: When?

A: In the near future.

Q: How do you rate your relationship with Ethiopia?

A: It's good. We have no better friend than Ethiopia.

Q: Is your friendship mutual?

A: Yes.

Q: In what ways?

A: Security, trade.... And now we want to strengthen the trade relations between the two countries. We are building the corridor between Berbera and Ethiopia. So we have a lot of business that we can do together.

Q: What benefits do you get from Ethiopia?

A: They always treat us as brothers, as young brothers. They help us better than any other country in the area.

Q: What is the picture of your trade relationship? Can you elaborate on that?

A: It is growing. Ethiopians come to Berbera and send their goods through Berbera and bring their goods from Berbera. It is open for them.

Q: What is your role in the fight against terrorism?

A: You have heard that we have captured a lot of people that tried to infiltrate Ethiopia. They are now in our custody. They are members of the ONLF.

Q: How many are they?

A: About thirty. They have been trained in Eritrea. Luckily we have captured them. And they are now in court; because we don't accept anyone to attack our neighbors.

Q: What about other terrorists?

A: Terrorism is a global issue and every nation has the right to fight against terrorists; because they are against the interest of all people, every community and all nations. So we are committed to fight terrorists.

Q: Are you trying to control Islamic terrorists as well?

A: Whether Islamic or not, we will fight them. They are all the same. Terrorism has no religion. A terrorist is a terrorist.

Q: Do you have any form of cooperation to stop terrorism?

A: Yes. I think we can work with Djibouti and Ethiopia. We will jointly work with Djibouti and Ethiopia, because these are the two neighbors we have now. On the other side there is no country, no government that functions. Although they are members of the UN and EU, there is no government there.

Q: So do you intend to assist the political evolution in Somalia?

A: It is their problem. We were united in 1960 but we have with drawn from that union. We will not go back to the union. This is their problem. They have to solve their problem, as we have solved our problem.

Q: Do you consider any form of integration if peace prevails in Somalia?

A: No, it is the will of the people. I cannot judge the will of the people. In 1960, the Somaliland people decided to form the union. And now the people have rejected the union.

Q: How did you gauge the interest of the people?

A: It was the will of the people. They held referendum in May 2001, and 97% of the population of Somaliland voted not to go with the union. Somaliland is not the first African country to withdraw from union. We are not the first Africans. There are many African countries that withdrew from union. Gambia and Senegal, Egypt and Syria, and there are many examples. So what we are doing is not new to Africa.

Q: Is that the reason why you don't help in the peace process of Somalia?

A: If we were recognized, we will invite them and solve their problem. That is the hope we have.

Q: In what way can you solve their problem?

A: We will call them. We know each other. We will tell them the truth. They cannot cheat us as they cheat the other people.

Q: Are you in any way trying to help them?

A: How can we help them? There are about 50 warlords. Everyone has his area. Who do we reconcile? To whom do we talk? We don't know.

Q: Why does your country still remain unrecognized?

A: Africans should answer this question. We have made a success story in our country, because under the rules, we have built a country, a free country, and a democratic country, which is governed by a rule of law. Africans should give credit to this success story made by their own people; because in Africa, there are conflicts everywhere. We believe that we are the only people who solved their problem in an African way, by their own tradition. So our brothers Africans should give us credit for that.

Q: How long do you think this will last?

A: I think our brothers will come to the right conclusion and accept the reality on the ground.

Q: Do you mean the African Union?

A: Our African brothers, the African countries.

Q: Have you appealed to the African Union?

A: Yes. We will appeal to each country, and we have met with the AU Chairman. We have stated our case and everything. We hope they will answer.

Q: Did they give you any promise?

A: Some countries have promised, but we will see this in the future.

Q: So you're still in the dark.

A: We are still in the dark for any reason that we don't know. We are only hostage for a country that doesn't exist. We, however exist, we exist.

Q: So you think, Somali is a hindrance?

A: It doesn't exist. But I exist as a country. I am a hostage for a country that does not exist.

Q: Is your country faring well despite the prevailing condition?

A: Yes.

Q: How are you faring economically?

A: We are trying our best. We have held two elections without any help from the international community. So you can imagine how we are trying our best, although we have meager resources. We try our best to do whatever business we can in our country, as regards security, running the offices, making elections for our people, taking referendum for our country. We have achieved this. We have demobilized our forces. It's a greater achievement that is never practiced by many African countries.

Q: Is your country contributing to the efforts being exerted to stop the movement of the smugglers to and out of Ethiopia?

A: Smugglers, travel everywhere. They come from Ethiopia; they come from our country. We are trying our best. But to fight smugglers, we have to make entry points for the two countries, so that we can take custom fees from the people. We will close all the walls and they cannot penetrate through the walls. So we are preparing to overcome this problem with Ethiopia, with the Ministries of Finance of Somaliland and Ethiopia. We are making arrangements so that the people can trade freely on both sides; they can go through the customs and custom free. Some technicians have come to Ethiopia from Somaliland to make arrangements with their counterparts here.

Q: There have been reports of UN Agencies operating in your country. What have they been doing there?

A: These are NGOs.

Q: What do they do?

A: Small projects, rehabilitation of schools and just some small things.

Q: Which UN agencies are operating in Somaliland?

A: Many international organizations; UNDP, UNHCR, EU, UNICEF, WHO. Question: Can they move freely?

A: They can. They even travel during the night.

Q: According to media reports, there have been reports of insurgency in your country.

A: Yes. Those people killed the expatriates. Luckily, we have captured them.

Q: What was it all about?

A: We don't know. They are terrorists. They want to destabilize our country, because we are practicing the rule of law in our country. They want to make our country the same as those in Mogadishu. They have been sent from Mogadishu.

Q: Who supported them?

A: Al-Qaida and all that.

Q: Are they now fully controlled?

A: To certain extent, yes. We have captured the main organs operating in our country.

Q: When was that?

A: While I was away from the country. Another four were captured while I was in the country.

Q: Do you have anything to tell me?

A: No, thank you for the interview. I would like to thank the Ethiopian people, the Ethiopian government. That's what I want say.

The conference/exhibition aims is to highlight the potential and existing opportunities for companies locally and internationally to get involved in the exploitation and developments of Somaliland Geosciences and all related activities.

Yussuf, said This is the first ever such conference/exhibition that is being held in Hargesia, Somaliland in relation to exploitation of resources. We anticipate very wide participations both locally and internationally.

The Somaliland Government via Somaliland Ministry of Water & Mineral Resources strongly support this event and will be a key leading partner and participant.

The Somaliland Chamber of Commerce, UK Representative, fully supports and endorses this exciting forthcoming conference/exhibition, and wishes the organisers every success with this historical forthcoming event.

We strongly encourage investors, international aencies, academic institutions, knowledgeable individuals and any willing contributors to participate in this noble idea.

We welcome contribution of technical papers/presentations, exhibition of products and technology and sponsors.

This conference/exhibition is the beginning of A new era for Somaliland's diaspora and the likeminded individuals and companies to work strategically in partnership for building and utilising Somaliland's resources.

The organising Committee can assist with obtaining visas and securing accommodations and transport for non-Somalilanders during the conference/exhibitions. As this is the busy period for travellers from and to Somaliland, please convey your interest at the earliest moment.

For further inquiries and contributions, please contact: Qasim Sheikh Yussuf, Minister of Water & Mineral Resources

Abdulrahman Yussuf, Chairman of Somaliland Geosciences Board, Email:- somalilandgeosciences@hotmail.com

Abdikarim Abdi Adan, UK Representative of Somaliland Chamber of Commerce, email: abdikarim@somalilandchamberofcommerce.com

ISSUED BY MR. ABDULRAHMAN YUSSUF, ON BEHALF OF SOMALILAND GEOSCIENCES BOARD

The colonel may want to fix his health problems in London, but it seems very likely that he will run into legal problems there because a case for the murder of Sultan Ahmad Mahammad Mahamud (Hurre) had been filed against him in the UK. Sultan Hurre was murdered on Aug.17, 2002 by Col. Abdillahi Yusuf's militia. Sultan Hurre's family contends that Col. Abdillahi Yusuf gave the order to kill Sultan Hurre.

Col. Abdillahi Yusuf's legal and health problems come on the heels of his failure to steer the Nairobi conference in a direction favorable to him.

Since Somaliland has inadequate resources to fight terrorism, it should be more aggressive in approaching governments that are likely to assist it in this matter. It is also essential to explain to Somalilanders that terrorists are not common criminals and should be treated as a unique and separate category akin to mass murderers. In other words, terrorists are a threat to our very existence as a nation and should be treated as such. Somaliland's task may be made easier by the fact that many of the radical fundamentalists as well as Abdiqasim Salad Hasan's agents (whether they are secular or use a religious cover) are known.

Other areas that need urgent attention:

Serious preparations should be made for the parliamentary elections. The reason for delaying the elections was supposed to have been that more time would be available for preparation, but that is not what happened and a lot of time was wasted. This must be corrected and preparations should start soon. The parliamentary election campaign should not be long (2 months maximum), and Somalilanders should be aware that this is the final step in meeting the requirements for international recognition and not a time for pursuing selfish or parochial interests.

The military and police should have ranks and a clear chain of command. Otherwise, it would be easy for undifferentiated armed individuals to degenerate into tribal militias.

President Rayale should start laying the groundwork for achieving a diplomatic breakthrough in North America similar to the one he accomplished in the UK and Europe. It would take a lot of work but it could be done with the help of Somaliland's diaspora.

The Somaliland government's policy of 'dalku waa dal Somaliyeed, ummadda Somaliyeedna walaalanahay oo waa dalkoodii', gives any Somali-speaking individual, including those with ulterior motives to destabilize the nation, a free access to the country. This open border policy is contrary to Somaliland's independence and its sovereignty. If this is the case, that any Somali can come to Somaliland, without any traveling document and without checking in through the immigration office, then, why are we reclaiming our Independence? What is the use of being a separate nation, if the same people we were running from in the first place, could just walk into the country and do the same damage they have been doing to their country?

Somaliland's government failed to put in place measures for curtailing the movement of Somalis into the country, but instead talk without action. It is almost six months since the interior minister ordered the expulsion of foreigners without proper documentation from the country but no action has been taken so far. The inconsistent message from the authority destroys the purpose of watching out for individuals with hidden agenda and frustrates those citizens willing to guard the safety of the humanitarian workers. As we all know, many European nations are designating Somaliland to be a drop-off land for Somali deportees, thus increasing the country's crime rate and jeopardizing the lives of both citizens and expatriates alike. Should that occur, it is going to be a risk we cannot afford, and something must be done to stop it.

If Somaliland's government is not willing to stop the influx of Somalis into the country, then citizens must take matters into their hands and protect the country. We need to form citizen militia army vested with the authority of policing the countryside and the power to investigate and scrutinize any and all aliens wandering in the countryside. It is the best surveillance system we can afford this time. Our tradition of making our guests feel at home while in Somaliland, our tradition of putting at ease anyone in our land, our tradition of respecting human lives as sacred, and our tradition of protecting our guests from any harm, has been hampered by the government's refusal to expel all Somalians from the country. This free-for-all-Somalis policy has failed to sort out the Somali terrorists with malicious agenda, from those with genuine and honest plans to immigrate. The only way Somaliland could protect humanitarian workers is by deporting all Somalis from the country first, then put in a place mechanism of sorting out those eligible to return from the terrorist. We should not compromise this plan and commence its implementation at once without any delay.

In less than a year and half we lost five foreigners in our country, and the government has done nothing to capture the perpetrators and it has no preventive measurements in place from future terrorist actions. Contrary to Ismail Aden, the interior minister's recent interview with Reuter, there are no active or sleeping terrorist cells in Somaliland. These were infiltrators from Somalia. It was shocking news to hear from the Somaliland interior minister this untrue, unsupported false statement. Somalilanders are peace-loving people and abhor such people and their unholy action. Terrorist groups never existed in Somaliland because we would not tolerate such group to exist in our land. These individuals and groups came from Somalia, and were in Somaliland, where they were able to commit such heinous crimes, because the Somaliland government failed to protect its borders. The question is: how should we protect ourselves from such influx of Somalis from Somalia and Ethiopia, given the failure of our government?

Because we believe in a Somaliland that stands for freedom, we will not fail in reaching our goal. Should we allow such few evil people to hinder our success, then we may as well pack up our bags and go to Somalia to join the so-called reconciliation meeting in Kenya and share left-overs with pigs as the others are doing. Success is not achieved without paying a price, and we are not afraid of paying that price, we just have to be wise in paying that price. We are confident that we will succeed. We will face obstacles head on, and we will conquer it and achieve our target, eliminating al-Itixaad and its dogs from Somaliland.

The saying goes, when everything else fails hug your teddy! And when your government fails you, turn to your tradition and culture. If we search our history, we will find the answer: the traditional Somali 'Illaalo force' or 'scout corps'. By implementing this traditional volunteer police force, we could achieve our goal with minimal financial burden to the country. This type of force will require discipline with the goal and mission of doing civil service. True discipline and consistent application would accomplish our goal, the goal of cleaning Somaliland out of terror, returning its peace and tranquility.

It is a time to establish traditional Illaalo force or Scout corps, volunteer groups of local men, with the purpose of patrolling surrounding areas of their towns and villages for any suspicious activities. They will post sentry to all roads both going in and going out of their villages. By grouping themselves into squads of three to five men, and into four hours of ground patrol shifts, the Illaalo sentry scouts system will enhance the country's security.

Currently all NGOs pay funds appropriated for the security of their personnel directly to Somaliland government. However, these funds from the NGOs must be paid to the elders who will in return compensate individual Illaalo members for their time and service. All the towns will share by dividing funds from NGOs equally, and each town will pay their Illaalo force under their own payroll method, established locally without outside influence. Illaalos are local and all their rules and regulations are local.

Each town will recruit about ten to fifteen volunteer men who will receive intensive military, tactical and intelligence-gathering techniques. This group will go through at least three months of rigorous training. Their training will include, but will not be limited to handling weapons, marksmanship, physical and mental conditioning, and land navigation techniques. These men will graduate as special forces and work in small units, equivalent to the United States naval seal units, or the army's special delta forces. They will learn how to identify and report suspicious activities and suspects, apprehend, and transport them. They will practice and learn the theory of one-shot-one-kill applying to all kinds of target practice. These forces will be perfect in hitting any target within the range of their weapon no matter its speed. They would master different kind of weaponry and martial arts. The Somaliland Illaalo force would consist of volunteers not under the chain of command of Somaliland Armed Forces, but under local civilian traditional leaders. They are neither responsible to the police force nor to the Army, not even to the president but only to the elders of their village. In all purposes they are civilians. Illaalo forces will have no authority to arrest and search any Somalilander without proper cause; however, as everyone else, they will have the right of citizen arrest power. They will be taught the Somaliland constitution, and all its implications.

In order to increase and maximize the effectiveness of the Illaalo force, an agreement must be developed among neighboring towns, with information-sharing policy and working closely with each other. If a suspicious vehicle passes through a town and its Illalo forces could not obtain adequate information in determining its status, they will simply inform their counter parts in the next town to watch out for such vehicle and its occupants. If that vehicle does not reach that town within estimated time frame, an immediate search alert to all law enforcement agencies and other Illaalo forces must be placed in order.

If we had in place such forces, when recently the criminals stopped their vehicle pretending to having an engine trouble, the Illaalo would have approached them before the GTZ staff did, thus preventing the death of the young Kenyan and the injury sustained by the German.

To keep this force in readiness, minimize any abuse of the authority entrusted in them, prove that the system works as it is designed to function, and their capability of handling situations in an acceptable manner, system-testing measures have to be put in place. If the learning organization method is used and applied, at any given point we will be able to check, and correct for any errors and at the same time strengthen all weak points and enhance the strong points. An elite military personnel units behaving as civilians will conduct covert operations to breach the Illaalo system and test the over-all function of the forces, both their mental and physical condition of handling crises as well their intelligence-gathering and land- navigation skills. To avoid any public panicking another mechanism of retrieving back any alert message because of this test operation in a timely manner would be put in place. The outcome and result of the illaalo performance during any testing operation would be released to the public. This is to build public confidence and increase morale of the individual illaalo member.

Traditional Illaalo force was used by the British administration, and prior to that all clans had Illaalo force to safeguard their herds. It worked well in the past, and if used properly, it will work now. The recent heroic, unparalleled patriotism, and valor of Dhoqoshay's residents have proved that when Somalilanders feel violated, they put responsibility on themselves, and will abort the evil-doers' sick plans.

Dear Somalilanders, it is about a time that we make a decision. Now is the time to take control of our security. Now is the time to set forward a challenge and venture to the possibilities of curtailing terrorist activities. It is now or never, to eliminate the evil- doers and demons from our land. Let us look ahead, toward where we are going, and what is holding us back. Let us make the decision, set a goal and stay focused on that goal, the goal of eliminating evil terrorists out of our home. Those terrorists who frustrated us, who placed obstacles and trouble in our road to success. Let us take control of our destiny; let us decide our future. That decision starts with taking back what is ours, and Somaliland is ours, and ours only. It does not belong to anyone but to us, to the people of Somaliland.

God bless our land.

And yet it was with the development of efficient, large ships that trade - and global wealth - began to multiply. This was compounded in the late 19th and early 20th centuries as two great manmade canals - the Suez and Panama - took advantage of the mechanization of ships to create a stable, rapid and increasingly reliable heavy freight capability.

Several great maritime arteries today are the definitive choke-points for international trade, and therefore international stability and wealth: the Suez-Red Sea sea-lane; the Panama Canal; and two natural waterways, the Danube River system and the Strait of Malacca.

It could be argued that the global economies were damaged significantly and measurably when, in 1967, the Suez Canal was closed during the Six Day War between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Equally, there was another great economic hiatus when, in 1984, Libya's Mu'ammar al-Qadhafi ordered the laying of floating ocean mines in the Red Sea from the minelayer Ghat, a move which caused insurance companies to refuse to allow merchant vessels, including oil tankers, from transiting that sea lane leading to and from the Suez Canal, forcing traffic around the long and arduous Cape of Good Hope sea route.

Equally, European economies - literally all of them except those of Scandinavia - suffered to one degree or another, and still do, as a result of the decision by the then-US Administration of Pres. William Clinton in 1999 to bomb the bridges in Serbia, crossing the Danube. This damage still has not been completely repaired, and European economies are still recovering. Yet little is discussed about the vital nature of this arterial waterway.

Today, we take the great arterial sea and waterway trade for granted and focus more on the impact of air transportation. Indeed, the role of aviation to the development of trade and strategic power is unquestionable, but the movement of large numbers of people and large volumes of commodities and finished goods depends, even today, overwhelmingly on sea transport.

It is necessary to understand this global matrix to provide a context for understanding the paramount significance of the Horn of Africa to the stability of the global trading system and therefore its significance to the wealth of nations and peoples.

Indeed, it is an obvious geopolitical link to see how the fortunes of the Red Sea/Suez sea lane are tied to the Horn of Africa; they are inseparable from each other. And it is easy to see why a variety of states - from Egypt and Israel, and from the United States to Australia - are so sensitive to the wellbeing of this sea lane; their lives depend on it, as do the welfares of much of Western Europe and Japan.

Arguably, at some point, perhaps 20 to 50 years into the future, Japan will see a unified Korean Peninsula adjacent to it, allowing the completion of a rail link which will provide extremely rapid, 'just-in-time' shipping of Japanese manufactured goods to Western Europe. Right now, at least 40 percent of Japan's high-value exports are sitting on ships at any given time, tying up enormous investments - literally 40 percent of the cost of those exports - for all the time those goods are at sea. Reducing tied-up capital enables greater investment turnover, dramatically accelerating economic growth. But it should be assumed that even a major arterial railroad linking the foot of the Korean Peninsula with Western Europe would not diminish in any way the vital ocean traffic moving through the Red Sea/Suez link nor the South China Sea and Malacca choke-points along the way to and from Japan.

The question, then, is how the vital element - the Red Sea/Suez link - can be safeguarded.

The existing approach, as I noted, has been to focus on the sea-lane itself, and on the littorals: the coastlines of Somalia, Somaliland, Djibouti, Eritrea, Egypt, Yemen and Saudi Arabia. But history has taught us that the health of the littorals is merely the symptomatic reflection of the health of the hinterlands behind them, just as the health of a person's skin is a reflection of inner health.

The great 19th Century British strategist and geopolitician, Sir Halford J. Mackinder, who is far too overlooked today in this world of quick-fixes and instant technologies, talked about the critical relationship between heartlands and rimlands. He who controls the heartland controls the rimland. Perhaps I should add here the caveat that he who controls and utilizes or develops the wealth and strength of the heartland controls the rimland.

In the context of the security of the Red Sea/Suez sea littoral, on the African side, the heartland focuses around the wealth and power created by the benefits deriving from source of the Blue Nile: the Amhara Plateau of Ethiopia. Significantly, it is this natural wealth - today largely unexploited following years of destruction by the Stalinist Dergue which took power away from the Ethiopian people in 1974 - and the inherent power over the source of most of the Nile waters, which places Ethiopia at a strategic crossroad. Perhaps I should say it places Ethiopia in 'the strategic cross-hairs', for this natural asset of which Ethiopia is the custodian, the Nile, makes Egypt nervous and defensive.

The Government of Egypt - which has roughly the same size population as Ethiopia - has said that the only natural cassus belli, or cause of war, for it would be an interference with the flow of Nile waters. And yet despite the fact that the flow of Nile waters has never been materially affected by any actions in Ethiopia, such is the strategic and iconographic importance of the Nile to Egyptian survival that governments in Cairo seek and demand assurances and rights from Ethiopia over the flow of Nile waters. It could be argued that the Nile is one of the great strategic waterways of the world which is not as important for the goods carried on it as for the water itself, which Egypt regards as its own.

As a result, Egypt's strategic actions with regard to the Red Sea are governed by its innate fears - which have never been even close to reality - of Ethiopian intentions with regard to the Nile. Egypt today, for example, favors the former Ethiopian territory of Eritrea, now an independent state, and encourages its hostility toward Ethiopia. Equally, it works to ensure that the Arab League and African Union do not recognize the sovereignty of Somaliland, which in 1991 reverted to its independent status with the collapse of the Somalia union. By keeping Somaliland unrecognized, Egypt attempts to deny Ethiopia access to the sea, but in reality - as with the fueling of Eritrean-Ethiopian hostility - succeeds only in sustaining instability in the Horn of Africa.

Eritrea, in fact, is a classic example of the dependence of rimlands on heartlands. Almost its entire wealth has been dependent on its historic role as an entrepot; a transition from the shipping lines, which have linked it from the times of ancient Greece with European, Arabian and South Asian traders, to the heartlands of Ethiopia. Specifically, Eritrea was the area through which the great coffee exports of the Abyssinian highlands - from the area of Kaffe, from whence coffee takes its name - were bought and sold to foreign buyers.

Even when Eritrea sought and obtained its independence in 1993, with the blessing of the new Ethiopian leadership which followed the ruthless suppression of Ethiopia and its then-province, Eritrea, by the Dergue, the coffee trade continued to provide wealth to the Ethiopian farmers and to Eritrean traders. It was only when Eritrean leader Isayas Afewerke decided to create a new national currency, the nakfa, did the great schism begin between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and it was a schism in which Egypt, Libya and others supported Eritrea in the belief that Eritrea, not the now-landlocked Ethiopia, held the key to Red Sea security. Significantly, the nakfa was not backed by an innately strong economy in Eritrea, and was not an internationally tradable currency, and yet Eritrea insisted that Ethiopian farmers take this currency in exchange for the coffee. Ethiopia would, however, only accept its own currency, birr, which could be used locally, or a foreign hard currency.

Ethiopia, faced with a refusal by Eritrea to pay for the coffee other than with nakfa, indicated that it would export its coffee through other ports, and Djibouti immediately began to prosper as the ancient trade route linking Ethiopia and Djibouti was given a new lease of life. The antagonism which arose between Ethiopia and Eritrea was compounded by the fact that the new Eritrean currency was named after the Nakfa mountain range, which had been the symbol of Eritrean armed resistance to Ethiopia in the years following World War II.

And it was this impasse over currency which actually led Eritrea to economic ruin and the necessity for its leadership to seek some form of distraction from the decline which beset the country. It sought, and very nearly succeeded, in destroying the Ethiopian Government, by claiming that Ethiopia was occupying Eritrean territory and using this as a pretext for war. Ethiopia, still divided after years of civil war, was unprepared; its best generals from the Imperial era remained imprisoned, and the population was divided. It only belated rallied to expel the Eritreans and, essentially, win the war.

And yet the war still hangs over the region. Eritrea remains without a resource to sell; it had once been the world's fourth-largest coffee exporter, and yet it grew no coffee, dealing only in the supplies brought down to the coast by Ethiopian farmers. Eritrean ports languish today, empty of ships. And so Eritrea subsists on foreign favors, to a large extent, encouraged by Egypt, Libya and others, to persist with its hostility toward Ethiopia, rather than rebuilding the ties which would benefit both states.

Ethiopia has begun to recover; it has innate strengths, traditional natural wealth and a large - 60-million-plus - population. It has developed the renewed trading route through Djibouti, and is now rebuilding and expanding its overland links through Somaliland to the port city of Berbera, on the Gulf of Aden. And yet Eritrea, Egypt and Libya, which have essentially led the Arab League to support their initiative, have also attempted to starve Somaliland of trade and recognition. The extensive Saudi imports of Somaliland lamb have ceased, impoverishing this stable and moderate country.

Eritrea and Libya support insurgent groups operating in and through Somalia to act against both Somaliland and Ethiopia, and Eritrea is the focus of funding, training and arming of, among other groups, the Oromo Liberation Front (the OLF), which has as a major goal the carving out of Oromoland from Ethiopia. We should remember that Ethiopia developed over the past few thousand years as a classic empire, comprised of a great number of ethnic or communal groups, with some 60 languages and dialects spoken under an umbrella of the Amharic language. For those of you unfamiliar with the area, the Ethiopian language, Amharic, or Amarigne, is derived from a root language, Ge'ez, which is itself derived from Aramaic. Ge'ez is, by way of comparison, the 'latin' or base of a number of the regional languages of the Ethiopian empire, including Tigrigne, the language spoken by Eritreans and the people of the neighboring Ethiopian province, Tigr' (Tigray).

The other two countries of the Horn on which we have not yet touched, Somalia and Sudan, are themselves severely challenged at present, particularly Somalia, which is, in a real sense, not a nation-state at all, its only productive constituent member, Somaliland, having withdrawn in 1991 from the union into which it had voluntarily entered as an independent and sovereign state on July 1, 1960, with the former Italian Somaliland. So it is ironic today that lawless Somalia - essentially what was Italian Somaliland - today is recognized as a state, even though it does not have a functioning government, while democratic, stable Somaliland - what had originally been British Somaliland - is denied recognition although it is a true sovereign state.

To be sure, the fears of Egypt and Saudi Arabia, and possibly Libya, are only partially about Ethiopia's control of the Nile. They also fear that Ethiopia, which was at one time a Jewish state but which has historically, since the Fifth Century, been a Christian-led state, would give Israel a base in the region and would give Israel a strong capability to control trade through the Red Sea. For the same reason, they oppose Somaliland, which, unlike Ethiopia, has virtually a totally-Muslim population, fearing that Somaliland's strong embrace of secular, democratic government would also lead it to enter into deals with Israel so that Israel could base military units and warships there to dominate the mouth of the Red Sea.

It is true that Ethiopia has an Orthodox Christian majority population, but the Christian section of Ethiopian society is only marginally larger than the Ethiopian Muslim society. Significantly, Ethiopian Muslims tend to be strongly nationalist Ethiopians, but now face an attempt by Wahabbists from across the Red Sea to politicize them and separate them from their Orthodox Christian brethren. This is unfortunate, because it was an Ethiopian King who saved the disciples of the Prophet Mohammed when they were pursued by the rulers of Arabia at that time. As a result of this, and the fact that the Prophet married one of the daughters of the Ethiopian Negus (or King), that the Prophet issued an instruction that no attempts should be made to proselytize or attack the Ethiopian people.

Today, this stricture of the Prophet - from whom my part of the family is also descended, as well as historically from the line of King Solomon - is forgotten, and that Ethiopia, the great friend of the Muslim peoples, is treated shabbily by Mulsim-ruled Egypt and by the Arab League.

Indeed, Egypt's, Eritrea's and the world trading communities' interests are best served by a healthy and strong Ethiopia. A weak and unstable Ethiopia contributes to ongoing weakness and instability in Eritrea, Djibouti, Somaliland, Somalia, Egypt and Sudan. This, it goes without saying, not only causes hardship at all levels throughout the region, but also into the Mediterranean, onto which Egypt looks. An economically weak Egypt, and one which is troubled, has profound implications for the spread of radicalism and for the continuation of the Arab-Israeli difficulties. A weak Egypt is bad for all of the Middle East, which looks to Cairo for strength and leadership.

So in this regard, while it is understandable that the international community should indeed be concerned about the stability of Eritrea, it should also look to the core of regional stability, Ethiopia, as the heart in the Horn of Africa heartland. Fortunately, Ethiopia has begun the slow path back to economic and social reconstruction, despite being deprived of its native access to the sea. However, the ongoing weakness of Eritrea places its ruling People's Front for Democracy and Justice in the position where it will almost certainly again, and very soon, seek another war with Ethiopia as a way of gaining international support and aid, and as a way of suppressing internal frustrations which stem from the economic decline in this formerly vibrant area.

This is not speculation. We know that the Eritrean Government continues to fund, train and arm insurgents aimed at damaging the Somaliland Government so that Ethiopia would be deprived of a viable sea outlet to supplement Djibouti. We know that Eritrea is funding, arming and supporting the Oromo Liberation Front and other groups which aim to break up Ethiopia. And we know, even in the past few weeks, that Eritrea has begun, once again, recruiting Russian mercenaries to fly its combat aircraft and run specialized military units. This can only be in anticipation of a new war with Ethiopia.

The last war cost all of the peoples of the region most dreadfully in human terms as well as crippling the regional economies. But it also hampered the move back toward the kind of democratically-representative government which my late Grandfather, His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I, was introducing. Ironically, his reign was not overthrown to bring democratic rule to Ethiopia, but to remove it; he had moved too rapidly toward democracy for some people.

It is unfortunate that Ethiopia, the only part of Africa never to have been formed as a result of colonization and which has its thousands of years of history as a sovereign state with its own language and literature - unique in Africa - is today less than understood in Western policy circles. Ethiopia is a country of unrivalled beauty, history, complexity and strategic importance. It is the font of all societal evolution; it was from Ethiopia than communities formed, and spread to the rest of the world. As such, it is a pillar in all-civilizational development. I urge you to explore for yourself its wonders, mysteries and beauties. You will then start to see its strategic and geopolitical importance to the world.

But do not wait too long. Africa needs Ethiopia to be strong again. It is no surprise that Addis Ababa, its capital, is also home to the African Union. Ethiopia was the inspiration of the African independence movements and of the phenomenon of pan-Africanism. But Ethiopia is also an asset, and a vital component, of the global trading and security structure.

We cannot afford to allow another war to occur against it.

His Imperial Highness Prince Ermias Sahle-Selassie Haile-Selassie is President of the Crown Council of Ethiopia, the only remaining Constitutional body of Imperial Ethiopia. The Crown Council represents the Ethiopian Crown during periods of interregnum, approves the candidature of nominees for the Throne, and advises sitting Ethiopian Emperors and Empresses.

I cannot say whether he changed over the recent years, but we can compare his past and present political mentalities and positions. The former Prime Minister Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussien has been one of the youngest active members of the SYL during the struggle for Somalia's independence.

Without an immense educational background, he had achieved a lot in becoming pime Minister of Somalia in 1964. He was known to be extremely divisive, stubborn, arrogant, and ambitious. In-addition Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein lacked ability to unite and solve conflicts in and out of Somalia's political spectrum.

President Aden Abdulle at one time threatened to dismiss the parliament if Hussein was not confirmed as his PM by saying 'if I nominate Habar Kuuley to become my prime minister you must approve her' After several unsuccessful attempts, Adan Abdulle was finally able to get Hussein approved to become his next prime minister.

As Prime Minister, Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussien in his revengeful nature continued to adopt divisive policies such as firing 100 senior government employees without proper cause and replacing them with his political cronies. Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein's disapproval ratings in his own party (SYL) led to President Aden Abdulle to lose his second term bid by landslide majority to the slained President Abdulrashiid Ali Sharmarke in 1967.

Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein is a man who is known to hold grudges against his political opponents even after their death. Recent example is his blunt statement against the president of Somaliland Mohamed Ibrahim Igal during his interview by the BBC Somali Section. Immediately after his own party (SYL) voted him out of office, as a form of retaliation Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein formed his own party called Dabka. In his revengeful nature, he began to under-mine the leadership of the new democratically elected president Abdulrashiid Ali Sharmaarke and Prime Minister Mohamed Ibrahim Igal. Some critics still blame him for the death of Sharmaarke, which subsequently encouraged the military to overthrow the democratically elected government.

Later, Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein has refused to lead or join the pro-democratic movements that began in the early 1970's. Rather, Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein accepted to be on the payroll of the oppressive dictator. While all his pro-democratic colleagues have being executed or sent to long-term imprisonment, Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein continued to represent Siad Bare Regime as an ambassador to the United Nation and worked very diligently to support the dictator's regime.

Now, Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein is hired as a free agent advocate and political consultant for the TNG leader, Abdulqasim Salad Hassan. The aping former prime minister Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussein began to attack in his articles our neighboring country Ethiopia, in-order to assist the TNG leader to receive financial concessions from Arab counties.

In conclusion, the aping former prime minister Abdulrasaaq Haji Hussien and his latest ill-written articles over the Internet demonstrates his divisiveness. He proposes a minority rule as a solution to Somalia's political problems. He is even opposed to federalism in favor of totalitarianism. This type of narrow-mindedness will only drive Somalia to totalitarianism. I am convinced it will be a grave mistake to promote minority rule in Somalia. We must work together toward uniting the Somali people in-order to achieve our common objectives such as Justice and democracy for all. The majority should rule.

As an UDUB supporter I protested vehemently and loudly about the quality of the Cabinet, the size of the Cabinet, and the direction that it was taking. When you took power and the office of the Presidency, it was customary that the government of the past administration resign so that it would give you a chance to build a new administration. President, I had advised you that since you were the new leader you should have called for their resignations; you did not, and this was a fatal mistake.

The Cabinet, heavy as it is on political patronage and clan representation was the formula from the past, your Cabinet beats the past cabinets by one thing only: and that is you're Minister of Internal Affairs. If there is one thing that will win you great points from the public it is the firing of this particular Minister. Ismael Yare is perhaps the most incompetent Minister in the history of Somaliland. This Minster is abrasive, abusive, above the law and some believe he is the power behind the throne. This Minister is hurting our party and the chances for re-election; he represents the symbol of what is wrong with your cabinet. This Minister is disrespectful to the Vice-President, perhaps the most respected man in your Cabinet; he treats party officials and other officers of the state in ways that are reminiscent of a bully in the play-ground. The Minister of Internal Affairs is the most important Cabinet official and represents the face and actions of Somaliland's security file. That this man is the Minister of this important Ministry, to say the least, brings shame to Somaliland. Either fire him or you believe in his actions and are directing his office to act in this way. It is time to make a choice on this issue.

As well, I believe that it is time your office and you personally waded into the public debate on the issues. Somali Landers are disquiet at your relative silence on the issues, in fact they find this alarming. Your speech in London in front of a crowd of Somali Landers represents virtually the first time you have spoken candidly and personally about the problems that confront us. This is the role of the President, to speak to, and dialogue with the people of Somaliland: leaving this critical role to your spokesperson or the cabinet leaves a bitter taste in the mouth of Somali Landers. It is time to eject those advisers who thought this program of silence would benefit your administration; if it is you President who is shy about speaking, you should never have taken this job. The President of Somaliland is the peoples radio and mouth piece, your silence hurts the country.

The coming parliamentary elections gives rise to great hope as far as our system of checks and balances is concerned in bringing down the cob-webs of corruption that continue to haunt Somaliland's progress. In fact, Jeffrey Herbst, the Chairman of Princeton's Political Science department and strong supporter of Somaliland recently alluded to this in an article in the Washington Post by stating that whole sections of the government were corrupt. This does not serve the image of the country, particularly when this prestigious paper is read by the elite in Washington. As well, the Presidency which essentially was treated a slush fund for by the past administration, continues to act in this tradition and this must be the beginning of where we must install transparency. Those times of not discriminating between personal and public monies must be seen as over and in the past! The flow of money in the Government of Somaliland must be transparent and clear in principal.

I am happy to hear as well that your administration has started working on the preparations for parliamentary elections next year. This would be an achievement for you personally and our party as well as for the people of Somaliland when we peacefully, fairly, and with dignity conduct these elections, then by George! We will be a government that talks like government; walks like a government; and acts like a government.

President you also suggested in your talk with Somali Landers in London that the Diaspora simply criticizes yet does not help in organizing a framework for a plan of action. I think this un-fair, the Diaspora's contribution to the issues of Somaliland is immense and writing about them will take volumes. If the question is coordinating these efforts then you need a plan and a framework in order to achieve these goals, you must start by firing the Yes men who surround the Presidency and appoint men and women of courage, compassion and hope. Benjamin Disraeli, one of the most famous Prime Minister of Great Britain said, "There are lies, more lies and statistics". The people who work with you are a statistic, they represent the past and you must get rid of them in order to give Somaliland a fighting chance. If you believe sir that you will not be elected without these power brokers then you are wrong! Your election to the current office is evidence of this, simply because, the people of Somaliland elected you over a known freedom fighter and the only statesman left in the country because they wanted CHANGE.

Sir, if you have plans to be elected in the next term for four more years, do the right thing, even if Somali Landers do not elect you, will go down in history like a shooting star, most of all, this would be an achievement that could never be equaled. President, try and capture the political and strategic ground from the opposition in the sphere of the public debate and what to do about the problems of the country. The opposition has the luxury of boycotting everything; it is standard operating procedure for opposition politics everywhere. The secret of winning the debate/elections is winning the hearts and minds of the people, if you come out to them honestly, and try to improve their lot as is their right, you will win the strategic political balance in the country. Consent, not coercion is the trick of the game, try it, and see how it works.

I believe in writing to our leaders about opinions that citizens may have about our most pressing political questions; this is, at its purest form, democracy at work. I appeal that you do the right thing by Somaliland, the people now have the power to change government if the government does not change. Don't wait until it is too late, act now!

I was in Hargeisa when Jamhuuriya was a toddler (socod barad) and that the well-known cartoon (dhan-xiir) was formed. Every morning when you wake up in Hargeisa and other major towns of Somaliland the first thing you wanted to know was what dhan-xiir has said and what Jamhuuriya has written this morning. There were other newspapers at the time such as Xoriyo, Codka Hargeysa and Baraarug. But people were obsessed with Jamhuuriya not because it was very cheap or free but because it had all the qualities that you would associate with a national newspaper.

It was like a bright sun, shining over the people and they used to admire it more than any other newspaper. Few years down the line people became addicted to it like how they are addicted to the Qat/Khat and no one could have chewed Qat without having Jamhuuriya at his side. During the late president (Egal) Jamhuuriya became a hot issue; there were clashes between the top editors of the newspaper and the authority, especially president Egal and Dhan-xiir have exchanged comments and unguided remarks on a number of occasions.

But now things have changed from the side of Jamhuuriya's on-line version. It has changed what people have known to it, and suddenly started to behave like an enemy within. A person would not need to look far for a proof, the recent article from the street fighter professor Abdi I Samater is on Jamhuuriya now. They accepted his nonsense and hatred and they have prominently displayed on their website. What I found shocking is that they (Jamhuuriya) have failed to differentiate between someone who is in opposition to the government of Somaliland and someone who is totally against the sovereignty and Somaliland's independence.

All-Puntland, Hiiraan, and Somaliweyn websites are the main platforms of the street fighter A I Samater. Through these websites he disseminate the propaganda against Somaliland and its people, but it is very unfortunate for Somalilanders to see Jamhuuriya joining the frontline enemies by allowing his malice contribution to appear on their website.

The question I was expecting from the editors of the on-line version was how the street-fighter got into the parliament when the president was delivering his historical speech. Gate-crashing, trespassing and intruding private meetings or buildings are an offence in this country (Britain). I do not really know whether or not he sneaks into the White House when Bush is meeting with his cabinet but the whole incident was an embarrassing one for Rayale himself.

Having freedom of expression in a country does not mean that the country is accepting everything which is damaging its national interests; it does not also mean that the newspapers of that country can become the mouthpieces of the enemy as Jamhuuriya is nowadays tends to be.

In addition to this, the on-line version's readers have fallen dramatically over the last year and half. This is due to the poor edition by the London team of the on-line version. When the members of the British Parliament were making their speech on Somaliland, shortly after on their return from Somaliland they have as the Americans branded and called General Morgan as the Bucher of Hargeisa. The on-line version has translated this as (Hiliblihii Hargeysa) and they even made this as the headline of their story. Does this make any sense to the readers? Absolutely no, they could have said (dadqalkii Hargeysa or dhiigya-cabkii Hargeysa) instead of directly translating the exact English words.

Poor spelling and bad grammatical structure of the Somali language are the habit of the Jamhuuriya On-line version team in London. Creating good and attention-grapping headlines is a unique skill which one needs to study his own literature and history if he/she is not naturally born with qualities or distinctions for a writer. Finally, as well as learning how to distinguish between Somaliland's opposition parties and its renowned enemies, I think the team also needs to improve a lot about their journalism career.

It appears the difference between the two camps of "patriotism, heroism and honesty" against "anti-patriotism, moral corruption and dishonesty" was already so successfully blurred that many in the public are easily duped into thinking that the heroes who have either fallen or put their lives in danger in the past for the freedom that we have today, are being labeled as belonging to the latter camp. And clearly we all know who is going to benefit.

A core group of top public officials are behind this offensive with the full knowledge and blessing of Rayale who undoubtedly encouraged this trend in at least one of his past interviews. Furthermore, they are determined to use the government offices and national resources to fund this dirty, illegal and concerted campaign, the motive of which is to also divert attention from the real issues and their inability to answer for their failures and incompetence, instead they resort to take the easy exit of labeling anyone who speaks on behalf of the public interest as being "un-patriotic" or "detriment to our recognition". One such recent article published by one government affiliated website attacking the personality of honorable citizen Ali Gulaid, is clear example of what I am talking about. The gentleman who unofficially spoke on behalf of the government, tried to equate Ali Gulaid to the self styled sworn-enemy of Somaliland, Abdi Samatar.

It is not only the government used websites disguised as independent, or the nation's official media outlets that are being misused for these unlawful purposes, but even the nation's courts have been recruited for this drive. Who is footing the bill of the unpopular, unnecessary and the prolonged trial of Buurmadow and why is the government dragging its feet, making a mockery of the country's judiciary in the process? Are we being led to believe that this is in our interest, even though the court itself failed to find any loop-holes to use article 208 "conspiracy to endanger national security while the nation is at war"? Ask yourself why is this case being paraded for so long? The answer is to educate the people to the fact that the president and the senior government officials all enjoy unparalleled immunity no matter what crimes they commit, at the same time the law is always on their side and only used to suppress the general civilian population. This prolonged circus trial is also meant to set as an example of the fate that awaits those who have any guts to ever publicly question the president's policies, however immoral they may be.

Some people may be forgiven for falling for the shallow assertion that Somaliland is about to be recognized and it is not the time to criticize our government or write about any issues on behalf of the public.

My fellow citizens, our peace-loving people are and have been fully elegible for recognition for so long, but the stumbling block has always been government's lack or inability to establish accountable institutions and officials that have respect for the rule of law. Recognition is conditional to accountability, transparency, the respect of human rights, fair judiciary, respect for the rule of law, curbing corruption, downsizing the large cabinet that is fast dwindling the meager resources and finally the implementation of full democratic institutions and these have always been the president's responsibilities. It is no longer worth wasting our time discussing how many times, how far ago, or how recent it was, when a date was set for the parliamentary elections. The government's feet-dragging on the issue is indeed deliberately designed to give ample time to consolidate its authoritarian single-party state ambitions.

Without an elected multiparty parliament we don't have a democracy. A parliament that is accountable to the people does not exist, and in turn the government itself remains unaccountable. And without a government that is accountable, democracy in Somaliland is just a name. These are the real obstacles that are eroding any chances of recognition for our country and are clearly the result of the president's unwillingness to even acknowledge these obligations. It is therefore baseless and preposterous to claim that a citizen who tries to establish the facts and, in the absence of parliamentary democracy, demands for an accountability from his government, is responsible for the lack of international recognition.

In conclusion, I would urge all patriotic citizens of Somaliland to focus on the bigger picture, to work hard and to never allow to be swayed from their ultimate goal of establishing just government institutions with the capable quality leadership that is answerable to the people and not vice-versa.

In its monthly review of the situation in Somalia for March, UNICEF said the results of screening some 7,457 children had shown that about 1,490 were moderately malnourished and 126 severely malnourished. "Overall, about 20 percent of the children are malnourished," it said.

UNICEF added that it had signed an agreement with an NGO, Action Contre La Faim, to carry out a nutrition survey in Garowe, Dangorayo and Burtinle districts of the Nugal Region in Puntland. UNICEF is also supporting the screening of children for malnutrition in the Bay and Bakool regions, and in the capital, Mogadishu.

Humanitarian agencies began an emergency intervention in Sool and Sanaag in January, targeting 90,000 people. This followed severe drought, which had led to large-scale food insecurity among pastoral populations there. At the time, however, no widespread disease outbreaks or malnutrition had yet been reported.

In March, the EC- and USAID-funded Food Security Analysis Unit (FAO/FSAU) Somalia and the USAID-funded Famine Early Warning Network (FEWS-Net) Somalia, warned in an update that food insecurity in the pastoral areas of north and central Somalia has worsened as the harsh, dry Jilaal season [January-March] progressed.

The update said about 95,000 pastoralists were facing "a humanitarian emergency" and another 123,000 "a livelihood crisis". It added that both groups required immediate humanitarian assistance to prevent deaths, rising malnutrition and/or livelihood collapse, noting that areas in the "humanitarian emergency" category had expanded to cover most of Garowe and northwestern parts of Eyl districts.

If the April -June rains failed, the FSAU and FEWS-Net said, the situation in the pastoral areas of northern and central Somalia would escalate to a large-scale humanitarian emergency in terms of severity and magnitude.

Meanwhile, various items donated by China last year are being distributed to disadvantaged communities and vulnerable children and women, mainly in camps around Somalia's towns, the UNICEF Somalia Representative, Jesper Morch, said in a separate statement on 1 April. Worth US $66,000, the donation included mosquito nets, weighing scales, blankets and aluminium cooking pots.

Apart from the Commissioners included in the delegation, there will be 2 representatives from each of the 3 political parties and 2 Journalists (one from SSJW and the other from SOLJA).

According to NEC commissioner Abdillahi A. Omer (Jawaan), the Somaliland mission will go to South Africa at the invitation of the South African Electoral Commission.

Jawaan said besides studying how South Africa's electoral system works, the delegates will observe the presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled to be held there on April 14, 2004.

Jawaan said he hoped members of the Somaliland delegation will learn a lot from the South African experience about the practice of democracy.

In response to a question on when the parliamentary elections will be held in Somaliland, Abdillahi Jawaan emphasized that the polling should be expected to take place in early 2005. The tenure of the present House of Representatives expires by May 2005 and in the light of this constitutional constraint, the legislation elections must be held much earlier than the deadline.

The NEC member also described recent terrorist attacks on Somaliland as a deliberate attempt by Somaliland's enemies to undermine not only the country's stability but also the on-going democratic process as well. He thanked the citizens of Dhoqoshy village for apprehending the perpetrators of the March 19 killing of a Kenyan woman consultant and wounding of her German colleague. "The Dhoqoshy community, our security personnel, the Vice-President, the ministry and minister of Interior, all deserve our gratitude for the excellent contributions they have made towards the capture of the March 19 attackers", he said.

Stressing the need for bipartisan politics when national interests are involved (as in the fight against terrorism), Abdillahi Jawaan took issue with Welfare & Justice Party Chairman Faysal Ali Warabe's recent statement calling for the immediate dismissal of Somaliland Interior minister, Ismail Adan Osman. 'such unhealthy remarks which I saw on the papers today only tend to cause unnecessary discord and confusion within the public," said the commissioner. Jawaan reminded politicians, particularly those in the opposition, not to spoil their chances for success by unnecessary fiery remarks. Jawaan pointed out that a lot of unfair criticism has been leveled at the minister of Interior. "The minister of Interior is not my hero but I think he is an energetic man and only those who are active commit mistakes," Jawaan concluded.

The Solar generators were already installed at 2 MCHs, one at Mohamed Mooge and the other at Sheikh Nur, Maansoor Hotel and Hargeisa University are also utilizing the sun power.

Zuhur Mohamed Ege, a nurse at Sheikh Nur's MCH spoke enthusiastically about how her workplace has been transformed following the introduction of the solar system. "We used to lose power in the middle of child delivery operations but no more," she said.

Zuhur asserted that the solar energy device installed at the MCH has changed their lives. "With round-the-clock power supply available, we now work more efficiently," she said.

At the Mohamed Mooge MCH, Faisa Shukri (a midwife nurse) said before the solar electric system has been installed morale at work was low due to frequent power failures, coupled with expensive energy bills. Faisa pointed out that the energy from the sun has not only improved work efficiency but work ethics as well.

Hargeisa University has also benefited from the introduction of the new solar system. Hassan Hiss who teaches at the university explained that since the installation of the solar powered generator, light hours available and space supported by the system have both increased.

ADRA has trained a team of technicians on how to install the solar systems. One of the trainees is Sayid Ali whom our reporter met while fixing a solar lighting kit at a private home. Sayid Ali praised the advantages of the solar system. He said once installed the devices would be expected to last for years without trouble. Sayid Ali emphasized how solar systems are more efficient and least expensive in comparison with fossil fuel-based energy. A small kite can support most appliances used at homes such as cookers, TV, Tape-recorder and light bulbs.

The Mansoor hotel uses a photosynthesis system for water heating.

Individual customers may contact ADRA office in Hargeisa to know more about sizes, designs and application ranges.

The SSJW in a statement issued late Thursday night said, 'since the BBC Training Department decided to go ahead with the implementation of the training in blatant disregard for finding a solution first for the problems cited already by the Journalists, then the EC, as the funding agency, should not sit idle but must intervene in order to resolve the dispute."

The SSJW in a previous statement issued last month said it was boycotting the BBC-run training after it became clear that the BBC was not interested in addressing some serious flaws within the program".

The SSJW has criticized BBC trainers for failing to hold prior consultations with Somaliland journalists before designing the second phase of the training project, which the BBC insisted to launch last December against the backdrop of strong criticism from the Journalists community, that the program was not meeting actual training needs in Somaliland.

The BBC was contracted in 1998 by the European Commission to train Somali Journalists with the objective of strengthening the professionalism and functioning of Somali Journalism. According to the new manager of the program, the project proposal for the current second phase of the training arose from the ideas of participants in the previous training. This is disputed by Journalists who took part in training sessions conducted during the first phase. During the first phase, Somaliland journalist had expressed to the BBC trainers their dissatisfaction with the poor standards of the training, the unnecessarily frequent interruptions in training activities and the lack of any meaningful support for strengthening the institutional capacity of journalism here, Somaliland's well-known journalist Ahmed Dualle, said.

In its latest statement on the issue, the SSJW has described the BBC-led training program as a fraud, citing as an example a training workshop held last month for Somali women Journalists. The SSJW said most of the workshop participants from the Somaliland side were women who work for the NGOs sector. While there was a great need to encourage women to join the profession and give them on-the-job training, it was regrettable that the BBC targeted ladies who had nice jobs with NGOs and no commitment to practice what they have learnt while ignoring the few determined women journalists already working for local media organizations. Meanwhile, SSJW leaders have informed the Somaliland Times that members of their association will picket the next training session to be held under the current BBC-run program in about 2 weeks time.

Talking to the Somaliland Community in Abu Dhabi on Thursday, 1st April 2004, Silanyo said that the international community has acknowledged that Somaliland made great achievements and was doing better than many recognized African countries.

However, he claimed the ruling party was hampering the process of democratization. Silanyo said the government party rejected to speed up the necessary legislation for the election of the parliament and refused to listen to the advice of opposition parties on vital national issues such as the situation in the country's Eastern areas occupied by Puntland forces and the Somali factional talks in Nairobi. Although he said that all signs showed that the Nairobi talks would end up without any success like the dozens of talks before them, he however expressed his fear that if they succeeded they would bode ill on the issue of Somaliland. "The talks are being propelled by the International Community," he said "they see Somalia as a vacuum which could shelter all kinds of illegal organizations and they want the Somalis to form a government". "We wish them peace and we wish peace for the entire region and the world as a whole, but as Somalilanders we should know that the outcome of the talks will have an impact on our country."

Silanyo said that his party had submitted proposals to the government on a number of issues such as the need to take a unified stance on the Nairobi talks and the situation in the east of the country.

On the recent killings of foreign aid workers, Silanyo said that he came to know that those arrested had admitted of being behind some of the previous killings as well. He, however, blasted the government for leveling accusations against his party for being behind the killings without even waiting for the investigations. He said he had recorded evidence of the Interior Minister's accusation against his party. He also criticized the government for deserting the people in the East of the country. "Abdillahi Yusuf didn't occupy Laas Anod," he said "he just filled a vacuum after Somaliland government's apparatus left the town by Presidential orders."

He expressed his worries about the long-term effect of the government's inability to order the troops to reach the country's recognized borders. "Everyday we hear that the armed forces have inched forward but they reach nowhere. No bullet was shot and there is no war going on. This is a worrisome situation which is a detriment to our sovereignty, our image in the international community, and our prospects for statehood" he added.

Regarding the President's recent visit to UK and Belgium, Silanyo described it as a good development but warned that expectations should not be exaggerated. He blamed the government for focusing on few sympathetic countries such as South Africa. "It is good to work on these countries but one had to also work on other fronts." Silanyo said, "we know that Arab countries are against our issue but without them and without the African countries we cannot go anywhere with our issue."

"We have to work hard to at least neutralize the opposition of the Arab League to our cause. The British will not be able to take a unilateral stance away from the European Union and it will not definitely listen to our case if the Arab and African countries are against us." He said that many parts of the country were suffering from a long drought due to the delay of seasonal rains. He lamented the lack of assistance from the international community for the people affected by the droughts.

The interior minister of Somaliland republic, Ismail Aden Osman, told Reuters in an interview five suspects held after the recent killing of a Kenyan and wounding of a German had told interrogators all the attacks were launched by members of the same extremist group. "The detainees said, "our aim is to kill every agency (humanitarian) worker for we believe that they should not remain in this country", Osman said. "The detainees told the investigating committee that every region in Somaliland has an Al Qaeda leader," Osman said.

Since October 2003, a British teaching couple and an Italian and Kenyan aid worker have been murdered in the region. A Somali aid worker was also killed in the attack on the Kenyan and German. Investigations into the deaths continue.

Somaliland, the most stable region of chaotic Somalia, is not internationally recognised as an independent state. It declared its independence from Somalia in 1991 and held its first multi-party election in 2003.

The rest of Somalia has been devastated by warlords and their militias. Somalia has had no central authority since the ousting of former President Siad Barre in 1991.

Mogadishu, militants' base

Osman said the militants' base was in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, cited by US officials as an ideal hideout for militants seeking to plan attacks.

He said the suspects may also have links to a Somali militant Islamist group called al-Itihad al-Islamiya, which is believed by many observers to be in decline after playing a prominent role in Somali politics in the mid to late 1990s.

The Kenyan and German were working for the German Agency for Technical Assistance and were attacked near the town of Berbera. "They (the detainees) confessed that the SOS teachers were targeted because they were spreading (fundamentalist) Christianity," Osman said.

One of the detained men confessed that he had carried out surveillance before the attack on the Britons but did not himself commit the murders, Osman said.

The minister added that the detainees had told interrogators they did not know the names of their commanders except their immediate head, for the sake of operational security.

Accordingly, he said, we have captured people who attempted to infiltrate into Ethiopia and about thirty OLF members were now in custody. He said they will be brought to court as Somaliland does not allow anyone to attack neighbors from its territory.

In an exclusive interview with Walta Information Center, President Dahir Rayale Kahin, meanwhile, stated that the Berbera corridor, which links the port city with Ethiopia, is under construction. The building of the corridor has become essential, as the trade relations between Somaliland and Ethiopia have been consolidated, he explained. The President said the Ministers of finance of Somaliland and Ethiopia are establishing checkpoints so that the people can trade freely, while smugglers can easily be contained.

To this effect, he added, some Somaliland technicians had visited Ethiopia to finalize arrangements. "Although we are not recognized by Ethiopia," said President Kahin, "We share security, borders and many other things with Ethiopia. And we discussed these and other matters with the officials, including with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi."

During his stay in Ethiopia, the President said he has also met the Chairman of the African Union and stated their "case". President Kahin pointed out that Somaliland has been appealing for recognition not only in Africa, but also in Europe.

In this regard, he said, prior to his arrival in Ethiopia, he visited Britain and spoke to "several ministers and addressed the House of Commons."

He further stated that in Brussels he met officials of the Inter Parliamentary Union, the European Commission, the House of Senate and the Belgian Parliament.

President Kahin vehemently rejected any form of integration with Somalia even if peace prevailed in that country. The creation of Somaliland as an independent state has been confirmed by the referendum held on May 2001, he said. "There are many African countries that withdrew from the union they had formed. Gambia and Senegal, Egypt and Syria, and there are many other examples. Therefore what we are doing is not new to Africa," the President elaborated. Blaming Al-Quaeda for the recent insurgency in his country, Kahin accused the authorities in Somalia for sending the terrorists to Mogadishu. He said "They want to turn our country into Mogadishu", the President disclosed that the main activists have now been now detained.

After hearing his health status from his physician while he was under intensive medical care in New York City, Dr. Abdulmejid requested the Ethiopian government to bring him home.

Accordingly, on Sunday he was brought home, where he died one day after (yesterday).

The late Dr. Abdulmejid was born in 1938 E.C. in Dire Dawa town from his father Hussein Bere and his mother Meko Ahmed Jama. He completed his primary and secondary education in schools in Dire Dawa and Harer towns respectively. Dr. Abdulmejid received his first degrees in geography and history while his doctorate degree from School of African Critical Studies in the US in economics and philosophy.

According to his biography read at the funeral services, Dr. Abdulmejid had been actively participating in the Ethiopian students movement to ensure the rights of nations and nationalities. The late Dr. Abdulmejid had served as Minister of the then Economic Development and Cooperation as well as Minister of Transport and Communications after the fall of the Derg regime. The late Dr. Abdulmejid had also served as BBC Commentator, Technical Advisor with ILO, UNHCR Assistant Resident Representative in the Sudan and Deputy Director of UNICEF in New York City.

Though terrorists had attempted to murder him here in the metropolis, Dr. Abdulmejid had been struggling against terrorists till his death, his biography indicates.

According to the biography, he had played a prominent role to merge political parties operating in Somali State and became later Chairman of the merged party.

Speakers of the House of Peoples Representatives and the House Federation, Ministers, Somali State Administration Chief and other senior federal and state government officials, Patriarch of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, Abune Paulos and Deputy Chairman of the Ethiopian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs attended the funeral services.

His three children and his wife survived the late Dr. Abdulmejid.

Meanwhile, President Girma Wolde-Girogis expressed his condolence over the death of Dr. Abdulmejid on behalf of the people and government of Ethiopia as well as on his own behalf.

It is highly regrettable that the BBC trainers instead of trying to address the complaints raised by the journalists, embarked on a confrontational policy seeking dictation and division of the Journalists community. But there is no doubt that the overwhelming majority of Somaliland Journalists, including most of SOLJA members, now think that it is imperative to redesign the project if it were to be brought in line with existing realities and requirements. The Journalists are not complaining about the lack of resources (the project's two million Euros is relatively a lot of money) but rather the unrealistic way the project funds have been allocated and project activities drawn up.

Under the circumstances, one is obliged to wonder if something fishy was going on; why the BBC Training managers should try to impose what they wan on the Journalists. The BBC trainers had been able to fool Somaliland Journalists during the previous training into thinking that their demands would be met in the next phase of the project. But the trainers would be totally wrong to think that history would repeat itself. The EC cannot go on pretending the training project has been going on smoothly and nothing has been happening. Neither should the Somaliland ministry of Planning. Both agencies should act to bring the training project on the right track if it were to be saved from failure.

Regional Education Inspector Continued from our previous issue] 3.

Intuitive Stage (4-7 years) A primary school teacher wanted to establish the stage of mental development of child who was brought late in first term join her STD 1-class. The teacher decided to give the child two mental tasks in order to establish the stage of mental development of the child. In the first task the teacher rolled two balls of clay until they were of equal size and she then asked the child point at the ball which had more clay than the other. The child agreed that the balls had equal amount of clay. The teacher rolled one of the balls into a sausage shape and she then asked the child to point out the ball that had more clay. The child indicated that the sausage-shaped one had more clay in it.

However, when the child was asked to change the ball-shaped one to a sausage-shape it agreed that the quantity was the same. In the second task, the teacher asked the child whether it lived in Hargeisa. The child said, "Yes". The teacher then asked the child whether Hargeisa in Somaliland to which the child answered in the affirmative. Finally, the teacher asked the child whether it lived in Somaliland. The child replied in the negative and repeated, "I lived in Hargeisa." A. What stage of mental development was that child in" Give Reasons for your answer. The child was in the intuitive stage of mental development. It is at this stage that children are unable to conserve quantity, length, volume, etc. in this case she was unable to reverse the situation she observed of changing the ball shape to a sausage shape. The child focused on one dimension of changing length without reversing the process back mentally to the starting point (ball shape) and realizing that the actual quantity of clay remains unchanged except for the shape. He was unable to reverse his thought until when he was allowed to do it himself.

Children in intuitive stage have a problem of keeping in mind more than one relationship at a time. For example, the child could see the relation of where he lives to Hargeisa. He also saw the relation of Hargeisa to Somaliland, but he could not see the relation of her home to Somaliland.

B. What other mental operations characterize children in that stage? Children at this stage are capable of classifying objects based on simple characteristics such as, size and shape at a time. They can observe and experiment with purpose. They have difficulty with time sequence, e.g. they find it difficult to put events of the day in order but can order real objects such as sticks according to size or length. They have problems with cause-and-effect relationships, e.g. when they see the branches or leaves of a plant swaying, they may refer to the phenomenon as wind. C. How should teachers help pupils in this stage to grow mentally? Teachers should allow pupils to carry our activities, e.g. experimenting by themselves so that they can develop their reasoning and concept of conversation. Use simple experiments to demonstrate cause-and-effect relationships. Emphasize classification and ordering to develop concepts.

Make use of stories to catch pupil's interests. End of Stage Vocabulary Sway1: To influence or change the opinions or actions of somebody. Sway2: To move or swing slowly from side to side. Intuition: The power of understanding situation or people's feelings immediately.

I cannot tell in words that the importance of livestock to our society. Let me say it is the engine room of our country. Not all our economic woes can be blamed on the ban on livestock exports. Improper management of public revenues is a big problem. For example many our traders and our people are not satisfied with the services rendered by the Berbera port authority. Further more, the taxes being received from our people are not directly sent to the bank. There is mismanagement, which if not solved would cause a lot damage to our economy.

Not only Berbera port, but also the whole Customs Department is plagued with corruption. The main demerits which Somaliland customs share are: overstaffing, mismanagement, embezzlement, and manipulation. These problems should be tackled by the authorities of Finance ministry and ministry of Commerce & Industry. In order to overcome these problems, the concerned ministries should immediately take steps to remedy the situation. The audit department must always send inspection teams to these places. Checking of all books and documents must be maintained fairly, so that, fraud and misappropriation can be prevented. The Finance ministry and Commerce & Industry must always try to appoint the right person to the right place, because if somebody is appointed in a position which he/she doesn't know anything about then what is the outcome? Mismanagement, and fraud will arise.

Further more, the Somaliland government must try to attract international investments. They have to encourage the private sector and individual businesses. Trade links between Somaliland and it's neighboring countries must be improved, exchange of goods have to be maintained. It goes without saying that 80% of our revenue is generated from livestock. Unfortunately, this sector which generates such an important income is neglected. Only less than 5% of the earnings go back to this sector. This neglect has gone for decades. But it is time that we consider seriously investing in this sector. Our livestock must not be as a cow, which is being milked without being feed.

Mohamed Abdillahi Du'aleh, Bachelor of Commerce, Osmania University

Ali First and foremost let me say how crestfallen I am with my party UDUB and the political administration of Somaliland. I believe once elected, the administration bears a disproportionate, heavier and added responsibility precisely because they are the government of the day. It is important in my view that the opposition continues to hold the government responsible for its failures and indeed its mistakes. This is the system of government we have chosen and we must respect the system.

One of the criticisms in you recent press conference was on the staggering incompetence of the Minister of Internal Affairs. I have repeatedly called for the firing of the Minister of Internal Affairs simply because I believe that he is not the right person for such a sensitive and important position within cabinet. As well I agree with your party, given the recent Kulmiye press conference on the serious and un-proven allegations that this Minister continues to spout indeed making confusion in the country worse confounded. I also agree that the Minister of Internal Affairs speaks for the administration on the security file and therefore the entire government bears responsibility on his revolting comments on the recent issue of banditry/terrorism in the country.

However, I feel that it is irresponsible that your comments did not stop at these useful criticisms of the government which continue to pile and thus convincing Somali Landers of an alternative in the coming parliamentary elections and the next presidential elections. UDUB was given a chance by the people of Somaliland and if they continue to squander their political capital as they do now that is ultimately their responsibly. Your comments on the Minster of Internal Affairs and The President of this Republic during the armed struggle is a legitimate position to take as far as freedom of speech is concerned; as well, the role of the Minister of Internal Affairs and the President of Somaliland during that time is well known, this is not a new story to Somali Landers.

The President's role during the peace process and peace making process in Somaliland is also well known, indeed the debate about these issues were considered by Somali Landers during the elections and the people of this country opted not to choose your party Kulmiye and voted in UDUB which is the government of the day. That is the system that we chose and we ought to stop second guessing the people of Somaliland's choice. Muj Ali, your complaint against the Minister of Internal Affairs was based on his irresponsible and un-truthful comments about the events leading up to the capture of those terrorists who continue to inflict heavy damage to the reputation of the country. Indeed, to answer those comments with the same level of recklessness, irresponsibility and lack of political sophistication makes your comments no different from the Minister of Internal Affairs.

Consider for a moment Muj Ali if I were to say that during the civil war, a war that you and others were deeply involved in, where Somali Landers set upon each other with hate, distrust, and finally guns, disqualifies you from holding political office and participating in our politics! That would be absurd you will agree, indeed, the civil war was terminated by broad peace agreements and Somali Landers have forgiven each other for being cleverly divided by their politicians and war mongers. As well, it would be the height of intolerance and wickedness to suggest that those clans that did not support the SNM are guilty of crime by association. Somaliland would un-ravel and it is the SNM that took the decision - correctly I believe- to let bygones be bygones, a decision sir that you were part of as a leading commander of the Somali National Movement.

No one would use the foregoing argument to pulverize your well earned reputation as a freedom fighter, therefore, no one should use the Presidents past as political missile in order to crush the presidents moral authority, a crucial concept embedded in the office of the Presidency. Mujahid Ali, I totally disagree with your comments directed at the President of Somaliland; I find them repulsive and so do many Somali Landers. To describe the president as a coward who fled the country with the occupying army, even when it is true is - many dispute the facts - to make an understatement, unworthy of your reputation in this country. Further, it continues the rather pathetic blame game and the continuing campaign to embarrass the person of the President: Somaliland and the President of Somaliland are inextricably linked, tarnishing the image and prestige of the Presidency reduces the dignity of this important institution. As well, your language and tone feeds into the already damaged relationship between the two leading parties. The comments from the infamous Minister of Internal Affairs and you sir, have inflicted injury to Somaliland fragile political space and may rapture/push the already strained relationship between the two leading parties over the precipice into a cauldron of bitterness and hate.

In the long run, these feelings of bitterness and disparaging language could prepare the ground for the destruction of our party politics and ultimately lawlessness. There have been two presidents in this country from the clans that supported the SNM, the late first President of Somaliland the late Abdurrahman Ahmed Ali, and the late Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal. It is well known that the first president sold us out to Hamar and that the second president was totally opposed to the struggle of the SNM. President Abdurrahman Tuur came to Somaliland and Somaliland forgave him for his error, President Egal was brought from the United Arab Emirates and chosen to be our president. The President should not suffer from double standards simply because - and I have said this before - I have never heard the last two presidents spoken to in the terms that are used often against Dahir Riyyale Kahin. Such double standards I find objectionable and hypocritical.

Indeed, when our government, in time, creates the proper judicial and institutional basis for the stories of human rights abuse to come out I fully support a 'truth commission' that will delve into these abuses so that they are clearly laid out for Somali Landers to consider. We have reconciled but we have yet to tell the truth about those who committed gross human rights abuses in the country and/or collaborated with the dictatorship. I believe the truth should come out for it will set us free. There should be, in my considered opinion, a modicum of respect extended to the Presidency even if one disrespects the person of the Presidency. Otherwise the stature of the presidency will be reduced considerably and by extension the enemies of Somaliland - and there are many, given the recent acts of terrorism - will use this 'discourse of irresponsibility' against the President of Somaliland.

I believe that there are parameters to our free speech; free speech without responsibility is not free speech but rather a recipe for anarchy and lawlessness. I understand the frustration of the opposition towards the government; Somali Landers continue to shake their collective heads as this government continues to blunder from one crisis to another. The people of Somaliland will ultimately make their verdict in the coming months and years: the opposition should work towards exposing these issues for Somali Landers to consider. I am urging you sir to tone down this discourse, I am also urging the government to simply stop fuelling this discourse of destruction, and work towards helping the people of Somaliland to be free from poverty and disease. On a final note Mujahid Ali, the liberation struggle gave birth to the rights of free speech as they are guaranteed in the constitution of Somaliland. Your contribution to this process is there for all to see, you are a bona fide hero when it comes to the liberation of Somaliland.

However, there is a larger role that awaits those who liberated this country; can they make the transition from the bush to the corridors of power? These questions will be decided by the people of Somaliland and at the heart of that decision is the basic question of political maturity. Let us debate the issues and not personalities.

Being an old fox in political manipulation of social and clan forces Cigaal searched for his vice from the same Clan and sub-clan of his opponent with the intention of balancing his ticket and weakening his able and charismatic opponent and political nemesis who has been his Vice President up to that time (Abdirahman Aw Ali). His search led him to Rayale, a soft-spoken wealthy businessman who is known for his easygoing manner and his apolitical nature.

Rayale was formerly an officer in the security apparatus of the defunct state of Somalia with surprisingly few enemies. Cigaal proposed, Rayale accepted, the strategy worked and they won the election. That was back in 1997. Cigaal died unexpectedly in May 2002, and Rayale inherited the presidency in a peaceful transition of power. And so a man of a minority tribe with no political history and no political ambition became the president of the nation. It seemed as if providence literally knocked on Rayale's door one morning and placed the presidency on his lap the second day. Rayale rose up to the challenge. His smooth management of the transition and his success in transforming the nation's mourning to a productive realization of the deceased leader's dream of continually increasing national reconciliation and peace pleasantly surprised both detractors and supporters. Political insiders however remained skeptical.

The consensus was that Rayale was functioning as an acceptable placeholder, and that the smooth transition was nothing but a reflection of the belief that he will be easy to defeat when the time for presidential elections comes. Such was the strength of this conviction that the secretary general of the President's own party challenged him for the leadership of the party to secure for himself the nomination for the presidential candidate of the governing political party (UDUB). Rayale managed to fight him off but the confrontation further solidified the perception. Since those early days President Rayale has succeeded in creating an independent Electoral Commission that has won accolades from the opposition political parties and that has become the envy of the neighborhood on both sides of the Red Sea. He led the nation through successful municipal elections based on the principle of universal suffrage.

He organized a clean presidential election based on three political parties and won by a whisker in April of 2003. The results of the elections were grudgingly accepted by his rivals and internationally recognized as being predominantly transparent, free and fair. In this last year Rayale was able to heal the nation of the rift and wounds created by a hotly contested election and in the process he established his legitimacy. He strengthened the crucial relationship of Somaliland with its neighbor Ethiopia. He fostered a mutually beneficial relationship with Djibouti.

And he elevated connections with Great Britain to a new qualitatively higher level. In the last few months he refused to fall into the trap of a devastating war with the neighboring Somali region of Puntland, in spite of the repeated physical and verbal provocation of its warlord. President Rayale is best defined by what he is not. The President is a man who does not talk much. He is not a charismatic leader who inspires, he is not an orator who sways and convinces, he is not a dreamer with a grand vision and his demeanor does not exude confidence and poise. He is not a demagogue who breeds hate and envy, he is not a rabble-rouser who starts fires and wars and he is not greedy, corrupt, selfish, arrogant or power hungry. His greater asset is that he is a man who listens more than he talks. He is an ordinary man whose path in life crossed extraordinary events and whom circumstances placed in the dead center of a momentous tempest in a young nation's creation story. This is his strength and also his weakness.

It rained the day Rayale won the presidential election. Some called him Rainmaker. It was a good omen in this semi desert where water is more precious than gold. Rumor has it that his opponent in the election consulted a witch doctor prior to the election. She is reported to have told him that Rayale will win the presidency and the nation will be recognized internationally while he is still in office. Rumors and witch doctors rule the dark recesses of the human psyche and more so where literacy is limited and the horizons narrow and frightening. There is no doubt that Rayale's presidency is indeed a lucky, even a charmed one. Otherwise how is that he continually appears like a man mismanaging the power of the presidency only to fumble from one success to another. The president has benefited from the underestimation of his opponents and from low public expectations. Still one can no longer ignore the accumulating evidence that there is something more than just blind luck at work here. There may indeed be a silent efficiency and instinctive foresight at work.

It may not all be the workings of destiny and chance but the cool hand and unwavering determination of a silent president, an effective leader and possibly an unlikely hero. Even more important than the man is the system of democratic governance that Somaliland has chosen for itself. This system has been the source of this young nation's success, it allows for the folly that is inherent in being a human. The president's opponent's, the likes of the political leader Abdirahman Aw Ali and the journalist Ali Gulaid constantly hold in front of him a decidedly unflattering mirror that reflects his errors, imperfections, failures and pitfalls. The president's ultimate success or failure will depend upon how honestly he faces his sore and ugly spots. The price of greatness is the humility of accepting a vibrant opposition's legitimate objections and embracing its mirror of imperfections as the best friend a leader can hope for.

By Stephanie Heinatz, Hampton Roads Daily Press, VA, April 1, 2004

The victims, employees of the Blackwater Security Consulting firm, a subsidiary of the Moyock, N.C.-based Blackwater USA that provides security and guard training to customers around the world, were hired to provide security to food convoys. Three of them were former Navy SEALs and one a former Army Ranger. The sports utility vehicles they were traveling in caught fire and an enraged mob dragged two of the burned bodies through the streets and hung the corpses from a bridge. Blackwater released a statement today saying they weren't releasing the names of the victims out of respect for their families. A decade ago, a similar scene played out in another part of the world. On Oct. 4, 1993, 160 of the best-trained soldiers in the military were sent into Mogadishu, Somalia, to arrest key leaders in the country breeding civil unrest. Troops had been there on a peacekeeping mission to deliver food to locals but had been caught in the civil war. During the arrest, armed Somalis from all over the city began flocking to the job site and firing at soldiers and the Black Hawk helicopters hovering over the city providing air support. It became the longest sustained battle since Vietnam. By the end of the day, two Black Hawks were shot down by rocket propelled grenades, 18 soldiers died, one was taken as a prisoner-of-war and the corpse of a crew chief from one of the choppers was dragged through the streets of the city. Soon after, the Clinton administration pulled all U.S. troops out of Somalia after public pressure encouraged him to get Americans out of harm's way. There is the lesson to be learned, say former military men. Newport News resident retired Army Col.

Bob Killebrew, a former special operations officer who now works as a consultant on national security matters, said today that retreating from what the U.S. started in Somalia only boosts the argument that Americans should stay the course in Iraq - even if the people who continue to protest the war use Wednesday's attacks as proof that the war was wrong. "After Somalia a theory floated around that the American people were very casualty adverse," Killebrew said, noting that the case for that theory was partially made when America immediately withdrew after its soldiers died in Mogadishu. "That is a worldwide perception and has been mentioned, by among others, Osama bin Laden." That theory, Killebrew said, turned out not to be true. "The American public historically will take casualties without flinching if they believe the cause is worthwhile," he said. "But the worldwide perception has not changed. Saddam Hussein, among others, said if we kill enough Americans, Americans will go home.

If you shoot enough Americans, Americans will eventually give up and go home." The insurgents, Killebrew said, are operating with two broad objectives. "They are going to kill enough Americans to urge an American withdraw," he said. Then, they are going to kill enough Iraqis cooperating with the U.S. so that if and when America does leave they have created enough of a fear in the people that they can start a new government that ultimately breeds more terrorists. But, he said, Americans absolutely cannot pull out because "the stakes here are enormous." "If we fail and Iraq slides into anarchy and a terrorist or a Baathist-like regime re-establishes itself, we lose any chance we ever have had in turning the tide in the Mideast," Killebrew said. "The Bush administration has cast the dice in a huge gamble, far greater than I think most Americans realize. And the real danger is that we are in the mix of a political season and any attempt to explain all that is tainted as being used for political gain."

Killebrew was just as disturbed by the ambush in Iraq as the average person. "Like all Americans, I was horrified," he said. "Mutilating bodies, particularly mutilating American bodies, is something our civilization still finds barbarous. I think the other side would like to make it like Somalia and we just can't let that happen." Retired Army Chief Warrant Officer Mike Durant, the POW who piloted one of the downed choppers and watched his crew chief dragged through the city, obviously doesn't want to see a repeat of Somalia. While he doesn't think it was necessarily a strategic move on the insurgents part to attack Americans, he does think pulling out of Iraq would only feed into the worldwide view that Americans give up. "I think there are various groups of insurgents and they have a vested interest in defeating us for no other purpose than to defeat us," Durant said. "And there is also the mob mentality, like I saw in Somalia.

There are good people who just get caught up in it. " Durant said again today, for what he called the 251st time, that the decision to pull troops out of Somalia was a bad one and he hopes pulling out of Iraq isn't even viewed as an option by the White House. "It would just leave a void," Durant said. "It would cause instability in the whole region and I think our leadership knows that. There will be people who feel that (pulling out) is the best course of action because we don't like to see people die and that's understandable. But it is war. We cannot allow this to lessen our resolve." The Associated Press and staff researchers Jill Coley and Joe Atkinson contributed to this report.

Speaking about the intention of Col Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, the leader of Puntland, to visit Sool, the Somaliland minister said that is not true and they will never allow their rival Col Yusuf to visit peacefully the disputed region of Sool. Fuad Aden Ade If we cross outside our borders then we are aggressors, but as we continue to stay at our borders Col Yusuf is supposed to give us a full peace. He must not think that we will be afraid of the presence of his troops in Las'anod, we will go there and we are very sorry to his militias since they will not get way to escape, we hope that they will join us and say: Col Abdullahi Yusuf was wrong so we are with you.

The Somaliland minister's statement comes while Somaliland forces are too close to the provincial town of Las'anood of Sool region. The Somaliland forces are about 30km from to Las'anood and this has created fear among the residents of the town. This is the first time that Somaliland forces have gathered close to Las'anod, while the tension between the two sides has recently been decreasing.

However, all this emerged soon after Col Abdulahi Yusuf Ahmed returned to Puntland from Nairobi and his planned visit to the disputed region of Sool.

In an exclusive interview with Walta Information Centre, President Dahir Rayaleh Kahin, meanwhile, stated that the Berbera corridor, which links the port city with Ethiopia, is under construction. The building of the corridor has become essential, as the trade relations between Somaliland and Ethiopia have been consolidated, he explained. The president said the ministers of finance of Somaliland and Ethiopia are establishing checkpoints so that the people can trade freely, while smugglers can easily be contained. To this effect, he added, some Somaliland technicians had visited Ethiopia to finalize arrangements. "Although we are not recognized by Ethiopia," said President Kahin, "We share security, borders and many other things with Ethiopia. And we discussed these and other matters with the officials, including with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi." During his stay in Ethiopia, the President said he has also met the Chairman of the African Union and stated their "case". President Kahin pointed out that Somaliland has been appealing for recognition not only in Africa, but also in Europe. In this regard, he said, prior to his arrival in Ethiopia, he visited Britain and spoke to "several ministers and addressed the House of Commons."

He further stated that in Brussels he met officials of the Inter Parliamentary Union, the European Commission, the House of Senate and the Belgian Parliament. President Kahin vehemently rejected any form of integration with Somalia even if peace prevailed in that country. The creation of Somaliland as an independent state has been confirmed by the referendum held on May 2001, he said. "There are many African countries that withdrew from the union they had formed. Gambia and Senegal, Egypt and Syria, and there are many other examples. Therefore what we are doing is not new to Africa," the president elaborated. Blaming Al-Qa'idah for the recent insurgency in his country, Kahin accused the authorities in Somalia for sending the terrorists to Mogadishu. He said "They want to turn our country into Mogadishu", the president disclosed that the main activists have now been detained.

For the first time in Somalia, press-freedom violations will be systematically documented and reported, thanks to efforts by the Somali branch of the Eastern Media Institute (EAMI-S) and support from the Danish agency, International Media Support (IMS). EAMI-S has formed a network of five correspondents who will report on press-freedom violations in Somalia, beginning in the capital, Mogadishu. The initiative arose out of a successful four-day seminar EAMI-S conducted on 15 May in Mogadishu.

With funding from IMS, 23 participants at the seminar learned how to gather, compile and report violations using the action alert format pioneered by the International Freedom of Expression eXchange (IFEX). Before the formation of this group there was no systematic gathering on information relating to press freedom violations in Somalia, EAMI-S says. EAMI-S says it plans to look for opportunities to expand the monitoring network to cover Southern Regions as well as the Puntland Autonomous Region in Northeastern Somalia, where relations between media and local government are tense. EAMI-S was established in June 2001. Its programmes include training for local journalists, regional networking and lobbying against repressive media laws.

For more information, contact Abdulkadir Mohamoud Walayo, Eastern Africa Media Institute Somalia Chapter; Tel: +252 1 217955; +252 1 650870; +252 59 32510; Cell phone: +252 501600; E-mail: walaayo@yahoo.com. For details on IMS' work in Somalia, visit www.i-m-s.dk/?ID=65&SMID=65 BBC Worldwide Monitoring, April 1, 2004/SOURCE: Qaran, Mogadishu, in Somali 1 Apr 04 Anti-UK demo staged in Mogadishu Somali civil society groups yesterday staged a demonstration at the Mogadishu Stadium, accusing the British government of exposing its long-standing hostility towards the Somali nation and campaigning for the international recognition of the northwestern provinces Somaliland. The civil society groups also accused the Ethiopian government of planning moves similar to that of the UK and for making efforts to see the northwestern provinces accorded international recognition.

In their condemnation, they referred to a visit to the northwestern provinces by a British parliamentary delegation which later when it went back called on the UK government to provide a lot of aid to Somaliland and to give it recognition. The civil society groups condemned any government or agency that seeks to or is campaigning for the dismemberment of the Somali nation and people. They called on the UK and Ethiopian governments to stop their interference in the affairs of Somalia and to desist from such blatantly misinformed actions which violated the unity of Somalia. The civil society groups called on the Somali people to cooperate among themselves and to work for their unity so as to restore peace and stability and establish a government that would restore their dignity and nationhood. They appealed for solidarity and warned Somalis not to depend on foreigners to manage their affairs.

Passage omitted: similar ideas, background to peace talks The demonstration, which was attended by hundreds of people, mainly students, was addressed by the acting mayor of Mogadishu appointed by the transitional government headed by Abdiqasim Salad Hasan , Ibrahim Shaaweey. The acting mayor said no government was likely to emerge from Somali reconciliation conference in Kenya. Prof Abdullahi Muhammad Shirwac, who is a member of the civil society groups, called on Ethiopia to stop arming the factions, adding that the Somali people were ready to establish a relationship of good neighbourliness with Ethiopia.

The Northeast Zone, or 'Puntland', was calm during the reporting period. The recent tension in relations between Somaliland and Puntland over the disputed Sool region has diminished. In central and southern Somalia, intermittent conflict between rival clans and militia, and incidents of banditry, continued. Areas most affected were the southern port -town of Kismayo, the Jilib-Buale area, Merka, Beletwyene, parts of Bay and Bakool regions and the western parts of Gedo region. Major interclan fighting was reported in Cerale in Galgaduud in which more than 60 people were reported killed and more than 150 wounded. Mogadishu was generally quiet although the situation in the city remains insecure, with many armed criminal gangs roaming the streets.

Boat tragedy: Reports from Sanaag, northern Somalia, indicate that at least 85 people died when two boats, each carrying illegal immigrants, collided in the Red Sea off the coast of Sanaag region. One boat sank, with 85 passengers drowning. Only eight passengers and five crewmen survived. The other boat was damaged, but all 105 passengers were rescued by coastal guards from Puntland.

Northwest Zone - Hargeisa Office Political developments A high level delegation from Somaliland, led by Dahir Rayale Kahin, visited the United Kingdom, Belgium and German during the month and held meetings with government officials in those countries. In Northeast Somalia ('Puntland'), sources close to the governing authorities said that political discussions continue on the possibility of extending the mandates of the current governing structures which expire in April 2004. Health programme highlights Training: During March, UNICEF trained health workers from 13 health centres in Galbeed region of Somaliland in safe motherhood. Health information cards for patients were distributed to those trained for utilization in their respective health centres. In Puntland, UNICEF trained managers of vaccine storage facilities.

Expanded Programme on Immunisation (EPI): In Somaliland, UNICEF organized planning workshops for EPI activities in Hargeisa and Borama towns. The workshops reviewed the constraints faced in past campaigns and drew up a list of priority villages to be targeted for immunisation campaigns. A weeklong immunization exercise was carried out in Baki, Zeila, Lughaya and Borama districts of Somaliland. About 2300 children were immunised. During immunisation activities in Awdal region, pregnant women were vaccinated against tetanus and children were given vitamin A. In central and southern Somalia, UNICEF repaired and installed vaccine storage equipment at maternal and child health centres run by the Somali Red Crescent Society in Balad and by World Vision in Buale. UNICEF also organized a training of trainers workshop in preparation for EPI campaigns this year. Some 20 people were trained. Equipment repair: UNICEF repaired defective equipment and provided spare parts for vaccine storage facilities in Berbera town and Hargeisa in Somaliland.

Supplies: UNICEF distributed drugs, medical supplies and equipment to health facilities in Puntland. Safe motherhood: UNICEF identified people to support the promotion of safe motherhood and initiated contact with health facilities in Burao, Somaliland, to foster cooperation between the safe motherhood advocates and the facilities. Some 3000 clean delivery kits were distributed by the NGO Candlelight, a UNICEF partner, to maternal and child health centres (MCHs) in Awdal region. Training UNICEF trained members of drought-affected communities in Sool in hygiene, sanitation and chlorination. UNICEF supplied chlorine for treatment of drinking water to affected communities. In the droughtaffected Sool and Sanaag plateau, some 26 out of 33 wells have been rehabilitated by Horn Relief with the support of UNICEF.

Nutrition programme update

Malnutrition: Results of UNICEF screenings of children for health and nutrition in the drought-affected Sool and Sanaag regions of northern Somalia in February indicated that of some 7,457 children about 1,490 were moderately malnourished and 126 were severely malnourished. Indications were that overall, about 20 percent of the children are malnourished. UNICEF and Action Contre La Faim signed an agreement for the NGO to carry out a nutrition survey in drought-affected areas of Garowe, Dangorayo and Burtinle districts in the Nugal region, Puntland. Water and Environmental Sanitation update Projects: Construction works; installation and supply of equipment; and excavation of trenches for laying pipes were some of the activities undertaken in support of Gabiley, Borama and Odweine water projects in Somaliland. Construction of water tanks for four schools in Borama has commenced. The tanks will supply water for hand-washing.

Training: UNICEF held a one-day briefing session on sanitation and hygiene promotion for 18 participants from seven community-based organisations (CBOs)from the Bari region, Puntland. The CBOs will carry out a baseline survey on sanitation and hygiene practices in 12 villages where UNICEF has undertaken water and environmental sanitation projects. UNICEF also initiated a baseline survey for Loyaddo village and Dami internally displaced persons (IDP) camp in Somaliland. Education highlights Annual Primary School Survey: UNICEF staff attended a three-day workshop in Bossaso in March to review the 2003/4 Annual Primary School Survey questionnaire and to make adequate translation of difficult terminology into Somali to ensure that enumerators are able to collect the required information. UNICEF staff trained the enumerators in northwest, northeast and central and southern Somalia after which the field data collection got underway in the second week of March. Data collection was completed in Puntland and Somaliland and is underway in central and southern Somalia.

Learning Achievement Study: In 2001, prior to the distribution of textbooks for grades 1 to 4 and the related in-service training of primary school teachers, a baseline study was conducted to establish how teachers taught and the literacy and numeracy standards of students in Grades 2 and 4. As a follow-up to this earlier exercise, a similar study will be undertaken in 40 schools in Somalia in April. In preparation, UNICEF staff and those of the education sectors of the Somaliland and Puntland administrations attended a three-day refresher training in Hargeisa, Somaliland. The training focussed on administering the tools and tests.

HIV/AIDS prevention and control update Advocacy: As part of the strategy to accelerate HIV/AIDS awareness during the commemoration of special events such as UN days, UNICEF staff met with the women's groups organizing International Women's Day (IWD) celebrations in Somaliland and suggested ways in which messages on HIV/AIDS and women could be incorporated into the discussions and activities which formed part of the IWD events. Policy development: UNICEF is assisting the Somaliland technical committee for HIV/AIDS to develop a HIV/AIDS policy for Somaliland. A consultant has been hired to draw on experiences and documents including the vision set out in the Strategic Framework for the Prevention and Control of HIV/AIDS and Sexually Transmitted Infections (STI) within Somali Populations, developed in 2003. Other documents include the HIV/AIDS and STI action plan for Somaliland; assessments of the national policies of neighbouring countries such as Kenya, Djibouti and Ethiopia;experiences of countries and communities with the same cultural and religious issues (such as Sudan, Senegal and Zanzibar) and countries which have achieved a reduction in prevalence, such as Uganda.

Materials: UNICEF has developed Information, Education and Communication (IEC) materials for use in HIV/AIDS awareness activities in Somaliland and has also completed a draft translation of the summary of the HIV/AIDS Strategic Framework into Somali. Child Protection update Study results disseminated: UNICEF staff met representatives of Save the Children Alliance (UK) to discuss the Child Rights Situation Analysis study in Somaliland. The two parties resolved to disseminate the results of the study not only to local authorities, NGOs and UN agencies, but also to communities. They proposed to create a Child Rights Forum for Somaliland. In Puntland, UNICEF distributed findings of the Child Protection Study that was undertaken last year to 11 youth groups based in Nugal and Mudug.

Communication for Development update Radio initiative: UNICEF staff participated in a workshop for development of a new series of Saxan Saxo, a radio programme on health issues of concern to Somali women. The radio programme, supported by Health Unlimited, is broadcast through the BBC Somali Service.

Youth broadcasting: A two-day workshop was held to review the Youth Broadcasting Project activities in Somaliland. As part of the project, UNICEF has trained members of 20 youth groups in northwest, northeast and central and southern Somalia in audio and video production skills as a step to empowering and giving voice to youth. Somaliland has eight youth groups involved in the project. The youth produce programmes which relate to their own interests while covering areas under UNICEF's mandate - Health, Nutrition, Education, Water and Environmental Sanitation, Education, HIV/AIDS and Youth Development.

UNICEF staff specializing in these programme areas help the youth develop appropriate and correct messages. Special Events International Women's Day: On March 8, UNICEF in collaboration with local authorities, organised activities to mark International Women's Day. In Hargeisa, women's groups organised a rally at Khayria Centre where speeches were delivered by politicians and women activists.

NAGAAD, the local umbrella women's group, organised a discussion meeting at the Mansoor Hotel with the theme of total eradication of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). Edna Aden, a local authority in Somaliland, was the keynote speaker during the occasion. A young girl who had undergone FGM gave a moving personal account of her experience. She said she had suffered to the extent that she had to quit school and said that she now envied other girls who did not have to endure the physical pain and psychological trauma of FGM.

The celebrations in Somaliland ended with a high-level reception hosted by the wife of the head of the local governing authority. In her speech she highlighted the achievements of women in Somaliland and the challenges to greater fulfillment of human rights for all citizens.

If you have questions about the UNICEF Somalia Monthly Review please contact: Robert Kihara, Assistant Communication Officer, E-mail: rkihara@unicef.org, OR Julia Spry-Leverton, Communication Officer.E-mail: jspryleverton@unicef.org, Tel: 254-2-623958/ 623950/ 623862/ 623959/350410,Fax: 254-2-520640/ 623965

Somaliland, situated in the Horn of Africa, was formed in 1991 after breaking away from Somalia. The country ranks as 161 out of 163 least developed countries in the world. Most hospitals were destroyed during the civil war of 1988-91, which saw the loss of many of its health professionals. Ahmed Mohamed is a former medical director of the main hospital in Hargeisa. While working at King's in 1998-9, Ahmed first suggested a link between KCH and Somaliland.

THET helps provide training for frontline health care workers in the poorest of settings and increases the capacity of local healthcare institutions using support and advice from UK based health practitioners. THET is responsible for developing partnerships between needy institutions in the developing world and hospitals in the United Kingdom. THET has played a significant role in establishing the King's Project, which is one of 17 projects around the world, but is the only one based in Somaliland.

KTSP is a long-term initiative to send a range of health care professionals from King's College Hospital to institutions in Somaliland to help not only treat patients but also to train and teach staff and students. This is not restricted to just medical work as during previous visits staff from King's assisted in renovating and decorating hospital departments.

KTSP has helped a number of institutions in Somaliland including the Hargeisa Group Hospital, a government hospital which is the only general hospital in Hargeisa and the only referral hospital in the country with a population 3.5 million. The hospital was featured in the Comic Relief TV programme in 2003 and several KTSP projects are underway, focusing on A&E, theatre, general nursing, pharmacy, psychiatry, paediatrics and orthopaedics.

The Edna Adan Maternity Hospital is a 45 bed hospital and nurse training school, which opened its in-patient facility in March 2002 to address the high maternal and child mortality and morbidity rates in the local community. The KTSP teams have been involved at this hospital from the outset.

KTSP has also been asked to support the students at the new medical school in Amoud. The first entry of 11 medical students in this 4 year old University are now in their first clinical year, with 15 starting in year 1. KTSP intends to provide teaching during the regular trips to Hargeisa.

This is a project which provides much needed assistance to institutions which have to cope on a very limited budget and with very scarce resources. The help that the KTSP team provides, even if only for two weeks, makes an enormous difference to the staff, students and patients.

The most recent trip departed on the 17th of January for two weeks with more planned for later in the year. The project, which has the full support of the board at King's College Hospital, seems to be gathering momentum and already has keen medical students at GKT interested.

For further information please contact Mr. Andy Leather, Consultant Surgeon, King's College Hospital, Andy.Leather@kingsch.nhs.uk.

Satyen Gohil

Two weeks earlier, gunmen had shot dead an Italian doctor in the country, and, two weeks ago, a Kenyan consultant working for a German aid agency was killed and her German colleague was injured in another gun attack. Five men have already been arrested in connection with the killings, but other members of the group remain on the run. Now Ismail Adan Osman, the country's interior minister, says the attacks were the work of an al-Qaeda cell sent to Somaliland from Mogadishu, in neighbouring Somalia, to kill foreign workers.

Two of the al-Qaeda operatives identified by the Somaliland authorities are on a United States' wanted list. According to Osman, the five gunmen already arrested have confessed to carrying out the latest attack as part of a wider al-Qaeda-run operation. The two men on the US wanted list are reported to have escaped to Mogadishu, which has long been considered by Washington to be a safe haven for al-Qaeda operatives. Supporters of the al-Qaeda leader, Osama bin Laden, are said to have orchestrated the campaign against US troops during the ill-fated intervention in Somalia in 1992, when dozens of United Nations troops lost their lives.

In the most notorious incident, 18 US soldiers were killed when their Black Hawk helicopters were shot down in 1993. The US recently sent troops back to Somalia to hunt for al-Qaeda terrorists thought to be hiding in the country, and to look for Somalis training for missions into Iraq. Last year, a US special forces operation ended with the seizure of a Yemeni al-Qaeda suspect. Somaliland has also accused its neighbour of harbouring terrorist groups, and Osman claimed that three of the five men arrested were related to the Somali interim president, Abdiqasim Salad Hasan. It is the first time al-Qaeda has been linked to killings inside Somaliland, a relatively stable country which declared independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991 but which is still seeking international recognition. However, the group is believed to have little support in the country, which is keen to win international recognition and to gain support for its anti -terrorist operations.

An editorial in the Somaliland Times, on Saturday spoke angrily of an attempt by al-Qaeda to destabilise the country. It read: "Al-Qaeda wants to turn all the Somali-speaking territories in the Horn into another Afghanistan. (It is just a pity that these rich Wahabists should spend their money for causing further death and destruction to fellow Muslims). "Secondly, al-Qaeda sees Somaliland's on-going democratic transformation as a threat against its Wahabist form of Islam, one of the main root-causes of current Islamist extremism. There is no doubt that the people of Somaliland will rise up to meet the challenges posed by the threat of terrorism."

A senior government official quoted by the paper said that Somaliland needed international assistance if it was to combat the terrorist threat. "As long as potential terrorists continued enjoying sanctuary in Mogadishu and elsewhere in former Italian Somalia, coupled with the international community's continued failure to respond to Somaliland's repeated requests for external assistance, needed to substantially enhance the country's counter -terrorism capabilities, the terrorist threat would still be there," he said. The murder of the Eyeingtons at the Sheikh Secondary School, 500 miles north of Mogadishu, prompted fears of an anti-western backlash as a result of the war in Iraq. The couple had lived and worked in Africa for 30 years, and Eyeington was headmaster at the school attended by Nelson Mandela's children.

''This success is a testament to the will of the Somali people and the effectiveness of strategies in place to stop the virus. If the remaining six endemic countries employ these strategies with equal determination, the world's children will be finally free of this crippling disease.'' Starting today, tens of thousands of vaccinators set out on the first of Somalia's 2004 National Immunization Days (NIDs), a three-day trek through the country's harsh and hostile environment to deliver the polio vaccine to every child under 5 years old. In previous years Somalia's NIDs have reached over 90 per cent of Somali children, an impressive figure in a country where the infrastructure remains devastated after years of relentless civil conflict. Since they were launched eight years ago by UNICEF and the World Health Organization (WHO), the vaccination campaigns have acted as a vehicle for peace, achieving cooperation among communities and gaining access to locations which had formerly been ''no go areas.''

Militia have served as bodyguards for vaccinators moving through conflict zones. But with heightened tension following the killing of two aid workers in Somaliland recently, Bellamy warned that the immunization campaign for children could still be sabotaged by needless violence. She urged Somali leaders to commit to a peace process designed to protect children's rights and ensure protection measures are effective. UNICEF lauded the Somali people for working together to wipe out polio. ''In the absence of a central government over the last 13 years, the success of these initiatives has been based on the dedication of Somali communities,'' said Jesper Morch, UNICEF's Representative in Somalia.

''There is no question of resistance to immunization in Somalia. Somalis are determined to immunize their children, despite the huge challenges they face.'' Outside of Somalia, the global eradication campaign has recently been threatened by a crisis in Nigeria, where a suspension in immunization activities in Kano State due to fierce resistance by some local Islamic groups, has allowed the virus to re-infect eight formerly polio-free countries in west and central Africa. In Somalia, however, traditional and Islamic leaders have been a major force behind the polio eradication programme, actively participating in immunization campaigns, and calling for communities to immunize their children by spreading the word through their announcements from the mosques.

''Somalia may now be free of polio, but Somali children are facing a host of other harsh challenges,'' said Bellamy. ''After years of devastating war and disruption, these children are among the most vulnerable in the world,''she said, urging the international community to provide the necessary resources to address this ''critical'' situation. Less than half of Somalia's children are routinely immunized against infectious disease, a significant percentage are malnourished, and 224 in every thousand will die before they reach the age of five. Bellamy also encouraged donor governments to close the $130 million funding gap for the Global Polio Eradication Initiative - money needed urgently to support the massive operation currently underway to get the polio vaccine to every child in Somalia and other countries where the virus still circulates, and also to maintain global surveillance for new polio cases.

''It would be a tragedy to allow polio to return to Somalia and other polio-free countries simply for lack of resources,'' she said. The Polio Partners The World Health Organization, Rotary International and the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and UNICEF spearhead the Global Polio Eradication Initiative. The polio eradication coalition includes: the governments and local authorities of countries affected by poliomyelitis; private foundations (e.g. United Nations Foundation, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation); development banks (e.g. World Bank); donor governments (e.g. Canada, Ireland, Japan, Netherlands, Norway, United Kingdom, Italy, and United States of America); the European Commission; humanitarian and non-governmental organizations (e.g. the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies); and corporate partners (e.g. Aventis Pasteur, Wyeth). Volunteers in developing countries also play a key role; 10 million have participated in mass immunization campaigns. UNICEF is funded entirely by the voluntary contributions of individuals, foundations, businesses, and governments.

Contributions to UNICEF's ongoing support for the Global Polio Eradication Initiative can be made at http://www.supportunicef.org

"If polio can be stopped in Somalia, it can be stopped anywhere," Carol Bellamy, UNICEF's Executive Director said in the statement. "This success is a testament to the will of the Somali people and the effectiveness of strategies in place to stop the virus. If the remaining six endemic countries employ these strategies with equal determination, the world's children will be finally free of this crippling disease."

According to UNICEF, previous national immunisation days had reached over 90 percent of Somali children, an "impressive figure in a country where the infrastructure remains devastated after years of relentless civil conflict". Bellamy warned that with heightened tension following the killing of two aid workers in Somaliland recently, the immunisation campaign could still be sabotaged by needless violence. She urged Somali leaders "to commit to a peace process designed to protect children's rights and ensure protection measures are effective".

Jesper Morch, UNICEF's representative in Somalia, said in the statement: "In the absence of a central government over the last 13 years, the success of these initiatives has been based on the dedication of Somali communities. There is no question of resistance to immunisation in Somalia. Somalis are determined to immunise their children, despite the huge challenges they face." Less than half of Somalia's children were routinely immunised against infectious disease, a significant percentage were malnourished, and 224 in every 1,000 would die before reaching the age of five, UNICEF said.

This month we present the preliminary results of the first stage of a study on the relationship between nutrition, dietary diversity and food security in Somalia. The study results have provided interesting material for further discussion and analysis. While continuing to highlight a number of areas of concern throughout the country, a summary of a food security and nutrition project evaluation in Southern Somalia suggests some options for longer term interventions aimed at overcoming both longer term food insecurity and seasonal food deficits.

In Sool Plateau, reduced access has delayed the third round of sentinel site data collection. Meanwhile, a summary of existing information is provided in response to requests from partners. High malnutrition rates in areas of Ethiopia neighbouring Somalia are described in a separate article.

SOOL PLATEAU

The food security and nutrition situation in Sool plateau has been of increasing concern since mid 2003. The deteriorating food security situation has led to a decline in nutritional condition of the Sool population. Monitoring efforts by different agencies have consistently revealed a poor nutrition situation. Notable about the results, summarised below, is non comparability due to differences in assessment methodologies and areas assessed.

ETHIOPIA: High malnutrition in the pastoral destination of Somali Region, Ethiopia With common livelihood patterns and recent experience of poor Deyr rains, pastoralists in Northern and Central Somalia and those of Somali Region of Ethiopia mutually shared the meagre resources in Somali Region in late 2003. Influx of livestock and population into Ethiopia took place leading to increased pressure on pasture and water in the zones of Warder, Degahabour, Afder and Korahe (Nutrition Update, Dec 2003).

With significant decline of pastures and the start of severe water shortage in areas like Warder some of the pastoralists have been moving back into Somalia since mid January 2004, particularly to Togdheer and parts of Sool following short late Deyr rains. On the other hand, some livestock from Bakool and Hiran Regions of Somalia arrived in Mustahil and Kelafo Districts of Gode in January 2004, leading to faster deterioration in pastures and water condition within Gode.

Further depression of pastures is imminent with the onset of the Jilaal season and this may negatively affect the livestock body condition and production. The deteriorating water quality is also being associated with the increasing cases of diarrhoeal episodes (for example in Fiik Zone in February 2004).

Nutrition survey reports from the Somali Region indicate a poor nutrition situation. As shown in the table, the malnutrition and mortality rates in Aware Woreda of Degabour Zone, Fafan and Harti Sheikh IDP camps in Jijiga Zone and in Gode District indicate persistence of the emergency in the region. The situation is worsened by the prevailing poor food security situation. The pastoral livelihood will obviously be further undermined by the current normal dry Jilaal season. This has the potential to further affect the nutritional condition of the Somali Region population and as well as the immigrant population.

With the arrival of the herds from Hiran and Bakool Regions of Somalia, fast depletion of pasture and water within Gode is imminent and will affect the milk availability. Milk scarcity is already being experienced and is likely to persist to the end of Jilaal season. Humanitarian agencies are now extending coverage of assistance to areas not earlier covered, for instance supplementary feeding programmes, mobile health services, food aid distribution and water points maintenance in Warder and Degabour zones. Supplementary and therapeutic feeding programmes are continuing in Jijiga and Gode zones. NUGAAL REGION's low levels of malnutrition and food insecurity The food security challenges currently experienced in most parts of Northern Somalia is spreading southwards towards Nugaal Region. The affected areas include Sinujif, Kalaber, Hasbahalle Qarhis and Garowe.

Pastoralists out migrated in November 2003 towards Somali Region of Ethiopia, Southern Nugaal, Galkayo and Goldogob. Pasture decline caused pastoral migration while the November and December 2003 light rains in Southern Nugal and parts of Mudug triggered pasture recovery, thus prompting unusual in- migration of pastoralists and livestock. Eastern Burtinle and Nugaal valley part of Nugaal Region in particular experienced harsh condition earlier than other parts in Nugaal. Deplorable livestock body condition, high livestock mortality rates (including pack animals) and absenc e of livestock conception was noted.

However, water has been available in most parts of Nugaal. The current food security situation has plunged some families into destitution as reported in Garowe and Eyl in January and February 2004. The destitute families have mainly lost their livestock and the coping strategies employed (gifts and credit) are currently not reliable. Nutrition data from the health facilities in the region reflect relatively low levels of malnutrition in the past one year (2003) compared to previous years. Majority of the health facilities persistently reported less than 10% malnutrition among the children screened monthly. In Sinujiif, an average of 100 children was screened monthly with a malnutrition rate of between 1.4% and 12.5% being reported. In Eyl MCH, an average of 140 children was screened monthly and the malnutrition rates were persistently below 7%, with the exception of December 2003 (17.5%).

In view of the food security conditions, the low levels of malnutrition rates observed at the MCH's suggests a level of coping although the actual extent to which affected populations have moved from these areas has not been captured. Plans are current ly underway for a more detailed assessment in the area. In February 2004, ACF has conducted a nutrition survey covering Garowe, Burtinle and Dangorayo. Analysis is in progress.

TRAINING COURSES & ANNOUNCEMENTS As part of its s hort course series, the Regional Centre for Quality of Health Care (RCQHC) is offering a course on Quality of Health Care in Uganda from 9 - 20 August 2002. The course aims at equipping health providers with knowledge and skills required for improving the quality of health care services in their settings . Deadline for applications is April 30th 2004.

For more details contact the administrative assistant on email: rnauma@rcqhc.org or dtindyebwa@rcqhc.org. AMREF International Training Programme-is offering courses on (i) Management and Promotion of Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights from 12th to 23rd April 2004. The course targets managers of projects or institutions in reproductive health programs. (ii) Management and Sustainability of Programmes/Projects from 3rd to 13th May 2004 targeting Senior and Middle level managers of programs. (iii) Community Based Health Care from 3rd to 28th May 2004 targeting Senior and middle managers of community initiatives in health and health related professions.

For more details contact African Medical and Research Foundation at Email: amreftraining@amref.org or website: www.amref.org

In a statement on 19 March, The Somalia Aid Coordination Body comprising donors, United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations expressed its deep shock and sorrow over the attack. The Coordination Body sees this most recent tragedy as a continuing serious deterioration in security focused on international aid workers in Somalia. The Coordination Body added that it expects the Somaliland Administration to do everything necessary to bring the perpetrators to justice.

People have different ways of expressing their feelings of gratitude concern, rebellion or criticisms. These can be spontaneous, impulsive and unplanned or well organized and planned.

The people of Somaliland do not differ in their feelings towards their government as other people who have tasted the bitterness, barbarity, oppression and massacre at the hands of tyrants and their supporters; but have attained their basic right of being free and independent through an armed struggle, in which they lost, those they loved and cherished and what ever material they valued.

March this year was a month conflicting and contradicting feelings. It was a month they rejoiced when their president put their case in the House of Commons. It was one they silently celebrated, when our archenemy - the TNG boss - could hide his hatred and manifested his hatred, by showing his contempt and hostility against the visit to London.

March was the month that shocked the people when enemies of the people committed an inhuman, beastly and cowardly act of killing a humanitarian worker and wounding another. This was an act that they resented.

It was one they recoiled from and deplored.

It was also the month they showed their pleasure and were jubilant when the culprits, who wanted to discredit Somaliland, in the eyes of the international community, were caught.

Thousands of people have come out to welcome their president and his delegations on their return to Hargiesa from almost a 3-week visit to London, Brussels and Addis Ababa.

The president was overwhelmed with this unprecedented reception, which even the hot summer sun, could not hinder the people to come out, in such a large number. It gave the president who was exhausted a refresher and an invigorating feeling to continue the good work that he began. It also gave him more confidence that the people are really worth, to work for, for they are aware of those who really serve.

The people's reception and gratitude and the degree in which they were manifested are also indicators that they are aware of what is going in the country. It is in a nutshell a clear message that they are ready to accomplish their obligation and require their rights. This is a message that they are transmitting through their feelings and have to be addressed in the manner they deserve.

Secondly, he mentioned that 75% of those attending the meeting were Somalilanders. Since this was an opportunity to discuss the future of Somaliland it should not be a shock to the Professor to find that the majority of those were indeed Somalilanders, with the possible exception of intruders intent on mischief, such as him. Did he expect to find the hordes who were supposed to be organising themselves to disrupt the meeting and the demonstration which took place outside Parliament? Maybe the "unity" of Somalia does not matter as much to other Somalis as it does to Professor Samatar.

Then the Professor noted that the meeting took place on the day the UK government presented its budget. This was rather unfortunate for us, for we might have had more publicity for our just cause. Still, Somaliland and its supporters should be grateful for small mercies since the good Professor did not blame us for the fact that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was forced to borrow 10 billion pounds to meet the UK government's spending plans.

Professor Samatar then took the chair of the meeting, Mr Tony Worthington, the member of Parliament for Clydebank and Milngavie, to task for saying "You [Somaliland] have regretted your unification with somalia since the beginning". But that is true. The unification was all a horrible mistake, and now that we are on the way to once again achieving our independence we do not wish to enter a political re-marriage with Somalia since all second unions are the triumph of hope over experience, and now with the recent collapse of the fourteenth "peace" conference for Somalia surely the time has long passed to end the longest political wake in history.

The Professor accused those who were present of engaging in the falsification of Somali history by stating that the British Somalilanders did not fight for independence and that the British pushed into unification with Somalia. This is a classic example of the pot calling the kettle black given the track record of misrepresentation and obfuscation of the websites and periodicals to which the Professor has contributed. One of these websites, www.allpuntland.com, perpetrated the calumny that the mass graves of the people of Somaliland as in fact the graves of the Ethiopia/Somali Refugees. Another of these website, www.gedonet.com still celebrates the twenty-one year genocidal misrule of Siyaad Barre.

Another charge advanced by the Professor is that the declaration of Somaliland independence in 1991 was just a fait accompli presented by those with guns against the other clans of Somaliland. This is patently untrue. The truth is that a Somaliland based on inequality and the will of only one segment of its society cannot survive and does not deserve to.

The Professor is a man of learning, yet he seems to have learnt nothing from the recent failures of Arta and the latest gathering in Kenya. He denigrates our achievements to advance the interests of those whose instinct for self-preservation has been at half-mast for over a decade.

Finally, the Professor noted that a fight took place in the meeting hall between two supporters of rival political parties in Somaliland. I fail to see the point in including this episode, does this provide conclusive proof in the Professor's eyes of how unfit Somaliland is to take its rightful place among the community of nations. If small-scale violence such as this is such an obvious disqualification from nationhood, then one wonders how he can possibly argue for a place in the community of nations for the blood thirsty genocidal maniacs of Somalia.

Mohamed Ibrahim (roble1972@yahoo.com)

President Kahin and his entourage were given an unprecedented warm welcome amid a very tight security and more restriction and discipline at Egal International Airport.

The president who looked tired and exhausted but happy told the press, at the presidential palace that his visit, which was made possible by the government of Great Britain, was a historical success.

He said, "We gave a speech at the House of Commons where we presented our cause in that August hall. More than 10,000 people gathered in front of the parliament building - most of them from Great Britain and many others from Europe - demonstrating in support for our guest for recognition".

He added that many young people born in the diasporra and who never knew that they had a country know today that they have a country they can call their own.

The president told the press that Great Britain promised that it will support Somaliland and facilitate for it establishing relations with international financial and economic organization and that recognition will be considered, but will depend on technicalities.

In Brussels, the president stated that he met members of the International Parliamentary Union, the European Union and officials from the government of Belgium to whom they presented Somaliland's case.

He said, "Somaliland's recognition was never nearer than it is today".

Speaking about the visit to Ethiopia Kahin reiterated that they were warmly welcomed by Prime Minister Melez Senewi and that they discussed bilateral relations and issues of mutual interest.

He said, "Ethiopia promised to continue its support to Somaliland and that a technical committee is left behind in Addis Ababa to complete discussions." "Our country is no more in the shroud. We are a country that exists, but is tied for Somalia," the president announced.

Kahin in his press conference which was also attended by non press members, who interrupted with applauding, revealed that he met people from the state department and that a US delegation is expected to visit Somaliland soon."

Kahin, told the press that he received an invitation from Canada, which he accepted and that their visit to Brussels sufficed them from their trips to Germany and Switzerland.

In response to why his delegation did not return in full the president said, "The official visit was to Great Britain. Members of the parliament had to stop visits, at the end of that visit. Our number was large and we had to reduce it for the second part."

On the parliamentary elections he answered, "The election will be held in March 2002 and that Great Britain and the European Union has promised to financially support Somaliland hold the election."

The president told the press that he met about 15000 Somalilanders at the Diaspora and that he told them that Somaliland should be first."

In answer to the killings of the GTZ humanitarian workers he said, "We were shocked to hear the news, but were pleased that the culprits were arrested on the same. In convey my thanks and appreciation to the inhabitants of the village of Doqoshei."

In response to whether Somaliland's share of the EU financial aid has been raised at the meeting with EU officials, the President said, "We have requested that Somaliland be treated separately and that EU aid should be given to it directly. The EU told us that the issue will be discussed further and that we will be informed about it."

The spokesman quoting the Vice President said, "We have agreed that such an act by agency staff will not be repeated, without the consultation of the government."

According to the release the 2 sides have discussed issues related to the agency staff security and how to enhance them.

The Republican, met Ahmed Yusuf Du'ale a former Education Minister and currently an executive member of the opposition KULMIYE party and asked his view on the 2 decisions taken by the government with a short span of time, regarding agency staff that left the country, on the day the Kenyan GTZ guest was killed. Ahmed Yusuf Du'ale said, "The international agencies working here are the only representation that Somaliland enjoys. They are our contact to the rest of the world. Sending them abruptly because they were afraid for their security, in my view was not right. Everybody has the right to worry about his security."

"The government decision that they should not come back or be replaced seems to be not correct. On behalf of my party, I support in their feeling for their security, but at the same time they should have waited a little bit, to see what steps the government has taken with regards to those who have committed the crime. Thank God with the help of the people of the village of Dhoqoshei, the authorities have now arrested all those who committed the crime and they are now in safe hands" he added.

Ahmed Yusuf Du'ale expressing his feeling towards the agencies said, "I apologize to the international agencies for any feeling, that they may feel that the government did not treat them well, as Somalilanders welcome then back to the country."

Du'ale told The Republican, that he is sorry for what happened and said, "Somaliland is the target of its' enemies who do not want them to be independent and to be accepted in the international community. The investigation seems to have shed some light on those who committed the previous crimes, with regards to the killings of Eyeington and his wife in Shekh and Ms. Tonneli (The lady Doctor who was killed in Borama)".

In conclusion he thanked the agencies for what they are doing for Somaliland.

The interior minister of the self-styled Somaliland republic, Ismail Aden Osman, told Reuters in an interview five suspects held after the recent killing of a Kenyan and wounding of a German had told interrogators all the attacks were launched by members of the same extremist group.

"The detainees said, 'our aim is to kill every agency (humanitarian) worker for we believe that they should not remain in this country'," Osman said.

"The detainees told the investigating committee that every region in Somaliland has an Al Qaeda leader," Osman said.

Since October 2003, a British teaching couple and an Italian and Kenyan aid worker have been murdered in the region. A Somali aid worker was also killed in the attack on the Kenyan and German. Investigations into the deaths continue.

Somaliland, the most stable region of chaotic Somalia, is not internationally recognised as an independent state. It declared its independence from Somalia in 1991 and held its first multi-party election in 2003. The rest of Somalia has been devastated by warlords and their militias. Somalia has had no central authority since the ousting of former President Siad Barre in 1991.

Mogadishu, militants' base

Osman said the militants' base was in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, cited by US officials as an ideal hideout for militants seeking to plan attacks.

He said the suspects may also have links to a Somali militant Islamist group called al-Itihad al-Islamiya, which is believed by many observers to be in decline after playing a prominent role in Somali politics in the mid to late 1990s.

The Kenyan and German were working for the German Agency for Technical Assistance and were attacked near the town of Berbera.

"They (the detainees) confessed that the SOS teachers were targeted because they were spreading (fundamentalist) Christianity," Osman said.

One of the detained men confessed that he had carried out surveillance before the attack on the Britons but did not himself commit the murders, Osman said.

The minister added that the detainees had told interrogators they did not know the names of their commanders except their immediate head, for the sake of operational security.

Talking to the Somaliland community in Abu Dhabi on Thursday, 1st April, Mr Silanyo said that the international community has acknowledged that Somaliland made great achievements and was doing better than many recognised African countries.

However, he claimed the ruling party was hampering the process of democratisation. Mr Silanyo said the government party rejected to speed up the necessary legislation for the election of the parliament and refused to listen to the advice of opposition parties on vital national issues such as the situation in the country's eastern areas occupied by forces of the Somali breakaway province of Puntland and regarding the Somali factional talks in Nairobi.

Although he said that all signs showed that the Nairobi talks would end up without any success - like the dozens of talks before them - he however expressed his fear that if they succeeded, they would bode ill on the issue of Somaliland.

- The talks are being propelled by the international community, said Mr Silanyo. "They see Somalia as a vacuum, which could shelter all kinds of illegal organisations and they want the Somalis to form a government. We wish them peace and we wish peace for the entire region and the world as a whole, but as Somalilanders, we should know that the outcome of the talks will have an impact on our country," he added.

Mr Silanyo said that his party had submitted proposals to the government on a number of issues such as the need to take a unified stance on the Nairobi talks and the situation in the east of the country.

On the recent killings of foreign aid workers, Mr Silanyo said that he came to know that those arrested had admitted being behind some of the previous killings as well. He, however, blasted the government for levelling accusations against his party for being behind the killings without even waiting for the investigations. He said he had recorded evidence of the Interior Minister's accusation against his party.

He also criticised the government for deserting the people in the east of the country. Puntland leader "Abdillahi Yusuf didn't occupy Laas Anod," Mr Silanyo said; "He just filled a vacuum after Somaliland government's apparatus left the town by presidential orders."

The opposition leader expressed his worries about the long-term effect of the government's inability to order the troops to reach the country's recognised borders. "Everyday we hear that the armed forces have inched forward but they reach nowhere. No bullet was shot and there is no war going on. This is a worrisome situation, which is a detriment to our sovereignty, our image in the international community, and our prospects for statehood," he added.

Regarding Somaliland President Dahir Riyale Kahin's recent visit to UK and Belgium, Mr Silanyo described it as a good development but warned that expectations should not be exaggerated. He blamed the Hargeisa government for focusing on few sympathetic countries such as South Africa.

- It is good to work on these countries but one had to also work on other fronts, Mr Silanyo said. "We know that Arab countries are against our issue but without them and without the African countries we cannot go anywhere with our issue."

- We have to work hard to at least neutralise the opposition of the Arab League to our cause, he added. "The British will not be able to take a unilateral stance away from the European Union and it will not definitely listen to our case if the Arab and African countries are against us."

He concluded noting that many parts of the country were suffering from a long drought due to the delay of seasonal rains. He lamented the lack of assistance from the international community for the people affected by the droughts.

By ANN Staff Reporter, reporting from Abu Dhabi (c Awdal News Network / afrol News)

President Rayale, I am happy to hear that during the press conference in London, in a trip that represents Somaliland first substantive foray into diplomacy and the pursuit of Somaliland's recognition that you publicly accepted and acknowledged that the Cabinet was too large. In fact you said and I quote "We must accept the peoples' criticism, the cabinet is too large and I will reduce the number". Many in our party, in the opposition, and more importantly the public at large believe that the Cabinet is too large, inept, and from the old school of the Shiir Beleed system. I believe and many who watch the politics of this country consider the Cabinet of Somaliland as the mother of all corruption in Somaliland. Somali Landers applaud you decision to change the ways of the cabinet, your candour in this regard is to be applauded, following through on this promise must not be the empty shell promises that you committed yourself to during the election. This must not be another promise in anticipation of the coming parliamentary elections: that would be the straw that broke the camel's back.

As an UDUB supporter I protested vehemently and loudly about the quality of the Cabinet, the size of the Cabinet, and direction that it was taking. When you took power and the office of the Presidency, it was customary that the government of the past administration resign so that it would give you a chance to build a new administration. President, I had advised you that since you were the new leader you should have called for their resignations; you did not, and this was a fatal mistake.

The Cabinet, heavy as it is on political patronage and clan representation was the formula from the past, your Cabinet beats the past cabinets by one thing only: and that is you're Minister of Internal Affairs. If there is one thing that will win you great points from the public it is the firing of this particular Minister. Ismael Yare is perhaps the most incompetent Minister in the history of Somaliland. This Minster is abrasive, abusive, above the law and some believe he is the power behind the throne. This Minister is hurting our party and the chances for re-election; he represents the symbol of what is wrong with your cabinet. This Minister is disrespectful to the Vice-President, perhaps the most respected man in your Cabinet; he treats party officials and other officers of the state in ways that are reminiscent of a bully in the play-ground. The Minister of Internal Affairs is the most important Cabinet official and represents the face and actions of Somaliland's security file. That this man is the Minister of this important Ministry, to say the least, brings shame to Somaliland. Either fire him or you believe in his actions and are directing his office to act in this way. It is time to make a choice on this issue.

As well, I believe that it is time your office and you personally waded into the public debate on the issues. Somali Landers are disquiet at your relative silence on the issues, in fact they find this alarming. Your speech in London in front of a crowd of Somali Landers represents virtually the first time you have spoken candidly and personally about the problems that confront us. This is the role of the President, to speak to, and dialogue with the people of Somaliland: leaving this critical role to your spokesperson or the cabinet leaves a bitter taste in the mouth of Somali Landers. It is time to eject those advisers who thought this program of silence would benefit your administration; if it is you President who is shy about speaking, you should never have taken this job. The President of Somaliland is the peoples radio and mouth piece, your silence hurts the country.

The coming parliamentary elections gives rise to great hope as far as our system of checks and balances is concerned in bringing down the cob-webs of corruption that continue to haunt Somaliland's progress. In fact Jeffrey Herbst, the Chairman of Princeton's Political Science department and strong supporter of Somaliland recently alluded to this in an article in the Washington Post by stating that whole sections of the government were corrupt. This does not serve the image of the country, particularly when this prestigious paper is read by the elite in Washington. As well, the Presidency which essentially was treated a slush fund for by the past administration, continues to act in this tradition and this must be the beginning of where we must install transparency. Those times of not discriminating between personal and public monies must be seen as over and in the past! The flow of money in the Government of Somaliland must be transparent and clear in principal.

I am happy to hear as well that your administration has started working on the preparations for parliamentary elections next year. This would be an achievement for you personally and our party as well as for the people of Somaliland when we peacefully, fairly, and with dignity conduct these elections, then by George! We will be a government that talks like government; walks like a government; and acts like a government.

President you also suggested in your talk with Somali Landers in London that the Diaspora simply criticizes yet does not help in organizing a framework for a plan of action. I think this un-fair, the Diaspora's contribution to the issues of Somaliland is immense and writing about them will take volumes. If the question is coordinating these efforts then you need a plan and a framework in order to achieve these goals, you must start by firing the Yes men who surround the Presidency and appoint men and women of courage, compassion and hope. Benjamin Disraeli, one of the most famous Prime Minister of Great Britain said, "There are lies, more lies and statistics". The people who work with you are a statistic, they represent the past and you must get rid of them in order to give Somaliland a fighting chance. If you believe sir that you will not be elected without these power brokers then you are wrong! Your election to the current office is evidence of this, simply because, the people of Somaliland elected you over a known freedom fighter and the only statesman left in the country because they wanted CHANGE.

Sir, if you have plans to be elected in the next term for four more years, do the right thing, even if Somali Landers do not elect you, will go down in history like a shooting star, most of all, this would be an achievement that could never be equalled. President, try and capture the political and strategic ground from the opposition in the sphere of the public debate and what to do about the problems of the country. The opposition has the luxury of boycotting everything; it is standard operating procedure for opposition politics everywhere. The secret of winning the debate/elections is winning the hearts and minds of the people, if you come out to them honestly, and try to improve their lot as is their right, you will win the strategic political balance in the country. Consent, not coercion is the trick of the game, try it, and see how it works.

I believe in writing to our leaders about opinions that citizens may have about our most pressing political questions; this is, at its purest form, democracy at work. I appeal that you do the right thing by Somaliland, the people now have the power to change government if it government does not change. Don't wait until it is too late, act now!

Dhimbiil, (dhimbiil@lycos.com)

Contact Persons:

Ali Sheikh Mohamed "Ali Jirde", The Coordinator of SRCS Somaliland in Hargeisa and Member of Executive Committee. Ahmed Abdi Bakal, Deputy Coordinator of SRCS Somaliland in Hargeisa, Telephone:Office:252-225-5277/ Mobile:252-2426985, E-mail:cordoff@telesom.net

SRCS Hargeisa Branch

The SRCS Hargeisa branch was established before the civil war in the country. Its main office is located in Hargeisa, a building donated by the community and local authority. The branch covers the entire region of North-west. It has a communication system which facilitates the branch to fulfill its humanitarian services effectively.

Main Activities: The main activities of Hargiesa branch are health, tracing, dissemination, first aid and health education.

Hargeisa branch runs one MCH/OPD health clinic located in Adadley under the support of the International Federation and UNICEF.

The branch has a number of volunteers engaged in providing first aid and health education to the community. It organizes quiz contests and sports coemptions for the youth volunteers.

SRCS Borama Branch

The SRCS Borame branch was established in the year 1989. It has its main office in Borame. The land plot where the office is currently located is donated by the community and then constructed with the support of the Norwegian Red Cross. The branch covers the entire region of Awdal and has a communication facility for its services and as part of the countrywide communication network.

Main Activities: The main activities of Borame branch are health, tracing, dissemination, first aid and health education. Borame branch runs one MCH/OPD health clinic located in Boon under the support of the International Federation. With regard to volunteers, the branch has a number of volunteers engaged in providing first aid and health education to the community.

SRCS Burao Branch

The SRCS Burao is one of the SRCS branches established before the civil war in the country. It is main office is located in Burao, in a big building owned by the branch and rehabilitated with the support of Norwegian Red Cross. The branch covers the entire region of Togdher. It has a communication system which enables the branch to effectively discharge its humanitarian services to the community in the region.

Main Activities: The main activities of Burao branch are health, tracing, dissemination, first aid and health education. The branch runs one MCH/OPD health clinic located in Burao under the support of the International Federation. Burao branch is one of the best SRCS branches in terms of organization and management of volunteers. The branch organizes quiz contests and sports tournaments for the youth and volunteers in order to retain and motivate them. The volunteers are engaged in providing first aid and health education to the community.

SRCS Berbera Branch

The SRCS Berbera is one of the SRCS branches established after the civil war in the country. It is main office is located in Berbera, in a building donated by the community and the local authority and then reconstructed with support of the ICRC. The branch covers the entire region of Sahil and has a communication system which enables it to discharge its humanitarian services to the community in the region.

Main Activities: The main activities of Berbera branch are health, tracing, dissemination, first aid and health education. The branch runs one MCH/OPD health clinic located in Sheikh under the support of the International Federation and UNICEF. The branch has a number of volunteers engaged in providing first aid and health education to the community.

SRCS Berbera Branch

The SRCS Berbera is one of the SRCS branches established after the civil war in the country. It is main office is located in Berbera, in a building donated by the community and the local authority and then reconstructed with support of the ICRC. The branch covers the entire region of Sahil and has a communication system which enables it to discharge its humanitarian services to the community in the region.

Main Activities: The main activities of Berbera branch are health, tracing, dissemination, first aid and health education. The branch runs one MCH/OPD health clinic located in Sheikh under the support of the International Federation and UNICEF. The branch has a number of volunteers engaged in providing first aid and health education to the community.

SRCS Erigavo Branch

The SRCS Erigavo branch was established in 1995 with its main office located in Erigavo, in a building donated by the community and local authority. The branch covers the entire region of Sanag and has communication facilities enabling it to carry out its humanitarian duties effectively.

Main Activities: The main activities of Erigavo branch are health, tracing, dissemination, first aid and health education. Erigavo branch runs one MCH/OPD health clinic located in Erigavo under the support of the International Federation. The branch has a number of volunteers engaged in providing first aid and health education to the community.

According to a statement issued on Sunday by the region's information minister, Abdullahi Duale, Somaliland was not a party to the Somali conflict. "There are no Somaliland military forces operating on Somali territory," the statement said, adding that Somaliland had "refrained from interfering in Somalia's internal affairs despite numerous provocations".

Somaliland, which occupies the territory that was known as British Somaliland during the colonial era, is under increasing international pressure to join the Nairobi peace talks. Ironically, this pressure is occurring at a time when Somaliland is solidifying its position as an independent state.

The Republic of Somaliland "declared unilateral independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991," although the hard part was probably finding something to declare independence from. The past decade has actually been Somaliland's second experiment with independence, having been an independent nation for five days in 1960 before uniting with Italian Somaliland pursuant to a dubious referendum. After the collapse of Somalia following the Siad Barre era, a convocation of clan elders met at Hargeysa; on 15 May 1991, they declared the establishment of an independent republic.

Throughout the 1990s, Somaliland was governed by the Council of Elders and Muhammad Ibrahim Egal, a president elected by the council. Democratization was delayed by a civil war during the mid-1990s, but a transitional constitution was adopted in 1997, and parliamentary elections were subsequently held. A constitutional convention continued to meet with the goal of facilitating Somaliland's transition from a tribally-based republic to a democracy, and the final draft of a permanent constitution was completed in 2000. In May 2001, the constitution was approved by 97 percent of the voters in a referendum that was generally regarded as free and fair by international observers, although there were some reported irregularities in the Sool region and the vote may have been more an endorsement of independence than the constitution as such.

The Somaliland charter creates a constitutional regime that bears some resemblance to Iran. Although religious freedom is guaranteed, Islam is the state religion, and Article 33(1) of the constitution states that "promotion of any religion in the territory of Somaliland, other than Islam, is prohibited." Other provisions of the constitution entrench some aspects of shariah as Somaliland law.

The constitution provides for democratic multiparty elections, but these are subject to a religion-based vetting system. Candidates for office are required to be Muslim and "of good moral character" in addition to being secondary-school graduates, and the political parties law of 2000 prohibits parties that do not affirm a commitment to shariah. An electoral commission, of which all members must be Muslim, has responsibility for ruling on applications for registration by political parties and examining candidate lists.

The House of Elders also continues to exist as a concession to the clan-based roots of Somali society. Members of this house are required to be 45 years old - an advanced age in a country where life expectancy hovers around 48 years - and must be "[people] who [have] a good knowledge of the religion or an elder who is versed in the traditions." It is understood that most of the members of this chamber, which can initiate "legislation relating to religion, traditions (culture) and security" or review non-financial laws enacted by the House of Representatives, will be traditional clan elders.

Article 115 of the constitution also creates an ulema, or religious council. Unlike the Iranian Council of Guardians, it does not appear that the ulema has direct veto power over laws or candidates for office. Nevertheless, it is empowered to provide opinions to the government, legislature and courts as to whether a particular law or administrative act violates shariah, and can do so on its own as well as when requested. It is likely that in a traditional country like Somaliland where the judicial system is still in the early stages of development, the ulema will wield considerable influence.

Within these limitations, however, Somaliland has made great progress toward democratic rule, especially at the local level. Local elections in which the ruling UDUB party faced stiff opposition were held in December 2002, and national elections are scheduled for later this year. A lively press, including the independent English-language Somaliland Times, has developed in Hargeysa, and the country's first university was inaugurated in 2000.

The human rights record of Somaliland has been mixed, especially during the civil war of 1994-96. According to Amnesty International, there have been scattered allegations of torture, politically-motivated prosecutions and official intimidation of judges and journalists. Nevertheless, Amnesty gives the Somaliland government credit for improving human rights:

In Somaliland and Puntland, where central governmental administrations have been re-established, the human rights situation is markedly better than in other regions of former Somalia. Somaliland went through a period of localised civil war in 1994 to 1996, but has largely avoided the bitter factional fighting to which Mogadishu and parts of the south have been subjected. The Somaliland administration in Hargeisa has made significant progress in rehabilitating political, social and physical infrastructure.

The international position of Somaliland is more problematic than that of Puntland, a district in northeastern Somalia that has declared its intention to participate in a future federal Somali state rather than declaring independence. Somaliland has thus far not been recognized by any other country, although there has been informal cooperation with Sudan and Ethiopia. Relations between Ethiopia and Somaliland are particularly close, with each country maintaining a liaison office in the other's capital, but Ethiopia has been reluctant to be the first nation to recognize Somaliland's independence. Britain and the EU have also sent informal missions and aid to Somaliland, with the EU using the Somaliland port of Berbera to ship food aid to Ethiopia.

The case for international recognition of Somaliland is a strong one. It is an imperfect democracy, but it has provided a functioning state to its citizens for the past twelve years, which is more than can be said for anyplace else in Somalia. Most residents of Somaliland have no apparent desire to reunite with Somalia, and an argument can be made that their consent to unification was never properly obtained in the first place. Nor is there any compelling reason to reconstitute Somalia in its pre-1990 form, which is a demonstrably failed state united by little besides language and colonial borders.

The future of Somaliland may be as an independent state or as a constituent part of a federal Somali republic. That choice, however, should be up to Somaliland's people.

The networks represent nearly 90 grass-roots women's groups and the campaign was launched simultaneously in Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, Bosaso in the region of Puntland, the Somali capital Mogadishu, as well as in other smaller towns.

The launches were marked by rallies, demonstrations and drama performances, according to Maryan Abdulle Qawane, national coordinator of the Campaign Against Violence Against Women.

In Mogadishu, more than 10,000 women demonstrated against the practice, chanting slogans such as 'Save your daughter from FGM' and 'FGM is not a religious obligation.' Most of the 98 percent of Somali women who have undergone FGM do so in the belief it is a religious obligation.

The campaign was launched to raise awareness among Somali people of the damage FGM can do. 'We want to make it clear that there is no religious basis for this practice,' said Maryan.

The campaign against FGM is part of a larger global campaign by Amnesty International to stop violence against women.

Finland has deported a citizen of Somalia for the first time. Finnish police escorted the man to Hargeisa in Somaliland. He had been deported after a number of criminal convictions in Finland. Most recently he got a prison sentence of slightly over one year. Under Finnish law, foreign residents are subject to deportation if they are sentenced to at least one year in prison for a criminal act.

Hargeisa is the capital of Somaliland, an area in Northern Somalia, which declared independence in 1991. Although the independence of Somaliland has not been recognised by the international community, it has functioned as a de facto independent country for many years.

The man himself did not want to go to Somaliland, saying that he was from Mogadishu in Southern Somalia. He also said that he has a wife and a child in Finland.

The man came to Finland in 1991 among the first group of Somali refugees to enter the country. He lived in Finland for 13 years on temporary residence permits.

The Directorate of Immigration ordered his deportation in August 2001. The deportation was implemented after the Helsinki Administrative Court and the Supreme Administrative Court rejected his appeals.

Another Somali also faces deportation procedures, but the appeal process is still going on.

Somalia has not had a functioning central government since civil war broke out in the country in 1991. Fighting has flared up again in recent weeks, in spite of a cease-fire which took effect in January. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees does not consider Southern Somalia to be a safe place for the return of refugees. However, Somaliland is already planning Parliamentary elections for this year.

Somaliland authorities have carried out an assessment of the situation and are calling for international assistance.

A report by FEWS NET shows that, by December, the prevailing harsh conditions in the region had forced 40 per cent of pupils to drop out of school - most of them girls. Of 54 urban and rural schools, seven stopped operating due to a mass migration of the population to other areas and a further eight closed in December.

On water availability, the report said that of 1,638 water sources found in nine villages, around 60 per cent were either disused or damaged and only 16 percent of the remainder had water levels ranging from 25 to 75 percent of their capacity.

A spokesperson from FEWS NET, said: 'The water infrastructure is in poor condition. Functioning water sources in villages had poor sanitary conditions. Animal and human faeces and dead animal carcasses were observed scattered around the water points and villages, which would inevitably contaminate water sources.'

Livestock ownership in the predominantly pastoral region has dropped to 40 to 50 per cent for sheep and goats and 15 to 20 per cent for camels.

'Livestock production is the main economic activity providing food income and employment. A combination of inadequate pastures, diseases, high consumption and disposal has reduced livestock ownership and reduced the poor households' food source and income,' said a spokesperson from FEWS NET.

By Josine of of the rampart

Old, rusted tanks quiet witnesses of the war in 1978, have been then helped, the Ethiopian army, by no less than 13,000 cuban and 4000 jemenitische allies, the Somali troops drove off the those Ogadenwoestijn occupies and tried join the province at Somalie. The tanks are there always continue lie and nobody feels apparently the need them, take away so that they serve now as a toy for the children and the violent past will remain always visible.

A camel approaches our trudged, an enormous cargo of branches balances on its back. A nomad runs a couple meter, pulses losjes concerning the stick has been beaten which he has laid in his ring. I met an astonished can if I my hand puts up. He continues stand and follows me. Just after a couple seconden its hand goes omhoog in a hesitating groet as if he can not yet understand what he has seen. How long already no more westerlingen will have seen themselves this man, question I finished. I remind myself the owner of our cosy hotelletje in Jijiga, who told that there since 1995 no more blanken in its hotel are were.

aid organisations

In Jijiga, the important border - and handelsplaats, we can get hold of exitstempel in our passport. It swarms there not only of the somali%rs, but also of all possible aid organisations which you can consider but; the UNHCR, MSF Holland, the World Food Programme, the UN, Save the Children, the red cross. It means the exitstempel green slightly for Somaliland, because as the Ethiopiers concerning the security at the Somali neighbours had doubted, we Somaliland on our abdomens could have written for us. On the fly field of Addis we speak with a woman of MSF Holland who warns us for violence and the disorder in Somalia is not and also in the east of Somaliland, therefore entirely certain of our somaliland adventure we.

Peace and stability

Whereas we voorthobbelen are shaken and by each other, I try form itself a picture of this country, but I have no insipid idea what we will find to. travel guides are not there simply of this republic which broke away from himself in 1991, of Somalia, then the dictator Siad was dissipated severe and the country at under went to the madness of its inhabitants. The warlords who had the dictator dissipated, started a war since then against each other and violence have been stopped there never more. Only on Internet was what information to find and always Somaliland were depicted as ' the only success tale of Somalia ', a country of peace and stability in this part of Africa, where the streets are not made unsafe by competing warlords and armed gangs, like in the Somalia torn by civil war.

Already twelve years are Somaliland now independent, but the country has still no international recognition. The problem is that the African countries have agreed change that if they recognise Somaliland in 1963, the borders never more and international organisations are frightened soon still much more African countries from each other will fall. I sit throb to make knowledge with particular and eigenzinnige country that Somaliland must be.

Exitstempel

The complete border area is one large, flown open gang. Everywhere detritus swing in around and in the prickly shrubs along the side of the way fly hundreds yellow, blue, white and roze plastic small pockets, blown by hard wind which seems be here ongoing present.

We exchange the buses for jeeps and leave behind Dereje, our sympathetic Ethiopian guide, at the border. Already summon he has charge of a tough abcess in the buurt of its zitvlak and the last kilometres must a verschrikking for him have been. We bind him on the heart to the hospital to go in Jijiga and he tries weak smiles on its of pain face tevoorschijn to work magic left.

' Yes yes, I will do, I will do, don't worry.'

And gone he is, solved in the mob of men which meanwhile has poured in these take aliens tacitly and has extended. Ahmed collect our passports, disappear in kantoortje along the side of the way. Ten minutes later there a vague stamp in everybody's passport shines: ' Entery ' with an original extra ' e ' and the date of today, but the name ' Somaliland ' are lacking.

Copyrightc 1995-2004 ' travel for the world ', The Hague. All rights reserve.

Somalilander journalist Ali Gulaid yesterday informed afrol News about the killing of two aid workers working for the German development agency (GTZ) this weekend. Ms Cheriyote, presumably a Kenyan citizen, and a Somali national were killed while the German citizen Mr Helken was wounded in the ambush, which is to have taken place on Friday on the road between the capital Hargeisa, and the port town of Berbera. The victims of the attack were driving their own car.

According to reports from local media, Somaliland police this weekend has detained five Somali citizens. The five men were trying to cross from Somaliland into Ethiopia, Somaliland's Interior Minister, Ismaaciil Aadan Osman, told the press in Hargeisa.

No further details of the suspected ambushers or their motives were given, but much weight was given to their Somali nationality. Most speculations in Hargeisa support a theory of "destabilisation" attacks on Somaliland ordered from neighbouring Somalia, which is heavily opposing the independence of Somaliland.

Friday's attack on the GTZ workers marks the third attack on foreign aid workers in Somaliland in a little more than half a year. In October last year, Italian aid worker Annalena Tonelli and the wedded British Eyeington couple, both teachers, were assassinated. These attacks come in a sharp contrast to the warm welcome given foreigners by the Hargeisa government and by Somalilanders at large, all desiring a normalisation of foreign relations.

Police sources in Hargeisa indicate their working theory is that the attack on the GTZ workers is connected to last year's unresolved assassinations of the Eyeington couple and Ms Tonelli. Somaliland police are still interrogating the suspected killers. For Somaliland, an assassination of foreign aid workers is the most devastating attack possible on the country's slow progress in winning international recognition. During the twelve years of de facto independence, one of the Hargeisa government's principal arguments for seeking recognition is its ability to provide peace, stability and economic development in the otherwise war-ravaged region.

While no country so far has recognised Somaliland, more and more international agencies and governments deal openly with the Hargeisa government. The UN and its agencies coordinate most of its Somalia activities from Hargeisa in cooperation with the Somaliland government. Somaliland has entered bilateral cooperation treaties with several European and African governments. The visible sign of these successes is the increased number of international aid workers in Somaliland. According to Mr Gulaid, the new acts of "terrorism and sabotage" therefore probably have been orchestrated by Somaliland's foreign enemies, namely Somalia's transitional government in Mogadishu and the rival self-declared republic of Puntland, currently occupying parts of eastern Somaliland.

The phenomenal success Somaliland has achieved has drawn antipathy, animosity and resentment from many sources, Somaliland analyst Gulaid claims. These, he says, were "sources determined to interrupt, and defeat Somaliland's imminent recognition." He adds that the mechanisms used to "undermine and sabotage Somaliland" are now ranging from "discrediting campaign, economic sanctions, political exclusion and outright terrorism."

If the suspicions of Mr Gulaid - which are the central part of one of the Somaliland police's working theories - are correct, the "terrorists" may be about to gain a first victory. Unconfirmed reports from Hargeisa say that the UN is now to evacuate most its international staff from the region as a consequence of the killings. The killing has prompted the UN to reduce its staff in Somaliland to "essential" international staffers and Somalis only, Pippa Alston, the acting head of the Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB), told the news agency AP today. The SACB is a group for aid organisations working in the country, including the UN and GTZ.

The SACB sees this most recent tragedy as a continuing serious deterioration in security focused on international aid workers in Somalia, the organisation said in a statement released today, condemning the attack. "The safety of humanitarian aid workers is imperative and such incidents cannot be tolerated. The SACB expects the Somaliland administration to do everything necessary to bring the perpetrators to justice."

President Riyale and many Somalilanders have expressed hope of achieving progresses in the attempt to have the former colonial power of Somaliland to recognise the country, but critics claim that the visit only "is a hype." Mr Riyale, after arriving London tomorrow, is only meeting with low level officials and MPs that already are favourable to Somaliland's bid for recognition, the critics say.

The Somalilander President told the local 'Awdal News Network' in an interview that his visit to the UK could not be termed official "because an official [visit] is when you are recognised but [the British government] accepted us to go to their country and meet us."

Travelling to London together with his Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Planning, Finance and Information, President Riyale said he had a long official programme in the capital of Somaliland's former colonial power. He was going to make "a short speech to the Parliament" following an invitation to do so and was to meet officials of the UK Foreign Office and maybe with the Development Minister.

I am very glad, President Riyale told 'Awdal News Network'. "I see this as a step forward - something that we didn't have before. No one accepted to meet us before ... but now I see it as a step forward." Also parts of the Somalilander opposition welcomed the President's trip to London. Faisal Ali Waraabe, Chairman of the Justice and Welfare Party (UCID), in a statement from Helsinki, Finland, called the visit a "golden opportunity" to seek British recognition of Somaliland's independence.

Mr Waraabe said the President should take advantage of the visit to establish direct diplomatic ties between the UK and Somaliland. "At this stage, at the very least, there must be an official diplomatic liaison's office in London for Somaliland," the opposition leader said, commenting on what he called "an official visit to the United Kingdom." Critics however claim Mr Riyale is exaggerating the importance of his visit to London. Somalilander analyst Ali Gulaid says the visit "is a hype" and that a British recognition of Somaliland is not on the agenda. Rather, British ambitions were to intensify the "set up detention centres for the rejected Somalis as well as the hopeful asylum seekers" in Somaliland, comments Mr Gulaid. Therefore the many meetings with British Home Office officials and immigration officers. Somaliland, which was a British colony that united with former Italian Somalia shortly after independence in 1960, unilaterally declared its return to independence from Somalia in 1992. Since then, the Hargeisa government has achieved to secure peace, stability and economic growth in sharp contrast to Somalia, but it has not achieved international recognition.

One of the principal hopes regarding recognition is directed towards the ex-colonial power. This was emphasised when a delegation of seven British MPs were given a warm and heartfelt reception in Hargeisa in January this year. Returning to London, the MPs initiated a parliamentary debate on UK-Somaliland ties, recommending a British recognition. The British Foreign Ministry however finds it difficult to take the first step, which could strongly provoke the African Union. Also President Riyale emphasises on the importance on first deepening the economic ties between the two countries and does not expect any promises of recognition during his London visit.

In particular, he expects enhanced British support for development projects in Somaliland and funding for the upcoming legislative elections. According to the President, the British government has pressured for such elections and has already pledged to pay part of the expenses to organise the poll.

In a statement on 19 March, The Somalia Aid Coordination Body comprising donors, United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations expressed its deep shock and sorrow over the attack. The Coordination Body sees this most recent tragedy as a continuing serious deterioration in security focused on international aid workers in Somalia. The Coordination Body added that it expects the Somaliland Administration to do everything necessary to bring the perpetrators to justice.

The suspects were initially arrested in connection with last Friday's killings of a man and a woman who worked for German aid agency GTZ. Mr Duale said: "Five men have been arrested in connection with the latest killings. "The investigation is still going on but we do understand that there is a high probability that these people are connected with the previous killings of Richard and Enid Eyeington."

The minister said it was believed the suspects were intending to flee Somaliland and were found to be in possession of large amounts of cash. Mr and Mrs Eyeington were working for Austrian aid agency SOS Children's Villages and had moved to Somaliland in September 2002.

Somaliland police have previously made a number of arrests in connection with the couple's murder. No-one has yet been formally charged. In last week's attack, a Kenyan woman and a Somali man were killed and their German colleague was injured when gunmen opened fire on their vehicle between Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa and the Gulf of Aden port town of Berbera. Somaliland declared its independence from the rest of Somalia in 1991 as civil war raged across much of the southern part of the East African country following the ousting of long-time dictator Mohammed Siad Barre. It is not internationally recognised as an independent state.

The TNG has strongly denied the entire allegations. An umbrella of aid groups working in Horn of Africa nation said on Saturday (20 March) that Kenyan employee was killed and a German national wounded in incident. The unidentified victims, who worked for the German Agency for Technical Assistance, or GTZ, were shot dead outside the port of Barbara on Friday (19 March), the Somalia Aid Coordination Body said in a statement. The statement gave no further details about the victims or the assailants. Somaliland said it had arrested five people in connection with the murder of the aid workers.

According to reports from local media, Somaliland police this weekend has detained five Somali citizens. The five men were trying to cross from Somaliland into Ethiopia, Somaliland's Interior Minister, Ismaaciil Aadan Osman, told the press in Hargeisa.

No further details of the suspected ambushers or their motives were given, but much weight was given to their Somali nationality. Most speculations in Hargeisa support a theory of "destabilisation" attacks on Somaliland ordered from neighbouring Somalia, which is heavily opposing the independence of Somaliland.

Friday's attack on the GTZ workers marks the third attack on foreign aid workers in Somaliland in a little more than half a year. In October last year, Italian aid worker Annalena Tonelli and the wedded British Eyeington couple, both teachers, were assassinated. These attacks come in a sharp contrast to the warm welcome given foreigners by the Hargeisa government and by Somalilanders at large, all desiring a normalisation of foreign relations.

Police sources in Hargeisa indicate their working theory is that the attack on the GTZ workers is connected to last year's unresolved assassinations of the Eyeington couple and Ms Tonelli. Somaliland police are still interrogating the suspected killers.

For Somaliland, an assassination of foreign aid workers is the most devastating attack possible on the country's slow progress in winning international recognition. During the twelve years of de facto independence, one of the Hargeisa government's principal arguments for seeking recognition is its ability to provide peace, stability and economic development in the otherwise war-ravaged region.

While no country so far has recognised Somaliland, more and more international agencies and governments deal openly with the Hargeisa government. The UN and its agencies coordinate most of its Somalia activities from Hargeisa in cooperation with the Somaliland government. Somaliland has entered bilateral cooperation treaties with several European and African governments. The visible sign of these successes is the increased number of international aid workers in Somaliland.

According to Mr Gulaid, the new acts of "terrorism and sabotage" therefore probably have been orchestrated by Somaliland's foreign enemies, namely Somalia's transitional government in Mogadishu and the rival self-declared republic of Puntland, currently occupying parts of eastern Somaliland.

- The phenomenal success Somaliland has achieved has drawn antipathy, animosity and resentment from many sources, Somaliland analyst Gulaid claims. These, he says, were "sources determined to interrupt, and defeat Somaliland's imminent recognition." He adds that the mechanisms used to "undermine and sabotage Somaliland" are now ranging from "discrediting campaign, economic sanctions, political exclusion and outright terrorism."

If the suspicions of Mr Gulaid - which are the central part of one of the Somaliland police's working theories - are correct, the "terrorists" may be about to gain a first victory. Unconfirmed reports from Hargeisa say that the UN is now to evacuate most its international staff from the region as a consequence of the killings.

The killing has prompted the UN to reduce its staff in Somaliland to "essential" international staffers and Somalis only, Pippa Alston, the acting head of the Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB), told the news agency AP today. The SACB is a group for aid organisations working in the country, including the UN and GTZ.

- The SACB sees this most recent tragedy as a continuing serious deterioration in security focused on international aid workers in Somalia, the organisation said in a statement released today, condemning the attack. "The safety of humanitarian aid workers is imperative and such incidents cannot be tolerated. The SACB expects the Somaliland administration to do everything necessary to bring the perpetrators to justice."

In statements he made to Al-Hayat in London yesterday, he confirmed the arrest of "five terrorists who carried out a terrorist operation on Somaliland territory" last Friday (19 March) and referred to the possibility of them having ties with the "Al-Qa'idah" organization. He also confirmed his government's control of the disputed Sool and Sanaag regions in northern Somalia. He said that the Somali reconciliation conference being held in the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, "does not concern us" and reiterated his commitment to the independence of Somaliland and said: "I created the union in 1991 and I confirm today the withdrawal from it (sentence as published). I am fully confident and determined to continue with our sovereign state. We have all the conditions needed for an independent and sovereign state. Even if no-one recognizes us for the next 10 years or more, we will continue to survive alone. This is the will of the people. They do not want the union (with southern Somalia) because they suffered deeply from the killings and torture at the hands of their brothers who rendered this union a failure during 30 years."

It will be recalled that "Somaliland", the former British protectorate in northwestern Somalia, became independent of Britain on 26 June 1960 and then united with the former Italian colony (Italian Somaliland) on 1 July of the same year and together they established the Republic of Somalia. "Somaliland" seceded unilaterally in 1991 after the overthrow of President Mohammad Siyad Barre early that year. Kahin expressed his belief that the international community has not recognized "his republic" so far for political reasons only and not for legal ones and said: "I hope that we will get this recognition, especially as the situations have started to change and the international community has started to change its view of us."

He revealed "that Ethiopia asserted to us that it would be the second country to recognize us and justified its non-recognition by referring to the presence of the African Union headquarters in its capital, Addis Ababa, and said that being the first to recognize us would probably causes it embarrassment with several African countries." He added: "Other countries besides Ethiopia have also asserted to us their willingness to recognize us once one country has done so. We are still looking for the first country that will recognize us and we will find it."

After pointing out that "Somaliland" has good relations with Ethiopia and Djibouti, he said: "We have border security arrangements with the two countries." He added: "Some US diplomats visit us from time to time, even though we do not have diplomatic relations, to ask for information in the fight against terrorism and we cooperate with them." The "Somaliland" president went on to say: "Five terrorist elements infiltrated our border from Somalia two days ago (Friday) and carried out an operation between Hargeysa and Berbera. We arrested these persons who had come directly from Mogadishu and who are probably from "Al-Qa'idah", but we cannot confirm this before the investigations are complete. We are concentrating on building democracy and a stable government in our region while Somalia is open to all kinds of terrorism."

Last night the country's information minister, Abdillahi Duale, who was on a visit to London, said that the five men were being held in a village near the Somaliland-Ethiopia border after a gun battle with police on Saturday. The suspects had initially been arrested in connection with the killings last week of a man and woman who worked for a German aid agency.

But last night Mr Duale said: "The investigation is still going on, but we do understand that there is a high probability that these people are connected with the previous killings of Richard and Enid Eyeington." The film-maker Richard Attenborough, who knew the Eyeingtons for three decades, called them "the most inspirational couple I have ever met".

The day after the shootings, students across Somaliland took to the streets to express their outrage. The Somaliland police have previously made a number of arrests in connection with the murders, but no charges have been brought.

The worker, who was not named, was killed and two others were injured after an ambush of staff from the German Agency for Technical Assistance near the town of Berabera in the Somaliland region. "The killing of one of our colleagues is a tragic reminder of the risks humanitarian workers face every day," said Egeland, a U.N. undersecretary-general. The Somalia Aid Coordination Body, comprising U.N. agencies, donors and non-governmental organizations, also expressed its shock and sorrow in a statement after the killing. The SACB said the killing highlighted the deteriorating security situation for international aid workers operating in Somalia. A U.N. field security officer was kidnapped Jan. 29 in Somalia's south by armed militiamen, but was released more than a week later.

The two, a Kenyan and a Somali, were killed on Friday by unknown gunmen, who also wounded a German colleague and a policeman travelling with them as their security escort, said the journalist. Police, he added, said they had apprehended five men, "who are now in a Hargeysa prison where they are being interrogated". They were arrested in the village of Dhokhoshey, some 430 km east of Hargeysa, he added. It was not yet clear what the motive for the killings was, "but police investigations are in high gear", said the journalist. "There is a suspicion that this group may have had a hand in the killings of other expatriates last year, but we will know for sure after the police release their report," he added. Last year, two British teachers and a well-known Italian aid worker, Dr Annalena Tonelli, were also killed in Somaliland by attackers yet to be identified.

The Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB) comprising donors, UN agencies and NGOs working in Somalia said in a statement that it was "deeply shocked and saddened by the murder of two GTZ employees". It said the SACB "condemns these murders in the strongest possible terms and expresses deepest sympathy and condolences to the victims' family and friends". "The SACB sees this most recent tragedy as a continuing serious deterioration in security focused on international aid workers in Somalia. The safety of humanitarian aid workers is imperative and such incidents cannot be tolerated.

Somaliland police picked up the five suspects Saturday as they were trying to cross from Somaliland into Ethiopia, said the region's interior minister, Ismaaciil Aadan Osman. The men, all Somalis, were being held in Hargesia, Somaliland's capital, but have not yet been charged in connection with the killing of Flora Cheruiyot, a Kenyan who worked for the German Agency for Technical Cooperation, Osman said late Sunday. He did not say if authorities had any indication of the motive for the killing. Cheruiyot, the fourth aid worker killed in the region since October, was shot Friday in a roadside ambush outside the Red Sea port of Berbera, which is in Somaliland.

The Somalia Aid Coordination Body, an umbrella group for aid organizations working in the Horn of Africa country, originally reported that a Somali bodyguard working for the German agency was also killed. But Monday, the group said the bodyguard, who was not identified, was only wounded in the attack.

The killing has prompted the United Nations to reduce its staff in Somaliland to "essential" international staffers and Somalis only, Pippa Alston, the acting head of the Somalia Aid Coordination Body, said Monday. She could not say how many workers had been evacuated from the region, and U.N. officials were not immediately available for comment. It was not clear if the German agency and other international aid groups planned to withdraw their staff from Somaliland.

Somaliland broke away from the rest of Somalia and set up its own government when that nation descended into chaos in January 1991 following the ouster of President Mohammed Siad Barre. The region has remained relatively peaceful, while clan-based fighting has swept the center and south of Somalia. Last October, two British teachers and an Italian aid worker will killed by unidentified assailants in Somaliland.

"The Mogadishu-based Al Ittihad al-Islamia organisation is responsible for the killings," Somaliland's Interior Minister Ismail Aden told AFP by telephone from Hargeisa, Somaliland's capital. Police said they had arrested five people in connection with the attack. "The team leader of these assassins was most of time in Mogadishu and he admitted being a member of that extremist Islamic organisation, and is allied to the Transitional National Government (TNG)," he added.

"The attackers bought a vehicle at Hargeisa for 18,000 dollars before the incident took place. It was a prepared attack financed by the group (Al Ittihad)," Aden added. The militant Al-Ittihad is listed by the United States as a terrorist organisation with links to Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network. The Mogadishu-based TNG dismissed Somaliland's claims that it had links to suspects arrested in connection with the murder of the aid workers. "The regional administration in north Somalia (Somaliland) came with accusations before investigating the incident," TNG's Information Minister AbdulKadir Abdulle said, adding that his administration had no intention to destabilise any part of Somalia.

The statement said the killing was part of "continuing serious deterioration in security focused on international aid workers in Somalia". "The safety of humanitarian aid workers is imperative and such incidents cannot be tolerated," said. "SACB expects the Somaliland administration to do everything necessary to bring the perpetrators to justice," it added. Somaliland police on Friday said they had arrested five people in connection with the attack. Last October gunmen in Somaliand shot dead two British aid workers, Richard Eyeington, 63, and his wife Enid, 61, who worked in the Sheikh secondary school, situated in a small town of the same name south of Berbera. Their murders followed the killing of Italian aid worker, 60-year-old Annalena Tonelli, who had lived in Somaliland for several years and ran a hospital there.

The UN aims to quickly "reintegrate" the IDP families into their original communities and provide transport and medical support to get them home. It is appealing for an immediate sum of US $180,000 to provide support for the IDPs, many of whom are Ethiopians who have come in from neighbouring Djibouti and Somaliland. The statement issued on Thursday, said conditions in Fafen and Hartishek, the two man camps where the IDPs are gathering, were worsening as food and water were running out. In one area, 7,000 people who had not received water for three months were "placing an additional burden on the limited existing resources", it noted.

"Food allocations to the camps are resented by the local population, who are no longer included in general food distribution," it said of Fafen camp. In Hartishek, the statement added, the town had been hit by a "serious economic decline" affecting local people, and the arrival of thousands of IDPs was fuelling tension. A total of 15,000 IDPs in the camps were facing a "deteriorating situation" and the UN and the SNRS intended to "return and reintegrate" 6,000 of them immediately, the statement said. "In both these camps the only viable alternative is to move the IDPs back to their areas of origin where they can be incorporated within wider processes of regional development within their home communities," it added. "The current situation necessitates a timely and well-coordinated response from concerned partners." In Ethiopia there are about 200,000 IDPs displaced by war, famine and drought, many of them women and children. Along the disputed 1,000-km border with Eritrea, some 76,000 IDPs have for various reasons remained unable to go home, often because their areas of origin are contaminated by landmines and unexploded ordnance.

The attack in which Flora Chepkemoi Cheruiyot of the aid agency GTZ was killed happened on the road between Somaliland's capital, Hargeisa and the Gulf of Aden port town of Berbera. Police said they had arrested five people in connection with the attack. "Five people who were behind the killing were arrested after a gun battle with Somaliland police," Interior Minister Ismail Aden told AFP by telephone from Hargeisa. Three of those arrested were wounded during the shootout in the Togdher area of eastern Somaliland, he added. Police also seized guns believed to have been used in the crime. Somaliland's Vice President Ahmed Yusuf Yasin sent his government's condolences to the family of the victim and the people of Kenya. "We condemn this heinous act and any further developments regarding this case will be conveyed to you," Yasin said in his condolence message. All expatriates working for humanitarian organisations were evacuated from Somaliland following the attack, aid workers in the region said. Last October gunmen in Somaliand shot dead two British aid workers, Richard Eyeington, 63, and his wife Enid, 61, who worked in the Sheikh secondary school, situated in a small town of the same name south of Berbera. Their murder followed that of Italian aid worker, 60-year-old Annalena Tonelli, who had lived in Somaliland for several years and ran a hospital there.

The president of the Republic of Somaliland spoke about the level of democracy attained in Somaliland and gave examples of the presidential elections and the local authorities' elections which were quite successful in the country. The speech by President Kahin was applauded by British MPs who were impressed by Somaliland's transition since it attained independence from Britain. Reports say members of President Kahin's delegation are still holding separate meetings with British ministers.

The Foreign Office yesterday held a special luncheon for the delegation, which was attended by Chris Mullin, minister of state for foreign affairs (responsible for Africa), and other officials from the British Foreign Office. They agreed to strengthen relations between the two countries. The Somaliland president will soon give a lengthy speech to the House of Commons.

I feel very privileged to be standing here. I thank you for the honour and the privilege. This great House was the seat of governance for my country, Somaliland, until the year 1960. Like all Somalilanders in that year I was given international recognition and statehood by Great Britain. I seek it again for reasons you know.

In 1960, thirty-five countries recognised Somaliland's statehood. They included Egypt, Ghana and Libya. They had good reason then to do so. They have as good a reason to do so to-day. The definition of a STATE is that it should have:

1. A permanent population; 2. A defined territory; 3. A Government; 4. A capacity to enter into relations with other states.

My country qualifies for statehood in all these respects.

Members of the House of Commons Select Committee on Development visited us in Somaliland last January. It was our great pleasure to meet and greet our long lost brothers. The debate in Westminster Hall that followed their return to Britain was initiated, I understand, by the honourable Mr. Tony Worthington MP. Thank you Mr. Worthington.

Members may not realise that computer buffs in Somaliland were able to see and hear, through a satellite connection, the debate on their computers. The unanimous expressions of support for Somaliland is deep desire for recognition was a recurring theme of the debate. It resonated with profound gratitude among all Somalilanders wherever they were in the world. One person, a Somali General Manager of a British firm, commented: "I am speechless with admiration. Our visitors left nothing out..""

We too were pleased that the Secretary of State for Development, Mr Hilary Benn, attended the debate. In the most respectful terms, I cannot refrain, however, from inviting attention to the Secretary of state-Ys honourably held feelings of sympathy for the peoples of southern Somalia. "They have just as much of a right", he said, is to a better life as the people of Somaliland". Surely, no-one in the right mind would wish to quarrel with that sentiment. It does, however, omit to mention a caveat to this sentiment of equality.

All is NOT equal in the eyes of the UN Security Council. Take for instance, and there are many other examples, the seat in the UN General Assembly that was given unilaterally, without consultation with Somaliland, to the Mogadishu-based, ill-fated Transitional National Government. The reason for it is that Somalia has consistently baulked at every attempt by the United Nations and others to promote governing institutions for Somalia. This is not fair on Somaliland. We have waited patiently for a representative government of Somalia to be formed with whom we can engage in a dialogue. That does not mean we are lukewarm about pursuing our legal right to self-determination and international recognition. your former, and if I may say so, illustrious, Prime Minster, Margaret Thatcher, once said the lady is not for turning-".

May I reassure Members of this House that The President, Dahir Rayale and People of Somaliland are likewise 'not for turning'. We have trust in your house and in your government and we expect, as then prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, told this house shortly before our independence in 1960 -That it is Her Majesty-Ys Government-Ys hope that whatever may be the constitutional future of the Protectorate, the friendship which has been built up between its people and those of the United Kingdom for so many years will continue and indeed flourish. On our part, that friendship continued and will continue in the future, and on your part, we see the visit by the Honorable Members of Parliament to Somaliland as an honest attempt to revive that old friendship between our two nations.

Let me say something about our views towards Somalia. There are those who believe that the recognition issue of Somaliland may adversely affect or undermine the reconciliation efforts underway in Kenya. I would argue that the opposite is true. If Somaliland is recognized, our brothers in Somalia would concentrate and expend all their energies in finding a solution to their conflict since the deck of cards with regards to the Somaliland issue is no longer on the table, so to speak. In addition, we believe that a sovereign Somaliland, better than anyone else, if called upon, can play a positive role in mediating the differences among our Somali brothers and to bring about a lasting peace in Somalia. Having seen the tremendous strides Somaliland has made despite enormous odds, in the past 13 years, the world community padded Somalilanders on the back, and told us time and again that we are in the right track, and that we should continue on this course. The people of Somaliland have decided in their 2001 referendum to affirm their sovereignty thus challenging the world community as to how long to stay the course without recognition' For another 13 years or perhaps 23 years.

If East-Timor, Eritrea, Serbia, Georgia to name a few were recognized as sovereign nations, in the last 13 years, why not Somaliland. The fact of the matter is that Somaliland is more populated than approximately 63 sovereign countries including Luxemburg, the republic of Congo and Jamaica. Somaliland is also larger in area than 85 sovereign nations including Belgium, Jordan, and El-Salvador.

On a more serious not, -- For the sake of rather difficult history that my people share with Great Britain,-- let me take you back, that Sunday morning of June 26 1960 when your last governor,-- to what was then British Somaliland -V Sir Douglas Hall, departed our land. He left people with full of hope and dreams.--He left people with an immeasurable desire to run their affairs as a free society. He left our land, British Somaliland, -- only reassuring us that Great Britain will always be our best friend.

A lot has happened since. We celebrated that day throughout Somaliland with anticipation for the realization of our independence, then, - Premature and thoughtless merger into Italian Somalia without knowing what the future may hold for us, -and The cold war that brought misery to our region, not to mention a Ruthless dictator who unleashed his deadly might, to massacre his own people on the watch of all-powerful nations - including yours. All and all, resulted a failed union, and the death and devastation of our country and people.

Somaliland is at present building a society founded on peace, democracy, justice and the rule of law. Our commitment to the peace and stability of the region included unreserved respect of the unity and territorial integrity of all our neighboring states.

We expect from our neighbors a reciprocal treatment.

We stand neither for secession, nor for the revision of Africa-Ys borders. The people of Somaliland have made their choice loud and clear, independence is an inalienable right. It is iron clad no longer a hope, but a reality. There is no turning back. The only way is forward. What remains for the international community and her majesty-Ys government, is to come to grips with that reality and accept Somaliland as member of the world community of nations and member of the common wealth of nations. No pressure on the part of the international community can alter these basic facts or bend the will of the people. We want the country that ruled us for 76 years to renew their trust in us, and take the lead and reconfirm Somaliland-Ys sovereignty and independence.

Ladies and gentlemen, Somaliland should be granted a full diplomatic recognition, and should not be punished for the success that it has achieved by its own efforts. Fundamentals of democratic society base upon freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, multiparty democracy, different layers of fair and free elections are some of our prime achievements. It is ironic that these achievements are alien to many of the countries whom we are asking to decide the destiny of our nation. This is the stark truth of Somaliland, a country that has built all constitutional institutions, has fulfilled all democratic legalities to the letter and instilled the culture of peace and stability.

Although our democracy is only 13 years old we have assigned the two most important ministries to women including the foreign ministry portfolio, and we plan to add more portfolios to women in the future. We also plan to assign significant candidates in the forthcoming parliamentary elections so that the voice of women is abundantly heard, though we know that women-Ys empowerment is a lot more than increasing their numbers in parliament. Realizing that, we are determined to continue to change the mindset that has slowed progress towards genuine empowerment of women in political decision-making and in all spheres of life.

Honorable members of parliament, Ladies and gentlemen, In the wake of September 11th, many citizens of this city and in this great nation saw the world as radically altered. Understandably, there is alarm here in London and elsewhere and around the globe about the issue of failed states in these troubling times, and a desire to limit any dangers they might pose to our collective security. Trust me, we know all about failed states. But we in Somaliland do not believe ours is a failed one, but a capable, responsible and democratic state. However, we share the same fears with you about failed states, and the threat they could pose to us all. In a global village like ours, the problems, miseries, and frustrations of others can easily spillover on other nations.

Likewise, the well-being and the success of other nations can equally have a profound positive effect on all of us. The reality on the ground today is, in our global village, what is good for one country is good for the other. The surest and the most effective way of fighting terrorism is not by trying to cure the symptom of the disease but the root cause of the malady by eradicating poverty, which manifests itself in misery and frustration. It is easy to assume that a neglected poverty-ridden society will be a congenial breeding ground for terrorists. The rich and the poor countries must have a common agreement to fight and cooperate in the interest of all mankind to eliminate poverty at the global level. Fighting human misery and degradation of human life must be a common concern for everybody, if we aspire a more peaceful life in this fast shrinking world of ours.

Our challenge is then to create a state in which peace and security are guaranteed over a sustained period, because we believe, there can be no long-term economic development without peace.

My Lords, Distinguished Members of House of Commons, Ladies and Gentlemen. It is cruel and uncommon for this great institution to ignore and not grant a political recognition to a former British protectorate that chose peace and self-determination after all that significant past. And I-Yll tell you why it is cruel and inhumane. For lack of political recognition;

(a) My people cannot trade and travel in the proper means of business for lack of internationally recognized documents. (b) We cannot become a member and participate the international trade organizations (c) We cannot rejuvenate our economy and attract international investments. (d) We cannot organize internationally credible banking institutions (e) We cannot strongly assist the war on terror since we do not share data with the free world. (f) Our children cannot take advantage of educational scholarships. (g) We are virtually in prison for reasons unknown to us ladies and gentlemen

The pervasive poverty, that afflicts our society; -- the despair of millions who are without jobs and without hope; - because of poverty; the darkness that engulfs millions because they are both illiterate and innumerate; the many who will be victims of violent crimes -- because hunger, want and brutality have warped and condemned many in our region.

I come out of a country with whose travails and suffering -- for lack of international relationship, you are very familiar. You will therefore understand it easily why I stand up to say that for such a powerful country, as yours, -- democracy, peace and prosperity in our region are as much in your national interest -- as ours.

I'll say this to you, ladies and gentlemen, for this state of our affairs to change; we wait no United Nations bureaucratic system or African Union or pan Arab organization to take the lead. Because they will not, and they never did. -- It demands of you enlightened and great leaders of Great Britain, that you should assist us, and therefore yourselves as well, to rediscover for ourselves, -- as a nation, the practice of democracy we envisioned and established for our people -- and strengthen the institutional foundations we already initiated.

This new century will surely demand that democracy must also mean a life of plenty. -- As the images of life lived anywhere on our globe become available to all, in television and the internet, so will the contrast between the rich and the poor within and across frontiers and within and across the continents, become a motive force impelling the deprived to demand a better life from the powers that be, wherever their location. And it is a great opportunity for warlord, tyrants and evil dictators to rise -- and also heaven for terror networks and religious fanatics to recruit in our part of the world.

To sum up what we have achieved so far in the last few years, I-Yll use the very words of your great statesman Winston Churchill-" -- who once said, and I quote; "We must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law, find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.

All this means that the people of any country -- have the right, -- and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, -- to choose or change the character or form of government -- under which they dwell; Here is the message of the British and American peoples send to mankind. Let us preach what we practice - let us practice - what we preach and he continued.

Ladies and gentleman,

Our economy and livelihood now depends entirely on the livestock sector, a sector that is subject to extreme fluctuations depending on the domestic weather conditions and external market situations, two vital variables not under our control. We are working hard to diversify the economy, by exploiting our vast untapped resources, like oil and gas, precious stones and the vast sea resources over the coming years. We have already taken steps in that direction, but our efforts are being hamstrung by the refusal of the international community to invest in our country or deal with us bilaterally.

Ladies and gentlemen, therefore, I do firmly believe that the people of this country, who have done so much to write the history of the world, have the vision, the wisdom and the daring to strive and should not let the suffering of our people go on, -- so that what is good shines over the cities and the villages of my country because of your actions.

Thank you.

The president had a special dinner with businessmen in the United Kingdom. matters related to Somaliland's interests were discussed (passage omitted).

Many people are preparing themselves to take part in a demonstration that will be held in London tomorrow. You will be impressed by the exquisite manner in which the people of Somaliland living in the UK and other countries are preparing themselves to take part in the demonstration. Tomorrow, God willing, many people are expected to stage a demonstration on the secession of Somaliland and to seek recognition for Somaliland.

Since then they have worked hard to establish a democracy, while Somalia to the south continues to be governed by tribal warlords in a state of semi-anarchy.

A recent report by MPs who visited the country has given hope to its cause of gaining international recognition, and now local Somalilanders, who fled to Britain during the wars, are travelling to London to pile on the pressure. Today Somaliland's first elected president, Dahir Rayaale Kahin, will be a guest at 10 Downing Street, along with ministers from the country's new parliament. Mohamed Abdi, on behalf of Bristol's Somalilander community, said: "We would like to express our gratitude to these MPs. "We believe their report has made a huge contribution to the recognition of Somaliland sovereignty and would help secure financial assistance to nurse the newborn democracy in the entire region ravaged by dictatorial regimes for more than half a century." The Bristol Somalilanders, some 900, will be around 25,000 people expected to attend today.

I had never looked into Somali culture microscopically; people there struggle every day.

For this radio series, I wanted to know whether it's possible to speak about human rights in an interesting way.

Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood.

A Poem and a Song on Human Rights

In Kenya, where there is a large Somali community, I met Ahmed Hussein, a poet. I asked him if he could write a poem based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). It is seven minutes long because he wanted to cover every article. His words are very moving. This is an excerpt: The thirty articles on human rights have been agreed to all over the world; I will explain each and every one to you; hold on to it tight and do not let it slip.

The freedom of a person and the right to live in peace has been described as an inherent right to every human being and you should consider it. I am talking to those who are armed in Somalia... In the Medina area in Mogadishu, I commissioned some musicians to write a signature tune for my series. I printed out the UDHR in Somali and read it out to them. I told Sahal Moalin Isse, the songwriter, to convey the message and he wrote a very beautiful song. It says:

"Everyone has his/her own rights... Rights and wrongs do not go hand in hand, as sleep and noise do not go hand in hand... You ought to know that there are lawyers in this world..."

Article 25: Everyone has the right to a standard of living adequate for the health and well-being of himself and of his family, including food, clothing, housing and medical care and necessary social services, and the right to security in the event of unemployment, sickness, disability, widowhood, old age or other lack of livelihood in circumstances beyond his control.

Dignity

The people I met in Somaliland, a 10-year-old breakaway republic, have left me with memories that will stay with me forever. I went to the city of Hargeisa, in the administration of Somaliland. It's very different to other parts of Somalia. It's peaceful and you can talk to people openly. In the town of Buro, Amina Abdi Sirad, lost one of her legs. She was extremely unlucky. Two brothers were fighting and they had guns. One ran away and hid behind her and she was shot. She was taken to the hospital, where her leg had to be amputated.

Making a Difference

There are two NGOs, in Hargeisa, which help landmine survivors. They are the Somaliland Red Crescent Society and Handicap France. Amina Aw-Muhummad, another young lady, lost both her legs on a landmine. She was crippled and couldn't walk. The Red Crescent gave her artificial limbs. She was able to stand on her own legs and walk about and do things. When I asked Amina how she felt with her new legs, tears welled up in her eyes. She said, "people here have been very kind to me. I got these legs. Before, I could only sit and I was relying on people to help me." I saw her standing up, after the interview, and she looked like everybody else. She looked comfortable and she was proud. She compared her situation with her life today, she said, "Although my legs are artificial, when I stand, I have dignity. I am at the level of other people."

Article 17: Everyone has the right to own property alone as well as in association with others. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his property.

Women Treated as Property

In the Baydhabo region, I met Abukar Shiikh Yusuf an activist who worked for Isha Human Rights. He said the violations are of such an extent that people do not know how to get help. Women are largely abused, he said, so much so that they are treated like a man's property. Shiikh Yusuf documented a case which he shared with me. A woman was married to a man. He mistreated her. Eventually, she was only able to obtain a divorce when she gave him her house, her car and all her property. She was left with nothing. Also, a young couple got married and the family of the girl wanted her to abort the child she was carrying. Her husband did not want her to lose the child. But against her will and that of her husband, she was forced to have an abortion. Making a Difference Isha Human Rights is a small group, which has its own office. It aims to safeguard the rights of people in Baydhabo, an area where there are many factions and where there was famine in 1992. Shiikh Yusuf says it's very difficult to convince women that they have rights and the attitudes of men are entrenched. At the moment, he documents the violations and tries to be vocal about who is committing them. He hopes that one day this information will be used in court.

c BBC World Service, Bush House, Strand, London WC2B 4PH, UK.

The Talented Mr.Rayyale

Since his election, the President has followed a policy of what can broadly be called the `middle way' a policy of keeping our collective political boat afloat while balancing the diverse political views within the party and the cabinet as well as in the country. Set against a vocal opposition and a powerful Guurti, - the parliament (unfortunately) has been brilliantly outmanoeuvred by this administration - the president has been relatively successful and continuing the traditions of the past administration even in this new multi-party template.

This is however a contradiction, I intend to suggest in the following arguments below that to continue more or less in the political traditions of the anciẻn regime, of the second presidency, in a fundamentally changed political environment, will in the end, confound if not un-ravel the political coalition in the party; and in the administration; leading to making the wrong political and policy choices for the future of this country; and indeed, causing a political crisis; and finally, suffering electoral reverses in the coming polls.

In the short term, the President's middle path policy was the self evident thing to do, to keep the party together and to stabilize the country by completing the elections process peacefully and by not changing much the policies and political traditions of the second presidency. I believe however, and in order to prepare the country for the coming and important parliamentary elections, the President must do an about turn in order to better fit his administration to the underlying political and legal framework.

The continuing choice/development of these policies and political direction of the old administration within the new realties of Somaliland are anathema to the various points of political and economic development that Somaliland wants to achieve both locally and internationally. The continuation of these old polices is precisely what caused such heat for the past administration. This system of paramount chieftaincy that rewarded allies and distanced political opponents, who exited the coalition for whatever reason, has had its time and even the late president himself detested the system and wanted very much to implement the party system.

This reward/punish/distance formula will not work anymore and we need to move towards appreciating that the political system we have chosen in itself, constrains us towards a certain direction - constitutionalism; the rule of parliament; an effective judiciary and a working and competent administration. A striking example today of the reward/punish/distance formula being that of Buur Madow, an unnecessary development of an ally and the distancing of the ally whenever ultimate decisions have to be made by the government on issues of security: the wrong policy choice being the irrational use of traditional leaders as a power base in the regions of Somaliland.

I have argued repeatedly the Sultans/Gaarads and Ugaas of Somaliland should be included in the Guurti and a formula found for the representation of traditional leaders in the Guurti until such time that the country debates the future of that institution. This will have the effect as I have argued previously to include these traditional elites into our system of government for the time being, indeed producing the wherewithal in a consultative capacity to nip any crisis in the bud. The government of Botswana, one of the most democratic governments in Africa does precisely that. It is time we looked at this issue seriously.

The constitutive powers of the government have shifted from the Shiir-beeled system of government to one of political parties; the leadership of this administration un-able to fully comprehend the vastness of this change continue to cling to the politics of the late president when the underlying template has changed. No wonder, in a bizarre moment of reflection, pointing to the philosophical differences within the cabinet, a leading Minister - Mohamed Hashi - in the government openly declared that he did not belong to the ruling party. Only in Somaliland does one find a leading Minister who does not belong to the ruling party, but this is to anticipate.

In an editorial fashion, what I am arguing here is that the administration and the ruling party ought to start thinking strategically and in the public interest, binding together unstable interest groups and unsteady coalitions whose philosophical positions are diverse; whose political leanings are miles apart; whose educational and experiential capacities are enormous; whose understanding of politics and society are fundamentally different, is recipe for a disaster.

Locally, the many power centres that were produced by the Shiir-Beeled system; (1) need not be marginalized but included into the system of government; (2) the ministries must be staffed by competent officials who can take on the coming engagement with Somaliland by the international community as well serve the public interest and the general public; (3) the cabinet must not exceed 11 members and a working cabinet secretariat headed by the principal cabinet secretary must be inaugurated in law and in regulations. The duties of the secretary to the cabinet must be clearly stipulated; (4) The cabinet must have working groups divided into economic policy, social policy, and governance policy. These working cabinet groups must have a secretariat or what has is called the `government relations office'; (5) the administration must effect the Vice President office with more administrative powers so as to effectively deal with the day to day working of government; (6) The presidents office must be empowered and have a secretariat that can deal with foreign policy, economic policy and Parliamentary relations. This will have the effect of offering the presidency effective advise and a working secretariat that makes the presidency work;

These are some of issues that need to be addressed, I understand the lack of financial resources, but that issue will solved in the future by the coming financial engagement with Somaliland. The above points then can be adopted within the existing budget envelopes because this will engender a working government that will start doing the business of the people instead of all night meeting with this or that sultan or Akil. In fact in the recent Akil meeting in Hargeisa organized by a Danish NGO one of the Akils said "when two Akils meet, the government gets a fever and breaks into sweat, dear government, the Akil continued, when we meet we are meeting for the good of the country and not to plot against it." The culture and practise of how we want to do things must change.

Government policy will be clearly complicated as the international community begins to engage Somaliland; precisely because, the accountability and performance measures demanded by the international community needs a particular class of technocrats to hold the commanding heights of this governments administration.

This will help enormously in rooting the bureaucracy and public administration in Somaliland. Those who believe we can trudge along without these people are wrong because the first thing that President Dahir Rayale will be asked by the international community when he asks for economic assistance during this trip is this: are you willing to implement and have the accountability (anti corruption laws, independent audiors, parliamentary supervision etc) and performance structures' (personnel and institutional knowledge)

Any false promises have their attendant results. To cut a very long issue short, many Somali Landers can contribute to this issue and our talented President Rayale has - contrary to opposition fears of this president being a "lightweight" - been quite talented for the short term and has delivered on the major fronts or obstacles that have confronted Somaliland in the past year. Will the talented Mr.Rayale understand that these policies of stability for the short term will un-ravel unless he changes with the changes that brought him to power' Only time will tell....

In an exclusive telephone interview with Bashir Goth, editor of Awdalnews Network, ANN, President Riyale said that he expected to meet several Ministers and to address the British Parliament. Following is the full interview in English:

ANN: Mr. President when do you expect to make your visit to the UK'

PRESIDENT: I will leave Hargeisa Friday afternoon and will leave Addis Ababa Sunday night.

ANN: did you receive an official invitation from the British Government'

PRESIDENT: You know we are not yet recognized. So it is not an official because an official is when you are recognized but they accepted us to go to their country and meet us.

ANN: who are your delegation members'

PRESIDENT: They include four Ministers and four members from the two houses, the two speakers and their deputies. The delegation is representative of all Somaliland people.

ANN: who are the Ministers'

PRESIDENT: They are the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Planning, Finance and Information.

ANN: who do you expect you will meet in London'

PRESIDENT: we will meet those with whom we have appointments.

ANN: who are they'

PRESIDENT: we don't like to give details to the media before we reach London.

ANN: are you going to address the British Parliament'

PRESIDENT: Yes, I am going to make a short speech to the Parliament. The Parliament has invited me on this.

ANN: apart from recognition, do have any project proposals for which you would require the assistance of the British government'

PRESIDENT: Yes, we will ask them to assist us on the economic side and some development projects such as education, health, water and all the sectors of development.

ANN: will you ask them to assist you in consolidating the democratization processes such as provide training for example'

PRESIDENT: Yes, we expect them to meet the election expenses.They have already pledged to us to pay the expenses of the upcoming parliament elections, therefore we are going to ask them to confirm their pledge.

ANN: where will you go after the UK'

PRESIDENT: You will know that after I reach London.

ANN: do you have any sympathetic ear from African countries. Do you have anyone that you expect would convey your voice to the African Union'

PRESIDENT: We have established good friendly relations with Djibouti and you already know our relations with Ethiopia. We also have good ties with South Africa. Everyone says they would like to do something in our case but no one has yet taken any courageous step.

ANN: on the home front, how is the situation of the drought-affected regions. Did you get any help from outside'

PRESIDENT: we have asked the WFP to help, we have raised some funds locally and we have sent some relief supplies to these areas, however, the need is indeed great and we have nothing significant from the international community.

ANN: As you may be aware, many of the Somalilanders living in the UK and other European countries were pouring into London these days in support of your visit and in a show of force to ward off any attempts by other Somalis who may organize demonstrations against you. Do you have any message for these people'

PRESIDENT: First, I want to thank them. I also want to applaud them for unifying their ranks for the sake of their country and for the cause of Somaliland. The message I want to tell them is to put their unity and their sense of belonging to Somaliland above internal differences. I would like them to make this as their first priority.

ANN: do you want to add anything. How is your feeling while you are embarking on this journey to a distant and very important place'

PRESIDENT: I am very glad. I see this as a step forward; something that we didn't have before. No one accepted to meet us before.but now I see it as a step forward and that, God willing, others would also follow suit.

ANN: Mr. President I have finished my questions, if you would like to add anything I would be glad to hear it.

PRESIDENT: Insha Allah, after our meetings in London we shall give more details to the media.

However with the historical mistakes committed by the British colonial administration, Somaliland was destined to complete the circle and commit its own. Now, with Somaliland rectifying its own mistakes and trying to reclaim its lost sovereignty and its place among the world community, the British government has a moral obligation to also revisit its past and show its willingness to right it wrongs to Somalilanders.

To start with the British follies, which could all be described as dereliction of duty more than anything else, one would notice that when the British finally left Somaliland on June 26, 1960, they left us with nothing tangible to show for their long stay. In a quick comparison with other African countries which have been colonized by the British in the same period, one could see that the British left us with no colleges such as Makerere College in Uganda (1949), Kings College, Ibadan College in Nigeria (1948), Achimoto College in Ghana (1924), Khartoum University College in Sudan (1951) and the Royal Technical College in Kenya (1956).

Somaliland was left with no railroads, no tarmac roads, no power stations, no agricultural development projects and no serious attempts on water development or minerals exploration such as petroleum and gems of which Somaliland is now proven to possess with commercial and sustainable quantities.

The capital Hargeisa was no rival to metropolitans like Nairobi, Kampala, Daresalam, Lusaka, Accra, Lagos and others. The only sign of nationhood that the British administration left behind was the port of Berbera which was almost primitive compared to its relatively advanced neighboring ports of Djibouti and Aden.

The British administration had even overlooked the introduction of cash crops to give the country a means of subsistence and economic sustainability in the future just as it did in other parts of Africa where it introduced cash crops like cocoa, coffee, tea and etc.

Although the main objective of the British colonization of Somaliland was to use it as a source of meat supplies for its garrison in neighboring barren Aden, the British have neglected to develop the export of Somaliland's only hard currency earner- the livestock. One or two meat processing factories, few hygienic and modern slaughter houses and one or two veterinary schools and research laboratories would have turned Somaliland into the meat house of its traditional markets in Arabia including Aden at the time.

It is even astounding how the British, famous for their love of sunny beaches around the world, passed up the opportunity to build recreational resorts on the long shores of Somaliland, let alone erect fish factories and exploit the many varieties of Somaliland's high quality fish.

Despite all this, it is remarkable to note how the Somaliland people relish recalling the good old days of the British rule and talk highly of the few good things they gave to them. These include a good and incorruptible civil administration, a fair judicial system, a few good boarding schools, a small but well trained and well disciplined military and police force, some scholarships, several civil centers in major towns, British style suburban bungalows, the Hargeisa club, which is still intact and functioning, and top of all an inimitable suffix in the name of our country - SomaliLAND.

Somaliland for its part has committed grave historical mistakes against itself including allowing the Mad Mulla, an alien Jihadist and a tyrant of modern style Talibanist with a slant of Wahhabism in his doctrine to exhaust the British colonial government's resources in more than 20 years of an internecine and unwarranted religious war.

Mohammed Abdullah Hassan's Dervish War cost considerable loss of life and wealth to Somalilanders but also distracted the British from developing the infrastructure of the country and improving people's life. It also prompted the British to brand Somalianders as the Irish of Africa, thus distorting their image and portraying them as a bunch of violent and marauding nomadic tribes in an inhospitable land and brute culture.

Rejecting the British advice to delay their independence for a decade to enable them catch up with the South in infrastructural development was also another miscalculation on the side of Somaliland. Their thoughtless argument was that what the British could do in ten years that they couldn't do in 84 years.

The British foresaw the disadvantaged position that Somaliland would be in uniting with the Italian South that was not only more populous but was completely different from the north on cultural, political and economic aspects. They tried to forewarn the Somalilanders that they would lose their cultural particularity, their good civil administration and eventually their whole identity if they made a union with the South.

With Somaliland masses driven by patriotism and many of the northern politicians mesmerized by the cosmopolitan Italian life-style in Mogadishu with its night clubs, liberal culture, tarmac roads, abundant tropical fruits and cinema houses, it was almost next to impossible to stop the Northerners' tryst with the union. Even the last salvo of the British to save the Somalilanders by advising them to increase the number of their parliament and ask for a power sharing system of government with the South fell on deaf ears.

Likewise, Mohammed Ibrahim Egal's pleas to the Somalilanders for giving themselves a breathing space before they joined the South was repudiated while Michael Mariano's NUF party with its visionary call for postponing independence was seen as an act of betrayal.

The Northerners' outright condemnation of their military elites who made an attempted coup in 1961 to reclaim the lost sovereignty of Somaliland had put the final nail on any hopes for independence and even somehow trivialized the northern people's absolute NO to the referendum of the country's first constitution.

The Italian South-dominated Somali Republic finally cut Somaliland's umbilical cord with its colonial past, when it severed ties with the British government on the cause of the NFD Somalis in Kenya, thus depriving Somaliland the benefit of getting 150 scholarships a year from Common Wealth countries.

It took the Somalilanders 30 lean years of destruction, desolation, isolation, massacres and mass migration to regain their independence from the mouth of a LION as the Somali adage says.

The Somaliland President's visit to the UK in March 2004 is thus a good opportunity for the two sides, the British government and the Somaliland people, to correct their mutual historical mistakes and embrace each other in harmony and forgiveness.

It is time that Somaliland has to come back to its place among the Common Wealth nations and reclaim its common history and culture with the English speaking peoples of the world. It is also time for the British government to bring Somaliland from the cold and welcome it to the warm affection of the British crown.

Clearly, the government of Somaliland is in a difficult situation; without much resources to speak of the government has been able, here and there, to help stop the budgetary gaps - economic speak for lack of funds - that continue to grow embarrassingly larger as the country faces an economic embargo of its most basic income earner - livestock. As well, this lack of income from livestock continues to wreck havoc on the governments anticipated spending envelopes as the embargo continues to put unprecedented pressure on the government's budget.

Further, the democratic demands of the people - elections and the funds that go with that - adds to the already intolerable situation that the government finds itself. To add to this, are the ever-growing political questions that keep popping up like daisies in the countries political landscape. The list of problems and concerns are, to make an understatement, endless.

Somaliland under all these political, economic and social pressures continues to trudge along, the international community shamelessly looking on, waiting as it were for bureaucratic instructions from New York on how to deal with a people and country that refuses to accept political direction and political pressure from far away institutions whose understanding of Somaliland and its experiences are limited at best and their intent/actions hostile at worst.

Indeed, the more Somaliland continues on its path, foreign governments are beginning to take seriously Somaliland's role as a leader in peace building in a region known for dictatorship and authoritarianism. Somaliland's initiatives as far as the issue of democratization is concerned - given its own experiences and that of the region - are nothing short of stellar. The United Nations on other hand continues to show it's stiffness and lack of innovation in policy direction when it comes to Somaliland. Indeed, even extending to Somaliland a policy equivalent with respect to Somaliland's successes, has been lacking showing that the political office in Nairobi is concerned only with bizarre Afrocentric concepts of unity, un-complicated by whether democracy and the rule of law, substantive and crucial issues in contemporary African political economy, are inherent in these ideas.

A cursory look into the history books will show that Somaliland's Pan-Africanist credentials are superb, long before windy speeches about African Unity were being blown about; Somaliland gave up everything for it. It is now pioneering a new concept, African solutions to African problems while the political office in Nairobi is swooning under the influence of the Mbagathi mafia - to use a Nairobi term - and their Orwellian `double speak' that has now become famous and characteristic of those thugs/human rights abusers holed up there. Somaliland's achievements and the lack of a policy response from the United Nations Political office for Somali, is evidence of the politics of centralized state making that has wrecked havoc in Africa.

The recent text book case/scandal showing the depth of depravity and the extent that these international civil servants are willing to go to cover up the failure of their policy towards Somaliland. Somaliland it seems has been left to its own devices and carries its own cross. This however is when this country shines, when it is told "you cannot" Somali Landers stand up and take notice, there is nothing they love more than an un-just challenge, many of which have been overcome by sheer determination.

Although Somaliland is the new kid on the block, it has deep democratic traditions and continues to confound everyone with its sense of national purpose and its commitment to its own manifest destiny. No doubt there are tremendous challenges to overcome, be they political, economic and social. Indeed, Somaliland is a text book example of when the international community should get involved in post-conflict societies, Somaliland having achieved more than just being a `post-conflict' society.

The recent `warming of relations' including statements from Senior United States government representatives that Somaliland should be recognized and if not at least dealt with at its level of successes, as well as the recent invitation to the President of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale Kahin, to speak at the House of Commons is another reminder to the UN political office that their policy towards Somaliland is a colossal failure and the staff there needs to ask themselves whether their jobs are to analyse politics and society in Somaliland & Somalia or to spend their time eating pizza & shopping at Nairobi's ultra posh shopping mall village market. Shame on you.

Somalia

Overview

Somalia's Transitional National Government (TNG) and more than 20 rival groups signed a ceasefire in October 2002 in Kenya as a first step toward establishing a federal system of government. However, more than a dozen similar peace agreements have failed, and the latest received support from neither a faction in central Somalia, nor from the self-declared republic of Somaliland in the north. Somalia in 2002 remained racked by violence and lack of security. Somalia's relations with neighboring Ethiopia were strained further in 2002 following persistent reports that Ethiopia was backing Somali factions and making military incursions into Somali territory. Ethiopia denied the claims and countered that Somalia was used as a rear base for terrorist attacks in the Kenyan port city of Mombassa in November 2002.

Somalia, a Horn of Africa nation, gained independence in July 1960 with the union of British Somaliland and territories to the south that had been an Italian colony. Other ethnic Somali-inhabited lands are now part of Djibouti, Ethiopia, and Kenya. General Siad Barre seized power in 1969 and increasingly employed divisive clan politics to maintain power. Civil war, starvation, banditry, brutality, and natural disasters ranging from drought to flood to famine have racked Somalia since the struggle to topple Barre began in the late 1980s. When Barre was deposed in January 1991, power was claimed and contested by heavily armed guerrilla movements and militias based on traditional ethnic and clan loyalties.

Extensive television coverage of famine and civil strife that took approximately 300,000 lives in 1991 and 1992 prompted a U.S.-led international intervention. The armed humanitarian mission in late 1992 quelled clan combat long enough to stop the famine, but ended in urban guerrilla warfare against Somali militias. The last international forces withdrew in March 1995 after the casualty count reached into the thousands. Approximately 100 peacekeepers, including 18 U.S. soldiers, were killed. The $4 billion UN intervention effort had little lasting impact.

The Conference for National Peace and Reconciliation in Somalia adopted a charter in 2000 for a three-year transition and selected a 245-member transitional assembly, which functions as an interim parliament. Minority groups are included, and 25 of the members are women. The breakaway regions of Somaliland and Puntland do not recognize the TNG, nor do several faction leaders. A government security force in Mogadishu has been cobbled together from members of the former administration's military, the police, and militias. U.S. military reconnaissance flights and other surveillance activities were stepped up in Somalia in 2001 as the United States sought to prevent the country from becoming a new base for al-Qaeda. The highest-ranking U.S. delegation in several years visited Somalia in 2002 to discuss the war on terrorism with the TNG and faction leaders. U.S. officials said they believed al-Qaeda had links in Somalia.

Somalia is a poor country where most people survive as pastoralists or subsistence farmers. The country's main exports are livestock and charcoal. The TNG and several faction leaders in November 2002 called on the international community to unfreeze the assets of Somalia's Al-Barakaat telecommunications and money-transfer company to help the country's battered economy. Al-Barakaat was Somalia's largest employer, and hundreds of thousands of Somalis depended on it to receive money transfers from abroad. U.S. authorities froze the assets of Al-Barakaat in 2001 on suspicion that its owners were aiding and abetting terrorism, a charge the owners deny.

Political Rights and Civil Liberties

The elections in 2000 marked the first time Somalis have had an opportunity to choose their government on a somewhat national basis since 1969. Some 3,000 representatives of civic and religious organizations, women's groups, and clans came together as the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development, following Djibouti-hosted peace talks, to elect a parliament in August 2000. The 245 members of the Transitional National Assembly elected the president. More than 20 candidates contested the first round of voting for the presidency. The Inter-Governmental Authority chose the lawyers who drafted the country's new charter.

Somalia's new charter provides for an independent judiciary, although a formal judicial system has ceased to exist. Sharia (Islamic law) operating in Mogadishu have been effective in bringing a semblance of law and order to the city. Efforts at judicial reform are proceeding slowly. The Sharia courts in Mogadishu are gradually coming under the control of the transitional government. Most of the courts are aligned with various subclans. Prison conditions are harsh in some areas, but improvements are under way.

Human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killing, torture, beating, and arbitrary detention by Somalia's various armed factions remain a problem. Many violations are linked to banditry. Several international aid organizations, women's groups, and local human rights groups operate in the country. Kidnapping, however, is a problem. Two UN workers were kidnapped in 2002 and later released. A Swiss aid worker was killed.

Somalia's charter provides for press freedom. Independent radio and television stations have proliferated. Most of the independent newspapers or newsletters that circulate in Mogadishu are linked to one faction or another. Although journalists face harassment, most receive the protection of the clan behind their publication. The transitional government launched its first radio station, Radio Mogadishu, in 2001. There are three private radio stations and two run by factions.

Somaliland has exercised de facto independence from Somalia since May 1991. A clan conference led to a peace accord among its clan factions in 1997, establishing a presidency and bicameral parliament with proportional clan representation. Somaliland is far more cohesive than the rest of the country, although reports of some human rights abuses persist. Somaliland has sought international recognition as the Republic of Somaliland since 1991. A referendum on independence and a new constitution were approved in May 2001, opening the way for a multiparty system. Fear of potential instability grew in 2002 after leader Mohamed Ibrahim Egal died following surgery. Somaliland's vice president was sworn in as president, but there were concerns that a power struggle would emerge.

Puntland established a regional government in 1998, with a presidency and a single-chamber quasi legislature known as the Council of Elders. Political parties are banned. The traditional elders chose Abdullahi Yusuf as the region's first president for a three-year term. After Jama Ali Jama was elected to replace him in 2001, Abdullahi Yusuf refused to relinquish power, claiming he was fighting terrorism. He seized power in 2002, reportedly with the help of Ethiopian forces.

Although more than 80 percent of Somalis share a common ethnic heritage, religion, and nomadic-influenced culture, discrimination is widespread. Clans exclude one another from participation in social and political life. Minority clans are harassed, intimidated, and abused by armed gunmen.

Somalia is an Islamic state, and religious freedom is not guaranteed. The Sunni majority often view non-Sunni Muslims with suspicion. Members of the small Christian community face societal harassment if they proclaim their religion.

Women's groups were instrumental in galvanizing support for Somalia's peace process. As a result of their participation, women occupy at least 30 seats in parliament. The country's new charter prohibits sexual discrimination, but women experience such discrimination intensely under customary practices and variants of Sharia. Infibulation, the most severe form of female genital mutilation, is routine. UN agencies and nongovernmental organizations are working to raise awareness about health dangers of this practice. Various armed factions have recruited children into their militias.

The charter provides workers with the right to form unions, but civil war and factional fighting led to the dissolution of the single labor confederation, the government- controlled General Federation of Somali Trade Unions. Wages are established largely by ad hoc bartering and the influence of clan affiliation.

President Riyaale and Delegation left Britain and Belgium.

On the day the President and his delegation departed from Hargeisa Airport, told reporters when they ask why he is leaving to Britain. President Riyaale said "We have been given the opportunity to visit Great Britain and present our case. We are doing this 44 years after we first got our independence from the colonial power," Kahin told reporters. Taking the advantage of the collapse of Somalia' government, Somaliland seceded in May 1991.

President Riyaale met yesterday with the head of the African Union (AU) Mr. Alpha Omar Korane at his Addis office, the meeting lasted several hours, President Riyaale talked about the situation of Somaliland, the peace stability the people of Somaliland enjoys, while Somali still is in anarchy. Also at the meeting President Kahin asked the role that AU will play in helping Somaliland to build on what they achieved.

At the same day President Riyaale met with Jamie Gaffney the head of the American East African Affairs and the America Consular in Ethiopia, both sides discussed how to improve the relationship and cooperation between the two countries. President Riyalle and his delegate met also with the Somaliland Community at Addis Ababa.

The Declaration Of The Aqils And Traditional Leaders Of East Of Hargeisa Region

We have discussed thoroughly the human rights violations within our customary law and traditional practices that have harmful effects to the rights of a person and the society and have led to conflicts and recurrent unlawful incidents. These issues include unjustified killing, payment of blood compensation (diya), rape, violation of women and girls' rights, discrimination of minority clans, violations of the rights of the foreigners and guests, destruction of the environment, grazing land, communal and public property, water problem in Hargeisa and in furtherance of peace and stability. After thorough and complete discussions, we, the aqils and traditional leaders of East of Hargeisa do hereby declare the following: (1) We uphold Shariah Law and all its provisions protecting human rights of all individuals; (2) We adhere to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as stated in our Somaliland Constitution; (3) We agree to abolish all harmful xeer and traditional practices violating human rights; (4) We recognize the importance of the traditional institution and leaders to be united and to perform our role in the protection of human rights, justice and peace; (5) We agree to put the interest of the general public first before our personal and narrow clan interests and to work for our general public in a competent manner.

The following are the specific resolutions of this seminar:

1. Local Customary laws: To abolish all tribal customary laws that violate Islamic Sharia and human rights.

2. Unjustified killing: Unjustified killing and all criminal acts are crimes against the people of Somaliland. Therefore, we should decisively commit ourselves that the killer and criminal should be brought before the law and not to protect and hide our wrongdoers. If after all efforts are exhausted by the concerned aqils and traditional leaders to catch the criminal from their tribe but failed to bring him/ her to justice, they should swear before the Holy Qor'an of their honest and sincere efforts.

3. Revenge Killing: To stop and absolutely prohibit revenge killing and all acts related to revenge violating the security and rights of innocent people who are not responsible of the wrongdoing and give rise to lawlessness and violent conflicts. Anybody who assists in the revenge killing should likewise be punished.

4. Blood Compensation or Diya Payment: (a) The main purpose of the diya is to alleviate the misery of the victim's family and not to protect the wrongdoer. (b) Only the immediate family of the victim has the right to receive full payment as they have the right according to Shariah.(c) The value of loss of life is 100 camels or its equivalent in cash regardless of the importance and social status of the deceased as the Shariah says. (d)In the case of murder, the criminal should be the first to take the burden of payment and what he cannot afford, the clan members will contribute. (e.)In the case of accidental killing, the clan members should collectively pay the diya.

5. Rights of Women and Children: To protect the rights of women and children and abolish discrimination. (a) Provision and fair division of inherited wealth after the death of a relative or parent under Sharia Law and human rights; (b) Giving the right and freedom to women and widows to decide on whom to marry without precondition and restrictions; (c) To give the widow and her children, both boys and girls, their right to property and inheritance; (d) In the case of rape, to punish the rapist and to prohibit forcing the victim to marry the rapist; (e) To treat our children of both sexes fairly and not to discriminate the girls' right to education; (f) For men and fathers to take active responsibility in the family as breadwinners and good husband to their wives and educators and role models to their children; (g) Protection and provision of appropriate care and education to orphaned children, primarily by the clan and legitimate relations.

6. Minority Tribes: The minority tribes have equal rights under Islamic Sharia Law and human rights and therefore shall not be discriminated in any way. We have to treat them fairly and help them gain their rights in every respect. We must give them equal voice and participation in decision making and employment. We must respect their rights to marry those from the majority clans.

7. Foreigners and foreign aid workers: (a) To respect and protect the rights of foreigners, their lives, property and dignity and to educate the people to safeguard the rights of the foreigners; (b) To make every effort to bring to justice those who have committed crimes against them; (c) To value their contributions to our development; (d) The foreigners should follow the rules and regulations of Somaliland.

8. Safeguarding the Environment: Our grazing land is in critical condition because of massive cutting of trees, enclosures and establishment of small settlements. The grazing land is the lifeblood of our people. We have to protect our grazing land and environment. We must: (a) Prohibit the cutting of trees in the grazing land; (b) Prohibit the fencing of the communal grazing land; c. Not establish new settlements in the grazing land; (d) Reestablish and protect grazing reserves; (e) Develop alternative fuel and fencing materials in order to avoid cutting of trees.

9. Safeguarding all Public Properties and Public Infrastructures: (a) To protect all schools, clinics, communal and government properties from destruction, looting, taking over of private individuals and squatters. (b) All local communities should be involved in improving and sustaining the social services in their communities (education, health, water, and others)

10. Land Disputes: When land dispute arises, it should not be transformed into tribal dispute. It should be left for the local government to handle.

11. Water Shortage in Hargeisa City: The first priority for water from Hargeisa City should be for human consumption. As there is severe shortage of water, the water in Hargeisa should not be used for farming.

12. Reinforcing Peace: Peace and stability is the basis of constructive life and development of the individual and community in general. Thus, we believe that everybody needs peace. The following foundations need to be implemented: (a) The government must reinforce security and the clans and individuals must contribute to peaceful living until peace takes strong roots. (b) Everybody should cooperate for the preservation of peace and bring before the law all individuals and groups who are disturbing peace. (c) Individuals and groups who believe that their rights have been violated must take the lawful process to attain their rights but he/ they cannot take the law in his/ their own hands, so as not to violate other persons rights.

Conclusion:

Finally, we declare and inform all the communities that the East Hargeisa aqils are not responsible to individuals and groups whose acts violate peaceful coexistence and development of the community. Clans and individuals that have pending issues shall resort to negotiated settlements and mutual respect of all involved rights regardless of the clan size and individual capacities. Finally, we remain indebted and thankful to the Danish Refugee Council (DRC) for the technical and financial support they have made available to the aqils without which this meeting would have bear no fruits.

Finland deports first Somali to Somaliland, Action taken following numerous crimes

Most recently he got a prison sentence of slightly over one year. Under Finnish law, foreign residents are subject to deportation if they are sentenced to at least one year in prison for a criminal act.

Hargeisa is the capital of Somaliland, an area in Northern Somalia, which declared independence in 1991. Although the independence of Somaliland has not been recognised by the international community, it has functioned as a de facto independent country for many years. The man himself did not want to go to Somaliland, saying that he was from Mogadishu in Southern Somalia. He also said that he has a wife and a child in Finland. The man came to Finland in 1991 among the first group of Somali refugees to enter the country. He lived in Finland for 13 years on temporary residence permits. The Directorate of Immigration ordered his deportation in August 2001. The deportation was implemented after the Helsinki Administrative Court and the Supreme Administrative Court rejected his appeals.

Another Somali also faces deportation procedures, but the appeal process is still going on. Somalia has not had a functioning central government since civil war broke out in the country in 1991. Fighting has flared up again in recent weeks, in spite of a cease-fire which took effect in January. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees does not consider Southern Somalia to be a safe place for the return of refugees. However, Somaliland is already planning Parliamentary elections for this year.

SOMALIA: Campaign against FGM launched on Women's Day

The campaign is being led by four networks of Somali women's organisations, namely the Coalition of Grassroots Women's Organization (COGWO), IIDA Women's Development Organization (IIDA means celebrate in Somali), We Are Women Activists (WAWA) and NAGAAD (roughly translated in Somali as 'Stay Rooted'). The networks represent nearly 90 grass-roots women's groups, Maryan Abdulle Qawane of COGWO told IRIN.

The campaign was launched simultaneously on Monday in Hargeysa, the capital of the self-declared republic of Somaliland, Bosaso, the commercial capital of the self-styled autonomous region of Puntland, and in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, as well as in other towns.

The launches were marked by popular events such as rallies, demonstrations and drama performances, said Maryan, who is also the national coordinator of the Campaign Against Violence Against Women.

In Mogadishu, over 10,000 women came out to demonstrate against the practice, chanting slogans, such as "Save your daughter from FGM" and "FGM is not a religious obligation", according to Maryan. They were addressed by the president of the Transitional National Government of Somalia, Abdiqassim Salad Hassan, who attended the event accompanied by his wife, Maryan said.

Most of the 98 percent of Somali women who have undergone FGM have experienced the most drastic form "in the mistaken belief that they were observing a religious obligation", she said.

The aim of the campaign was to sensitise the Somali people, particularly women, "to the harmful effects of the practice", said Maryan. "We want to make it clear that there is no religious basis for this practice."

At the time that the operation was performed, the women suffered psychological shock, as well as pain and physical damage to the vulva, she said. Moreover, as a result, those subjected to FGM were prone to urinary tract infections and obstetric complications usually leading to "prolonged and severe labour pains and sometimes stillbirths".

Maryan said that later on Monday, religious leaders and doctors were expected to hold a conference in Mogadishu to discuss "FGM and its health implications in the context of religion". "Religious leaders will make it clear to the public that it is not a religious obligation," Maryan noted.

A separate statement issued by the Somalia Aid Coordination Body, which is made of donors, UN agencies and NGOs, said the campaign against FGM was part of the global Amnesty campaign to stop violence against women. It pledged support to the Somali women groups for the total eradication of FGM in that country.

According to the World Heath Organisation, most girls and women who have undergone genital mutilation live in 28 African countries, although some live in Asia and the Middle East. They are also increasingly found in Europe, Australia, Canada and the USA, primarily among immigrants from these countries.

WHO estimates the number of girls and women who have undergone FGM globally at between 100 and 140 million, while each year a further 2 million girls are at risk.

FGM, often referred to as 'female circumcision', comprises all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs whether for cultural or religious reasons. There are different types of FGM but the most common type is excision of the clitoris and the labia minora, according to WHO.

The practise has immediate and long-term health consequences, depending on the type and severity of the procedure performed. These include severe pain, shock, haemorrhage, urine retention, ulceration of the genital region and injury to adjacent tissue and more recently, possible transmission of HIV/AIDS due to the use of the same instrument in multiple operations.

Zero Tolerance to FGM Day: Effective measures needed to protect girls from female genital mutilation

During its last meeting in February 2003, the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC) adopted a "Declaration of Zero Tolerance to FGM on the African Continent". The Declaration stresses that the "zero tolerance forum will be an initiative which will bring all [our] efforts to celebrate, reflect and deliberate on FGM and to renew [our] commitment to protect African women from cultural and traditional belief systems that are inimical to the sexual and reproductive rights of women in the continent".

The February 2003 meeting also adopted a Common Agenda to provide a common framework for all organizations and actors to intensify and coordinate activities at different levels while respecting their diversity. "The Declaration and the Common Agenda are welcome signs of determination to eliminate FGM. The IAC should act decisively to spur governments, NGOs and other stakeholders to coordinate efforts to eradicate FGM and other harmful traditional practices which contribute to the perpetuation of violence against women".

So far, only 14 African countries have adopted laws banning the practice. Despite the fact that enforcement of the laws is made difficult by social pressure to undergo the ritual, Amnesty believes that legislation is an important tool in creating a protective environment for girls and women affected by this practice and asks African governments to accompany legislative efforts with measures that will promote the status of women with regards to their internationally protected human rights, especially, the right to life and physical integrity and the right to health. On this first international day, Amnesty urges African governments to comply with the obligations they have contracted by ratifying international instruments such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the African Charter on Human and People's Rights.

Amnesty also calls on all African governments to ratify the Additional Protocol on Women Rights in Africa adopted at the African Union Summit in Maputo in July 2003. The Protocol is the first international instrument which explicitly protects women's reproductive rights including an explicit call for the legal prohibition of female genital mutilation.

Background

Female Genital Mutilation comprises all procedures involving partial or total removal of the external female genitalia or other injury to the female genital organs whether for cultural, religious or other non-therapeutic reasons.

The immediate and long-term health consequences of female genital mutilation vary according to the type and severity of the procedure performed. Immediate complications include severe pain, shock, haemorrhage, urine retention, ulceration of the genital region and injury to adjacent tissue. Long-term complications include, recurring urinary tract infections, pelvic infections, infertility (from deep infections), scarring, difficulties in menstruation, fistulae (holes or tunnels between the vagina and the bladder or rectum), painful intercourse, sexual dysfunction, and problems in pregnancy and childbirth (the need to cut the vagina to allow delivery and the trauma that results, often compounded by re-stitching).

Female Genital Mutilation is practiced in 28 African countries as well as in Asia (Indonesia) and the Middle-East (Yemen). It is increasingly found in Europe, Australia, Canada and the USA, primarily among immigrants from these countries.

Today, the number of girls and women who have undergone female genital mutilation is estimated at between 100 and 140 million. It is estimated that each year, a further 2 million girls are at risk of undergoing.

OPEN LETTER TO: Michael Martin. Chairman of the House of Commons, London, Great Britain.

C.C:- (1) Mr. Kofi Anan. Secretary General of United Nations, Newyork, USA.
(2) Mr Alpha Omar Konare. Chairperson Of the Commission of the African Union, Addia Ababa, Ethiopia.
(3) Mr Seyoum Mesfin, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Federal Republic Of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
(4) Amar Mousa. Secretary General of the Arab League, Cairo, Egypt.
(5) Dr.Attala H.Bashir. Executive Secretary, Inter-government Authority for Development(IGAD) Djibouti, Republic Of Djibouti.
(6) Jack Straw. Secretary of Foreign Affairs. Government of Great Briton, London, U.K.
(6) Mr.Martin Ahtisaari, President, Crisis Group, Helsinki, Finland.
(7) Ms Adna Adam Ismail. Minister of Foreign Affairs, Somaliland Republic, Hargeisa, Somaliland.
(8) Mr.Faisal Ali Warabe. Chairman, Somaliland Justice and Welfare Party, London, United Kingdom.
(9) Mr.Ahmed M.Mahamed (Silaanyo). Chairman, Kulmiye Party, Hargeisa, Somaliland.

From: Mr. Ahmed Musse Gedi (Sanjab). Secretary General, Somaliland Justice & Welfare Party, Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Dear Sir,

1.0 BRIEF EXPLANATION WHY SOMALILAND WHY GLOBAL COMMUNITY SHOULD RECOGNIZE SOMALILAND AS AN INDEPENDENT STATE.

1.1 Somaliland gained its independence from Britain in June 26, 1960. And former Italian Somalia received its Independence five days later on July 1, 1960. On that same day, Somaliland opted to join Southern Somalia in order to achieve the dream of GREATER SOMALIA. Somaliland Protectorate achieved its Independence, after 87 years of colonial rule. This unity with southern Somalia was due to the prerequisite ambition of SOMALIS to realize greater Somalia. (Somaliland, Somalia, French coast, Eastern part of Ethiopia and Northern districts of Kenya). That particular dream caused the destructive war fought by Somalia and Ethiopia in 1977 in which thousands of innocent civilians from both sides lost their life or injured and significant properties were lost. Thus the Greater Somali policy following Somalia's defeat in the with Ethiopia.

1.2 The ambition of the SOMALIS TO FORM GREATER SOMALIA did not meet the support of the supper-powers (i.e. USA & USSR) and the international community in general and in particular the Regional Government (Ethiopia and Kenya and France who were the colonizers of French Somaliland, which is presently known as Republic of Djibouti). The lofty dream of Greater Somali was lost, after Somalis in Djibouti refused to join the union of Somali Republic and settled as the Republic Of Djibouti.

2.2 The unification did not go smooth. 2.1 Immediately, after the union, Somaliland was marginalized as the government power mainly concentrated in the hands of representatives from southern Somalia (i.e. the president, prime minister and senior portfolios such as minister of interior, finance, foreign affairs and etc.etc). This created discontent of ex-somalilanders and encouraged Military officers from ex-British Somaliland to stage an aborted coup in early 1961. From that period onwards Somalilanders formed opposition parties against former governments of SOMALIA. Majority of the citizens of ex-somaliland Regions voted against the constitution of Former Republic of Somalia in 1961.

2.2 In October 1969, the Military staged a coup d'etat and installed SIAD BARRE Regime, which lasted until January 1991, when it was ousted mainly after the LIBERATION ARMY of SNM crushed the National Army of the government of Somalia, which was considered the 2nd powerful ARMY in Africa. During the whole period of 1969- 1991, Somaliland was not only politically and economically marginalized but the entire economy of the country was destroyed by series of deliberate measures inflicted on the population by the Military regime. Among these measures were: -

The imposition of highly centralized economic system which particularly affected the private sector; The denial of its fair share of development assistance despite the fact that during the military regime, the Somali Republic was one of the highest recipients of external concessional assistance; Exodus of trained manpower to foreign countries early 70's; Most of the private enterprises were nationalized or monopolized politically favored groups; Mass political arrests started early 1979 and mass killings resumed early 1983; The wholesale destruction of Somaliland's social and economic infrastructure started in May 19988 by an air and land bombardment launched by the regime's military forces. All fixed assets including schools, hospitals, bridges and productive facilities were either totally destroyed or made inoperable. In Hargeisa alone 80% of the houses and other buildings were destroyed according to UN estimates. Tens of thousand of non-combatants were killed, many more wounded, and over 800,000 persons were forced to flee to neighboring countries and in particular to ETHIOPIA, which hosted our people in very generous and brotherly way. This rain of terror was the beginning of the unraveling of the Somali Republic as a functioning State.

2.3 The international community had been silent when this genocide was taking place in Somaliland and still ignoring to bring justice to perpetrators of this genocide in the pretext of forging reconciliation activities which may bring back Somali unity (a dream that has been buried in 1988 when the Air-force of the Somali Army BOMBARDED HARGEISA AND OTHER MAIN TOWNS OF PRESENT SOMALILAND). It is unfortunate to note that the prominent figures of the faction constituting the so-called ` TNG '(i.e. Transitional National Government) are actually Senior Ministers of Siad Barre's regime that approved the war of terror in ex-somaliland Regions from 1981-1991. It is absurd for UN bodies to invest millions of $ on multiple conferences intended to resolve civil strife in Southern Somalia between 51 fighting factions including the so called TNG, although such efforts merely complicated the situation as more fighting factions cropped up prior the creation of the TNG, because most of those who attend such conferences are former Ministers and Senior Military officers of Siad Barre's regime who cannot be trusted to lead.

2.4 It is unforgettable for UN bodies, AU & Regional Organizations to entertain, those perpetrators of genocide in the so-called conferences of Somali unity. The so-called SOMALI RECONCILIATION CONFERENCE which is being held in Nairobi over the past 18 months is the 15th conference which World Community has funded. 85 % of the delegates who participate in this conference are the same personalities that participated in Previous conferences and failed to implement the RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED IN THOSE CONFERENCES. And I do sincerely believe that any meaningful results will be achieved from the ongoing one either. They are bunch of thugs who believe that they cannot survive, if the rule of law prevails in SOUTHERN Somalia. The major 15 fighting factions could not agree on power sharing because they do not actually represent their clans.

2.5 The opposition parties of Somaliland would like to stress that, the decision taken on May 1991, by the Somaliland community is irreversible and forgone conclusion, which cannot be reversed by any power at any cost. Whether Southern Somalia fighting groups reconcile their difference or not is a matter that concern them alone. Somaliland is in peace and wants to remain that way. We have no desire of renewing the lost dream of GREATER SOMALIA. It is our prime objective to live in harmony among ourselves, with our neighbors and with global community.

2.6 With the coup de etat of Mohamed Siad Barre an already bad situation had further deteriorated into mass killings, destruction and total loot of properties in major cities and villages of Somaliland, which used to be called Northern Regions. A brief visit of the delegation to the field graves (116 in number), which are located in Hargeisa is considered worth while and an eye opening to the atrosties that took place. It is unfortunate that the Representatives of United Nations Offices did not objectively report upon prevailing overall conditions of Somaliland after the collapse of former Republic of Somalia. Your Fact Finding Mission visited the sites of this tragedy and the scars of the Destruction.

2.7 After 10 years of armed struggle the Somali National Movement has librated and restored its lost independence in May 18, 1991. The Constitution ratified by a national referendum on May this year and approved by a large margin of 97%, clearly state in Article 1 that the Republic of Somaliland is a sovereign state. As a result, multiple political parties became legal with effect from July 2001. In November 2002 elections for Municipal Councils were held and in April Presidential election was held and the winner of that election is a Guest of Honor TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS OF GREAT BRITON ON 15, 16 & 17 OF March 2004. Legislative election is planned to be held end of this year. In net shell the DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESSES IN SOMALILAND IS SO FAR IN THE COURSE. It is important to note that the last time Somaliland citizens were allowed to exercise their constitutional rights of expressing their opinion and association of political parties was 1969 (i.e.33 years ago).

2.8 The people of Somaliland, unlike their brethren to the south, set as their first priority, the re-establishment of law and order and the restoration of peace and security throughout their territory, Since it is withdrawal from the union 14 years ago, Somaliland has accomplished a number of major goals: - (1) It has effected the demobilization of thousands of clan-based militias and the gradual absorption of many of them into the Police, Custodial and Military Services of the country; (2) It has managed to confine to barracks the remainder of the militia pending the availability of resources for training programs to enable them fit for re-integration into civilian life; (3) It has re-established various institutions of Governance for stability and the restoration of Democracy, namely: (4) Elected Executive President (Mr. Dasher Riyaale Kahin, The President); (5) Bi-cameral Parliament (CHOSEN ON CLAN BASED FORMULA). Election law for legislative bodies has been submitted to the Parliament for approval); (6) Elections for Municipal Councils for urban centers were held in November 2002; (7) Independent Judiciary; (8) Independent Auditor General's Office (Relevant law to be formulate this year; (9)Independent Attorney General's Office (Relevant law to be formulated) (10) National Constitution; (11) The nucleus of a public service structure; (12) The establishment of national system of local administration; (13) Rapid growth of civil society and community based-organizations,

2.9 Despite the near absence of essential assistance and the destruction of its economic base, Somaliland did not only survive but made remarkable strides towards restoring a measure of normalcy to its economy. This revival has been based almost entirely on private initiative with the private sector owning and operating the main activities in almost every sector of the economy with a minimum of government control. It is the competitive forces that made Somaliland highly competitive with its neighbors, particularly in the field of international trade as our enterprising traders dominate business activities in the Horn of Africa. Nine thrifty financial centers that facilitate transfer of remittances from the Somalilanders in the DIASPORA to all the main towns in the country within 24 hours, have won the confidence of the population without government regulatory measures. 10 different Airlines making connections to the Middle East, Africa and Europe operate from the main Airports of Hargeisa, Berbera, Burao, Erigabo, Gabiley and Borama. Five Telecommunication Companies compete for the communication services, which resulted the cheapest communication services in Africa.

3.0 - 60% of our economy is derived from export of livestock to Saudi Arabia, Yemen and Emirates (U.A.E). A lucrative earning of about $350 million per year has been disrupted due to an export ban in early 1998 and 6 months in late 2000 up to this date (i.e. 09/2000-17/03/2004). During that period the economy has slowed down and as a result significant development programs have been scaled down or abandoned due to lack of resources. Whatever has been accomplished in Somaliland has been achieved through the people's own efforts and meager resources. But there is an obvious limit to how far these local resources can take the country, after the main source of earning dried due to export sanctions. EXTERNAL ASSISTANCE AND ADVISORY INPUTS are essential to consolidate and reinforce these internally generated efforts. Its accomplishments face a host of EXTERNAL RISKS, WHICH CAN EASILY DERAIL PAST SUCCESS AS STATED BELOW: - (1) The country is completely cut off from normal commercial and economic transactions with the rest of the world. It cannot borrow externally; it cannot access official development assistance and get commercial banking services & insurance services; (2) The absence of international recognition keeps potential investors away from the country. It also denies the country recourse to redress its legitimate grievances in the international arena (illegal fishing, waste dumping, violation of its land and air space, and the inability of its citizens to travel abroad either on business or for personal reasons because of the non recognition of its travel documents).

4.1 Somaliland's accomplishments, the important as they are, are also extremely fragile. The system of governance has not yet been solidified. A huge number of Militias have yet to be RE-INTEGRATED INTO CIVILIAN LIFE as their confinement to barracks constitute not only a potential source of instability, but also an intolerable burden on the government's meager resources. The public service is embryonic, and the threat of the old legacy of corruption and nepotism creeping in a new fashion is always present.

5.0 PRIORITY NEEDS OF SOMALILAND.

1. recognition as a sovereign state in order to access and Regional Development Assistance, including that from multi-lateral Institutions such as the World Bank, African Development Bank, European Investment Bank, UN bodies etc and from Bi-lateral sources also; 2. Establishing support institutions that would help, nurture and develop the private sector. Support to infrastructure development so as to enhance expansion of the economic activities in the private sector (e.g. there is no functioning infrastructure in the 7 major urban population centers, there is an urgent need for equipments and transport for regional water development units, construction of paved roads to Eastern and Western Regions and reconstruction and re-equipping main Airports); 3. The expansion of the Radio Transmission fro 2 to 50 KILOWATT is necessary so that it achieves its important role in peace consolidation and sustainability; 4. We need two year programs in management and teachers training, so as to improve economic management, service delivery capability and enhance education standard; 5. Rehabilitation and reconstruction of the country's destroyed Health and Education Centers; 6. Assistance on the development, exploitation and marketing of our sea resources; 7. Strengthening the structures of peace and completing the process of demobilization; 8. Strengthening the capacity of Somaliland to cope with a great number of internally displaced persons and returnees.

4.0 CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: -

4.1 Whether peace prevails among our brethren in Southern Somalia or otherwise, the course of Somaliland as an Independent State will not be reversed at any cost, although The Transitional National Government (i.e. TNG} and those who finance their destructive plans are trying their best to sabotage our political stability in a fashion similar to the destabilization mechanism of PUTLAND. We consider therefore that UN missions charged Somali affairs over the past 14 years failed to recognize the wishes of 3.2 million SOMALILANDERS and failed to report objectively about the reality prevailing in this corner to the General & Security Council. We believe such technocrats behaved in that manner knowing there was no national authority to monitor their mischievous behavior that undermined all factors favoring the Republic of Somaliland. Although, Somaliland achieved remarkable peaceful environment for the period 1996-2002, UN Mission for Somalia denied Somaliland funds for development programs and projects until this date. With due respect your Excellencies; we would appreciate your honest and unbiased report on the prevailing circumstances of the Republic of Somaliland as witnesses your Fact Finding Mission who visited Somaliland end of January this year.

Finally, Somaliland Justice & Welfare Party assures full support for the democratization processes, respect for human rights and our commitment to wage a tough war against our biggest enemy, which is poverty and diseases caused by lack of nutrition. Please help us to make what we have achieved sustainable and recognize us as an Independent state, since we have fulfilled all the requirements of an Independent state.. Thanks and may God bless you all.

As food insecurity in the pastoral areas of north and central Somalia continues to deteriorate, the March Food Security Report includes updated analysis (of the Flash produced by FSAU in conjunction with FEWS-Net, issued Februay 25) based on new information gathered at a workshop held in Bossaso with FSAU Field Monitors (March 7 2004). Areas in 'Humanitarian Emergency' are now extended to cover most of Garowe and the north western part of Eyl districts. Areas in 'Livelihood Crisis' are now expanded to cover Burtinle, Eyl and most of Gardo districts. See page 2 and 3 of the attached report for more in depth analysis.

Update on extent of pastoral crises in Northern and Central Somalia : An estimated 95,000 pastoralists (10% of the area's population) are currently facing a "Humanitarian Emergency", with another 123,000 in a "Livelihood Crisis" (13% of area's population). Emergency interventions are ongoing but significant targeting gaps exist. This recent analysis represents an expansion in area affected and numbers of vulnerable people from the analysis presented in the recent FSAU/FEWSNet Flash, issued February 25 2004. Page 2-3.

Early Warning. : If the Gu Rains fail (April--June), the situation will escalate to a large scale humanitarian emergency in severity and magnitude. Page 2. Gu Climate Forecast. : The thirteenth Climate Forum forecasts slight probabilities of normal to above normal Gu rainfall for Northern Somalia and normal to below normal rainfall for Central and Southern Somalia.

Deterioration in Food Insecurity in Northern and Central Regions of Somalia As Harsh Jilaal Continues: Update of FSAU Flash Issued February 25, 2004 The is an update of the Flash produced by FSAU in conjunction with FEWS-Net, issued Feb 25 2004, but which was based on information from January. This updated analysis is based on new information gathered during a consultative workshop held in Bossaso (March 7 2004) and consolidates new reports from the field including reports from: (1) FSAU field monitors and (2) the Rapid Drought Impact Mission conducted February 18-22 by the Puntland authorities, FOPAG and KAALO.

This analysis provides an updated `general picture' throughout affected pastoral areas, including total numbers of affected population and the comparability of degree of severity. Estimated numbers of people facing an Humanitarian Emergency and Livelihood Crisis (see Table 1 for description) are arrived at through consultation and field observation, and are `best' estimates given there have been no recent census and pastoral migration patterns are constantly changing (see Table 2 for district estimates).

EARLY WARNING SCENARIOS FOR GU RAINS

(A) If the Gu rains fail (April -June), this update serves as an early warning for a major humanitarian emergency in severity and magnitude throughout Northern and Central Somalia that would require major humanitarian interventions. (B) If the next rains do not fail, but are limited in coverage, interventions would still be required given the severity of the current situation, and might include animal trucking, livestock off-take schemes, and other livelihood support. (C) Even if the Gu rains are normal, pastoral livelihoods have been so weakened that interventions will still be required. One possible intervention that should be given consideration is the emergency re-stocking pack animals. With up to 80% loss of pack animals, even with good Gu rains, many households will be unable to return to their areas or migrate to areas where there is improved pasture and water. Other interventions to consider are the supply of emergency provision of plastic sheeting for shelters for the weak livestock, as rains can lead to high rates of mortality for weak and emancipated livestock. (D) Regardless of the outcome of the Gu, pastoralist livelihoods are on a new trajectory for the foreseeable future and further in depth analysis is required to better understand the changes occurring within the pastoral system.

Introduction

The number of livestock exported from Berbera and Bossaso ports decreased significantly in February as compared to January. The number of shoats (sheep and goats) exports decreased by 79% in Berbera and 38% in Bossaso, while cattle exports decreased by 36% in both ports. This decrease, however, was expected as January was the peak period in livestock demand for the Haj and the Adhaa. Exportation of live animals from Bossaso has increased dramatically since 2001 despite the prolonged drought in the northern and central regions (Figure 12). In addition, live animal exports from Bossaso port have recovered from the livestock ban that was imposed by the Saudi authorities and other Persian Gulf States in 1998. By late 2003, all Gulf States except Saudi Arabia had lifted the livestock ban. Currently, the main importers of Somali livestock are Yemen and UAE, followed by Oman, and other small Gulf States.

SOOL REGION

There are no improvements Sool Plateau FEZ and the region remains in a state of humanitarian emergency. As the dry season progresses crucial resources of pasture and water are scarce. Berkeds are empty and the main Awr-bowgays borehole is not functioning. The current water shortage triggered new water trucking schemes and the price of water has gone from $1.3 to $2.2/drum this month. The area hosted a large influx of in-migrated herds, since December, which has over pressured limited resources. In-migrated livestock are likely to remain in the area until the next Gu season. Sales of shoats, charcoal burning, remittances and loans are the main income sources available at the moment. Almost all poor and middle households have limited access to daily food intake and food aid whether from local organizations or aid agencies are the main sources of food. Immunization programme of children under-five years and distribution of BP5 to malnourished children is underway. In the Nugal Valley, water is available and accessible throughout the valley, with the main sources being hand dug wells, shallow wells and streams. The lower segment of Nugal valley, parts of Las Anod and all of Taleh districts, continue to face an emergency food security situation. Pasture is scarce and livestock condition is poor. An increasing number of livestock who moved to Hawd eco-zone in December last year are now beginning to return to the area because of limited water availability in the Hawd. Upper Nugal Valley, northwest of Las Anod town, is better than Lower Nugal, but is being closely monitoring due to the alarming state of the pasture. A large number of the local herders have moved to the northern edge of the valley in Ail Afweyn district of Sanaag. In Hawd FEZ, the overall livelihood conditions are relatively better. However, local people are feeling the pinch of water shortage, especially in western Hawd. Most of the Hawd indigenous herds showed improvements in condition, while livestock in-migrated from Nugal Valley do not.

AWDAL AND NORTH WEST

The food security situation of all the FEZ of the two regions is normal to above normal. Coastal, subcoastal, Highlands, and Hawd pastoralists received good amounts of rainfall in February. More rain is expected in the coastal, sub-coastal and also the Golis highlands as they are still in Hays, therefore rain is expected to continue through March. In the Agropastoral zones, the Jilaal season was mitigated by the good rains received during the Karan season and the off-season rains of December 03. These rains, therefore, shortened the long dry season of Jilaal by improving pasture and water availability and accessibility.

Livestock that has migrated in from other regions in Somalia and Zone Five of Ethiopia are still in the coastal areas and are expected to remain until rains fall in their permanent settlements. Milk production in the rained areas showed improvement when compared to last month. Milk prices were low due to increased supply. Political tension between the two Northern administrations increased Berbera Port activity as business people shifted their trade from Bossaso to Berbera. Vessels carrying different items (food and non-food items) have arrived in Berbera Port this month, which has led to an increase in the purchasing power in the urban areas. Berbera port figures indicated a reduction in the number of animals exported as compared to last month. This is expected, however, since last month coincided with the Haj, the peak period for livestock exports. See livestock export article on page 5. Finally, a locust assessment was made by EMPRES member countries, Djibouti and Somaliland authorities in the coastal and sub-coastal belts in mid-February . There is currently little cause for concern although some isolated, solitary adults were observed. Although there is no cause for alarm, the locust situation should be continued to be monitored closely.

TOGDHEER AND SANAAG

In the Sool Plateau of Sanaag region this month, a large number of pastoral households who moved to Bari region last December returned to their home areas. Those who could afford to, hired trucks to transport the animals, as their animals were too weak and many had lost their pack-camels. Livestock deaths have increased and abnormally high abortion rates in different localities within the affected plateau have been reported. All berkeds and balleys in the plateau are completely empty and the yield of boreholes has declined to below normal levels due to the effects of the prolonged drought. Water prices have increased dramatically and a large-scale water trucking is ongoing throughout the plateau. Pastoralist's cereal reserves have declined since they have had to convert a large portion of their income to buy water for human and livestock consumption. Normal income sources are being depleted (milk sales) and social support among pastoral households is drastically reduced. Many destitute and very poor households are experiencing food shortages and serious income deficits. In the Hawd of Toghdeer, the vast majority of pastorals who migrated to Zone V of Ethiopia when the Deyr rains failed, have not yet returned and are not expected to return until the Gu rains begin. It is estimated that 2,000-2,500 households returned back to areas between Hji Salah and Dabagorayaalle, which were less affected by drought than the eastern part of the Hawd of Togdheer. The pastoralists who either failed to move or returned to the affected areas for various reasons are in a state of food insecurity compounded by acute water shortage. Many villages in Hawd are abandoned and many villagers and some of the poor pastoralists moved to big urban centres like Burao.

Among other things, the AU focuses on the promotion of peace, security and stability within the continent. Further, the AU defends African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples; promotes democratic principles and good governance and protects human rights in accordance with the African Charter of Human Rights and promotes sustainable development at the economic, social and cultural level in order to raise the living standards of the African peoples. The AU commission that comprises of the chairperson, deputy chairperson, eight commissioners and staff members is the most important organ that plays a central role in the day-to day management such as preparing state studies, defending the interests of the people, maintaining peace and security, preventing conflicts, combating terrorism defending human rights, democracy, good governance, electoral institutions, civil society, humanitarian affairs etc. Taking into consideration all the above-mentioned duties and responsibilities of the AU, it is pertinent to ask the following question: Thus far, what did the AU do in fulfilling its mandates some of which are already mentioned above <br> - What did it do to safeguard the most fundamental question: the will of people to decide their destiny <br> - With regard to the Republic of Somaliland, what did the AU do to fulfill its mandate of addressing the fundamental question of the people of the Republic of Somaliland in determining their destiny <br> - Here, it is important to note that it is not the sole responsibility of the AU alone to assess the objective reality of Somaliland and come up with tangible and workable solutions. The Community in general and the United Nations Security Council in particular must assist as well. However, the AU as the sole representative of the African Continent must take the leading role. It must at least bring the agenda of the Republic of Somaliland to the table, it must ask the people of Somaliland what their aspiration is and generally, the AU must be at the forefront to comprehend the different issues revolving around the Horn of Africa in general and that of Somaliland in particular. It must find a lasting solution to the injustice done on Somaliland. In that regard, The AU must address the most fundamental question that the people of Somaliland are asking: the question of self-determination.

The notion of self-determination is a phenomenon of human motivation concerned with development and functioning of personality within the social context. It is the degree to which people endorse their actions at the highest level of reflection and engage in the actions with a full sense of choice. Self-determination addresses basic psychological needs, which are innate, universal and essential for growth and well being of a society. Since people are active organisms with innate tendencies towards growth and development, they strive to master ongoing challenges and to integrate their experiences into a coherent sense of self. However, this natural tendency requires ongoing nursery and support from the international community in general and organizations such as the AU and UN in particular in order to function effectively. The international community in general and organizations such as those mentioned above can either support or thwart peoples' natural tendencies towards growth and development. To deny a society of those basic and fundamental rights is to deny society's basic psychological needs that are a natural aspect of human being that apply to all people regardless of nationality, gender, race, group or culture. The people of Somaliland are simply asking the international community to understand them on their quest to grow and develop as people and to deny that fundamental human rights issue is unjust.

Here are some of the facts vis-.-vis the Republic of Somaliland that the AU must consider and take a stand for:

The Republic of Somaliland after more than seven decades as a British protectorate, got its independence in June 1960 and soon after five days of its independence, united with Italian Somalia. Following the collapse of the Somali government in 1991, Somaliland announced the dissolution of the 1960 union and declared its independence from Somalia on May 18, 1991.

Somaliland receives no bilateral or multilateral support from governments or non-governments alike. There is no material support from anywhere. There is no IMF or World Bank support. The AU did nothing to maintain the already existing peace, security, and democratization and good governance in Somaliland. On the other hand however, the international community is spending millions of dollars to help the various factions in the South in a name of unification or reconciliation that never got any momentum and failed time and time again

Somaliland suffered enormously under the brutal Said Bare's dictatorship, its people flee as refugees everywhere, every infrastructure-school, hospitals, roads, telecommunication, etc. were destroyed and devastated to the core and the remnants are there for exhibit.

The AU must recognize that respect for the wish of the people is a fundamental human rights issue and that must be respected.

Somaliland and Somalia were two different countries with two different colonial powers, and clearly defined international boundaries. Somaliland got its independence on the 26th June 1960, four days before their brothers in Somalia. Somalia got its independence on 1st July 1960.

The joint two Houses of parliament never ratified the Act of Union, between the two States Somaliland and Somalia. Ratification of the Act of Union was a must but was never done.

Nobody held a referendum in Somaliland, to see whether the people in the country wanted to cease being a separate independent State. Since there was no referendum or a sharing of power, it was annexation of Somaliland by Somalia. This most daring case of Pax Somalia over Somaliland made the Union, immoral and void.

Somaliland's resounding rejection of the constitution in the referendum of 1961 was an abrogation of the Union. The Union of the two states hinged on both parties accepting the constitution as the vehicle for unity. 80% of the people of Somaliland voted "No".

Article 1, of the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and duties of States, signed on December 26, 1933 provides that the state should possess a permanent population, a defined territory, a government and the capacity to enter into a relation with other states. Somaliland has all the stated qualifications. Somaliland has the backing of the OAU Cairo resolution of 1964, which has ratified sanctity of inherited colonial boundaries in Africa.

The bombardment and destruction of Hargesa, the killing of innocent civilians in the thousands by an army manned and officered by Southerners, under instructions from a southern-led government has doomed the moral legitimacy of the union. The Union died on the day of the bombardment of Hargesa with a population of over a million, with no for-warning to the people to leave the city. It was the first of its kind in Africa or probably the whole world. Over 50,000 civilians, mostly women and children died in that bombardment.

The AU must appreciate and support the expeditious recovery process that Somaliland managed to achieve without any support. Further, the AU must appreciate and support to maintain the peace and reconciliation process that has been successfully put into place in Somaliland.

The AU must recognize and support the new constitutional referendum that was held on 31st May 2001, which affirmed inter alia that Somaliland would be governed, by democratic multi-party system of government.

The AU must recognize and support the local council election that was concluded on 15th December, 2002, the Presidential election that was held on 14th April 2003 and the Parliamentary election planned for 2004.

The time has come for the AU to live up to its expectations and do the right thing and the right thing is to clearly understand the prevailing conditions, expectations and aspirations of the people of Somaliland and come up with a judicious solution. The only judicious way of resolving the Somaliland question is to acknowledge, recognize and respect the will of the people to grow, progress and develop. The AU must ask the people of Somaliland what they want. In that regard, the AU must once and for all solve its obstinate dilemmas vis-.-vis the Republic of Somaliland and let the Republic of Somaliland join the community of nations. The fundamental right of the people of Somaliland for self-determination must be respected sooner than later.

The state of Somalia has collapsed since 1991 with no central government. The Republic of Somaliland have reclaimed their sovereignty on 18 May 1991. The so called unlawful and political union between the independent Republic of Somaliland and Somalia ( Italy Somalia) in 1960 to form The Somali State was nullified. According to Jack L. Davies "Lawyers have pointed out that this bilateral precipitous reunification between Somaliland and Southern Somalia was never legally completed. It is therefore legally improper to speak of "secession" today, since reunification was never legally completed. This is like a marriage being "annulled" because it was never consummated, rather than a "divorce" to dissolve a legal marriage".1 This also means that according to the Vienna convention on the law of treaties it fell short as a valid treaty recognizable under the international law.

As a result Somaliland reclaimed her sovereignty rights, its territorial integrity and its separate national identity with its original defined borders inherited from the United Kingdom of Britain and the Republic of Ireland.

The rebirth of the Sate of Somaliland confirms with the AU charter since Somaliland has reclaimed her independence within the boundaries inherited from the colonial borders of the Ex-British Somaliland. The OAU in its resolution -AHG/REG. 161, provided for a pledge by all member states to respect the boundaries existing on their achievement of national independence. In reality Somaliland was a state within a state.

The state of Somaliland was a British Protectorate under the British rule from 1884 until 26th June 1960 and as a result got its independence on 26th June 1960 from the United Kingdom of Britain and the Republic of Ireland. After gaining independence immediately 35 countries recognised Somaliland including Eygpt who are now opposing the independence of Somaliland.

Somaliland has fulfilled all the legal and political requirements of statehood. According to article 2 of the U.N. charter, Somaliland has fulfilled the legal requirements of statehood. In addition, Somaliland has a constitution, currency, flag, national anthem, a legislative body, functioning judiciary, military army and a democratic elected government.

The recent visit of the UK Select Committee for Development in Somaliland and the warm welcome extended by the people of SL was a historical and emotional one for all Somalilanders living both in Somaliland and across the globe. It brought to light how the nation of Somaliland have been forgotten for the last 14 years and left on their own to fend for themselves.

Since 1991 The Republic of Somaliland have successfully managed to rebuild their nation from next to nothing with minimum assistance from the community. They have established peace and the rule of law. Professor, Iqbal Jhazbhay in his remarkable essay "SOMALILAND Africa's best kept secret, A challenge to the international community'"2 describes the success that The Republic of Somaliland have achieved on their own as well as the challenges that the community needs to address.

Somaliland must continue to build on the success achieved so far to tackle globalisation. We must tackle and address issues related to globalisation from bottom up so that ideas that are generated at grass root level can have immediate impact at the top levels. This will also contribute to the vision that Africa must help itself in order to survive in the 21st century.

For the first time in its entire history Somaliland has established a virtual university and two other universities built with the help of the Diaspora. Not to mention that the private business and economy is also growing. Edna Maternity Hospital a beacon hospital for Africa has also been built which have reduced the mortality rate of Somaliland babies significantly. We need more of this success in order for Somaliland to advance both locally and globally.

Africa has come down to its knees due to poor leadership, shortage of experts, professionals and committed leaders who can lead this continent towards the 21st century. High illiteracy, poverty, lack of awareness and high death due to HIV and aids is a daily problem to the average person living in Africa. It is time Africa finds its own home grown solutions to tackle these dire issues.

For almost half a century Africa has not advanced its education in an age where technology has advanced beyond one's imagnination in the Rich North countries creating a legacy of digital divide apartheid. The average person living in Africa does not have access to the Internet to gain basic education through this humble technology. Especially when the average person is poor and lives on less than a dollar day. One can see the disparity that exists between those rich nations in the north and the poor nations in the South.

Granting developmental aid to the Republic of Somaliland will speed significantly the pace of development in Somaliland. Somaliland have the capacity, the man/woman power, expertise and so on to rebuild their country. Somaliland Forum the official Diaspora organisation has been tirelessly lobbying to the G8 and world leaders to help Somaliland gain recognition so that Somaliland can have direct access to development and reconstruction aid. SL Forum's published report entitled "An Open Letter to the G-8 Leaders"3 outlines how SL can help themselves with a little help from the community. This also supports the millennium goals to tack le global poverty as well as His Excellency Tony Blair's recent initiative on 'Africa action-plan'.

Somaliland Forum is a beacon organisation with membership from across the globe. It is also the official Diaspora organisation of Somaliland. The members have different backgrounds and expertise whose main objectives are to help Somaliland seek recognition from the community, develop and advance Somaliland both globally and locally with the aid of the internet.

Somaliland suffers from a lot of obstacles. Since Somaliland declared her independence in 1991 the community has not only ignored Somaliland's claim to independence but draws no attention between Somaliland and Somalia. This prolonged non-recognition has not changed the mind of the people of Somaliland but only caused more unbearable hardships both physically and mentally on the people of Somaliland.

Bilateral donors have not been very forthcoming to provide assistance to Somaliland, for fear of providing assistance could suggest diplomatic recognition for Somaliland. The non-recognition so far not only blocked the access to bilateral, multi-lateral financial loans and grants for development but is also illegal. These illegal and immoral sanctions have increased Somaliland's infant mortality, malnutrition, tuberculosis and other poverty related social-ills.

The international community has failed to realise that Somaliland's economy remains devastated with infrastructure that collapsed beyond repair. Thousands of refugees have returned to Somaliland on their own with no help for their immediate and future needs. This again has put a great burden on the economy of Somaliland which is scarred by war created by the brutal regime of Siad Barre with history of systematic genocide that has not been addressed to date.

Since 1991 two main players have been competing to form a central government in Somalia unsuccessfully. The first being war lords who committed gross human violations against humanity and are a scar on the conscious of good people extending humanity to this part of Africa. Secondly the Arta Group who are basically a restoration of Siad Barre's Regime who doesn't even control any territory apart from Mogadishu the capital of Somalia.

The community has discriminated against Somaliland's case and totally diverted their energy to reviving a failed state by pouring millions of aid to peace initiatives that have been going on for the last 14 years. What is ironic about these conferences according to a report entitled 'Aid could be doing more harm than good'4 is that the EU has spent $8 million on the last 14th peace initiative conference and also the number of warlords have increased from three in 1993 to 50 a decade later. Surely the tax payers money of EU citizens could be spent more wisely.

The Community also fails to realise that once Somaliland is recognised as an Independent State a lot of the problems facing Somalia will be resolved. In order for a nation to exist as a statehood the first thing they must do is to maintain law and order. So far that has not happened in Somalia. The warlords and the TNG of Somalia are so far opposing aggressively to any peace and nation building initiatives that will in the long term build a peaceful statehood in Somalia. These groups have used every trick in the humanity book to stall the peace process as well as covering up their pass genocide under the banner of Somali Unity. Basically, these groups are opportunists and power hungry Siad Barre cronies who represent no one but their self interests.

The international Community has an obligation to respect the historical and the self-determination of the people of Somaliland. Somaliland has fulfilled all the requirements of statehood as well as adhering to internationally accepted norms of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Hence it is incumbent and morally right on the Community to recognise the Republic of Somaliland as an independent State without any further delay.

Lulu Farah, Chairwoman of SIRAG, www.sirag.org.uk, email: siraguk@hotmail.com

Notes:

1. Reunification of the Somali People Jack L.Davies. http://www.civicwebs.com/cwvlib/africa/somalia/1995/reunification/chapter_1.htm#1.4
2. "SOMALILAND Africa's best kept secret, A challenge to the international community'" Professor, Iqbal Jhazbhay, http://www.sirag.org.uk/sl-asr.pdf
3 Somaliland Forum, Press Release Friday July 5, 2000 Ref. SF/EC-051-2002, An Open Letter to theG-8 Leaders. http://www.somalilandforum.com/slf/press_release/20020705_slf_ec-051-2002.htm
4. "Aid could be doing more harm" by Dr. Greg Mills the director of SA Institute of Affairs, published this report on South African Sunday Independent, 2 November 2003, of editorial page 9. Dr. Greg Mills has been researching in Somaliland.

Gender: Call for worldwide ban of FGM

Gathered in the Parisian Congress Palace, the NGOs arranged an international colloquium with support of the United Nation's agencies for women (UNIFEM) and for children (UNICEF). Both agencies are involved in the fight against the practice. FGM is widely condemned by international health experts as damaging to both physical and psychological health.

The representative of French committee of UNICEF, Bernadette Puiseux, appealed for the international application of legal frameworks to address the FGM practice, supporting a global ban. According to Mrs. Puiseux, France is involved in several bilateral programmes with African countries that aim to eradicate the FGM practice.

France currently finances four African national programmes concerning women's health, basic women's sexuality rights and reproductive health. These programmes, sponsored with 2,2 billion Francs over to years, primarily address the fight against FGM in Benin, Burkina Faso, C"te d'Ivoire and Mali, francophone countries where FGM is widespread. In Benin, estimations of the amount of women undergoing FGM range between 5 and 50 percent, the numbers for Burkina Faso being up to 70 percent, C"te d'Ivoire 60 percent and Mali over 90 percent.

While FGM traditionally not has been practiced in Europe, its prevalence has increased over the last decades due to immigration from countries were it is practiced. Numbers presented at the Paris colloquium suggested that at least 30,000 women living in France have undergone FGM. Female "circumcision", as FGM misleadingly often is called, is outlawed in France, as in several European countries.

Specific laws prohibiting all or some forms of the practice, however, exist only in three European countries - Sweden, Norway and the United Kingdom. In the rest of Europe, there are only general laws prohibiting serious bodily injury without making specific reference to FGM. Sweden introduced the legislation by prohibiting health professionals from performing the operation in 1982. The United Kingdom outlawed the practice in 1985 by passing the Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act. Norway followed the example of these countries in 1998. In Sweden and Norway, those assisting to FGM can also be prosecuted if the "operation" is made abroad.

Some African nations have introduced legislation to ban FGM. These include Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic, Djibouti, Egypt, Ghana, Kenya, Somalia, Togo and Senegal, which banned the practice in 1999. Other countries, such as The Gambia, claim that FGM is "a part of the country's culture" (President Yaya Jammeh, as quoted in February 2000). Although outlawed in many countries, these laws mostly are not enforced, so that in Somalia and Djibouti, still some 98% of girls aging 7 years or older have undergone FGM.

Anti-FGM legislation however proves a useful tool for NGOs fighting to curb the practice in the African field. Rana Badri, who has worked actively against FGM in Sudan, told afrol.com that there is a need for legislation to protect campaigners and to support the content of anti-FGM campaigns if these are to succeed. "I support passing legislation against FGM to protect young girls and campaigners, not - only to prosecute parents (as many of the opposers of the legislations against FGM argue)," Badri said.

- In The Gambia, campaigners life was under attack by the president and there were no laws to protect them or support their cause, Badri said. "When I was campaigning in Sudan, some of my friends heading awareness raising campaigns in rural Sudan were detained/sent away/threatened by authorities in local communities because they were aware that these campaigns will touch on the issue of FGM. The police were not able to protect them because there were no laws against the practice."

In Europe, the countries having specific legislation against FGM note significant success in campaigning against the practice. This week, the Norwegian Somali Council (an NGO promoting Somali immigrants/refugees in Norway), gave its support to the launch of a new campaign promoting surgery to "re-open" mutilated female genitals. The Norwegian Somali society had been under subsistent pressure to enter into an open dialogue on the practice, after the Norwegian press reported on the high incidence of the illegal practice among people of Somali origin.

- It is ok to recommend the re-opening of darned women, said Saeed Hersi, vice-president of the Norwegian Somali Council on 15 March. "But they must be given the opportunity to choose themselves and other must not put pressure on them." Courageous 22-years-old Saynab Mohamud, a Somali girl living in Norway, has been publicly promoting the re-opening of mutilated female genitals, which she did herself some years ago. Frequently, she experiences being called "prostitute" from fellow, male African immigrants, but increasingly she is met by girls of African origin, praising her for her courage.

The president will also be accompanied by his Foreign Affairs minister Ms Edna Adan Ismail, minister of Finance Awil Ali Duale, Information minister Abdillahi Mohamed Duale and Planning minister, Ahmed Haji Dahir.

Mr. Rayale has reportedly been extended an official invitation from British legislators and he is expected to address the UK House of Commons on the 17th of March.

It is not yet known whether he will be received during the visit by British Prime-minister Tony Blair. But a number of high-ranking members of the Blair government are expected to hold talks with him.

During his visit to Britain, President Rayale will seek UK's support for Somaliland's diplomatic recognition. The Somaliland leader will also request larger British assistance for Somaliland's on-going developmental and reconstruction efforts.

President Rayale is likely to convey to British officials his government's concerns over the dangers posed by extremist elements to his country's security and the East Africa region as a whole, especially in light of recent events in Somaliland.

The forthcoming event has been widely publicized on the Internet and discussed in many Somaliland cyber-debate forums. In addition, a computer generated standard text message has been disseminated to hundreds of mobile phones held by Somalilanders in the UK. The idea is to spread the news about the president to as many people as possible. I have received one such message yesterday from a unanimous sender without asking and it read as "Support the recognition of Somaliland on the 17/03/04 at 3pm in front of Whitehall opposite number 10 Downing Street. BE THERE or BE SQUARED. Pass it on." I have passed the message to 10 other people and so on.

The event is drawing attention from other Somaliland communities in Diaspora. For instance Somaliland supporters living in countries such as Germany, France, Denmark and the Netherlands are said to have already began organizing themselves in order to take part in the rally. Buses and Coaches are being hired or booked for hire to transport hundreds of enchanted supporters to London for this worthwhile event.

According to reliable sources in Toronto, Canada, negotiation is already underway for more than 150 people to charter a private airliner to fly them to the UK for the event.

Since Somaliland declared its independence 14 years ago, President Rayale's trip is the first ever State Visit by any Somaliland president, and according to organizers, this is expected to be the biggest demonstration to be staged in Britain by an East African country.

On other hand, tensions are mounting due to the possibility that pockets of anti-Somaliland Somalis may try to counter-demonstrate against the visit by president Rayale and his delegation in the UK though the anticipated scale is much more less than that of the pro-Somaliland rally.

Mohamed Aden, who is one of the organizers, told me that they expect some extremist pan-Somali groups from the South to try to undermine the prospects of Somaliland being accorded such enhanced diplomatic status. Mr. Aden also expressed concern that the presence of such groups in a highly charged atmosphere may trigger violent confrontation between the two rallying sides, and urged Somaliland supporters not to react to any provocation that could lead to all-out war in the streets of London. We will keep you informed of new developments as this drama unfolds and Rayale begins his search for international recognition.

HAVOYOCO leaders, Omer Sh Osman Essa, Mohamed Elmi and Mohamed Omer Mohamed who have been involved in emergency relief efforts in the eastern parts of Somaliland say that pastoralist communities in those areas are in need of water, food and medicine.

The 3 HAVOYOCO officers returned a few days ago to Hargeisa from an extensive trip to the worst affected areas in Togdheer, Sool and Sanag. HAVOYOCO has, since January, been taking part in distribution of water and food to drought victims in Togdheer in collaboration with SCF/USA, Oxfam GB, Candle Light and the National Research and Disaster Preparedness Authority (NEPAD). HAVOYOCO's drought relief operations are funded by NOVIB and Christian-Aid.

In the last two months, HAVOYOCO has delivered the following detailed support to communities in the drought-affected areas in Togdheer Region (funded by NOVIB).

In Sanaag region HAVOYOCO and SCF USA team assessed around 15 villages and distributed water for 7 villages. HAVOYOCO and SCF-USA mobilized drought relief coordination meetings in the region.

While thanking all the organizations and individuals that have been involved in the emergency relief effort, HAVOYOCO leaders stressed that more action was needed locally and internationally to avert the situation in drought-affected areas from developing into a humanitarian catastrophe.

The funds were reportedly meant to be used for improving in-patient services at the only two mental public clinics in the country; one located in the capital Hargeisa and the other in the port city of Berbera.

The grant money was understood to have been released by Comic Relief into an account held by SORAG with the London branch of the well-known remittances company, Dahabshiil.

However an amount of o47,000 was withdrawn from this account via a personal cheque issued purportedly by an authorized SORAG officer. The remaining funds of o33,000 were transferred to Dahabshiil Hargeisa in favor of one of SORAG's associates who was believed to have cashed the money after arriving here from London.

According to sources within the Somaliland Community living in London, Dahabshiil London has confirmed the two payment transactions concerning the SORAG account. It was not possible for the Somaliland Times to establish contact with Dahabshiil Hargeisa yesterday as offices remained closed for the Friday weekend holiday. However Mr. Ahmed Omer Hersi, the director of the Mental Health department at the Somaliland ministry of Health, told the Somaliland Times yesterday that neither of the two mental clinics in Hargeisa and Berbera, has ever received any assistance from SORAG.

Mr. Hersi who was reached by telephone said, "We have not received any funds or any other form of assistance from SORAG." He acknowledged that on a number of occasions in the past SORAG made some contacts with local health authorities. "The assumption was that they were busy trying to bring help," the mental health director commented.

Meanwhile, Farhan Adan Haybe, the executive director of GAVO, a local NGO that runs the Berbera mental clinic, said his organization was first approached by SORAG more than one year and a half ago. Mr. Haybe said his organization was visited by a man called Fouad Jama who claimed to be from SORAG. According to Haybe, Fouad Jama convinced GAVO to apply through SORAG for Comic Relief assistance in support of the Berbera Mental Clinic operations. GAVO's Haybe said the funds never arrived even after Fouad told them during a brief visit to Hargeisa in 2003 that the application for the grant was accepted by Comic Relief and that the was going to West Africa for training on mental health program management with an organization called Basic Needs. He also disclosed that GAVO was contacted several months ago by a man from Comic Relief